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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/are-the-benefits-of-psychedelics-exaggerated-a-new-study-highlights-the-problem-of-selection-bias/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Are the benefits of psychedelics exaggerated? A new study highlights the problem of selection bias</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 12th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A study comparing psychedelic enthusiasts and people from the general population (who also had psychedelic experiences) found that the enthusiasts tended to report much greater positive quality-of-life effects. The enthusiasts also showed higher openness, extraversion, and agreeableness. This indicates that recruitment strategies in psychedelic research that lean towards including enthusiasts may shape the outcomes obtained in those studies. The paper was published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2026.2644856"><em>Journal of Psychoactive Drugs</em></a>.</p>
<p>Psychedelic drugs are substances that can strongly alter perception, mood, thinking, and the sense of self. They may change how people experience colors, sounds, time, memories, emotions, and the meaning of events. Classic psychedelics include LSD, psilocybin from “magic mushrooms,” DMT, and mescaline. These substances mainly act on serotonin receptors in the brain.</p>
<p>In research settings, psychedelics are being studied for possible therapeutic use in conditions such as depression, PTSD, anxiety, and substance use disorders. Their effects depend heavily on dose, personality, expectations, mental state, physical setting, and social support. Psychedelics can also carry risks, including panic, confusion, dangerous behavior during intoxication, worsening of some psychiatric conditions, and legal consequences where they are prohibited.</p>
<p>Study author Jonathan Bendz and his colleagues noted that many studies of psychedelic users report extraordinarily positive self-reported effects. However, they suggest that this might represent an exaggeration of the real effects caused by biased selection, or even self-selection, of study participants. The issue is that the effects of psychedelics can only be tested on individuals who agree to use them. These participants tend to be individuals who have already had especially positive experiences with psychedelic use.</p>
<p>To examine this hypothesis, these researchers conducted a study comparing whether the self-reported quality-of-life impact of psychedelic experiences differed between a convenience sample of psychedelic enthusiasts and a group of people from the general population recruited via Prolific. They also wanted to see whether the difference between the two groups remained after controlling for mindset, setting, motivation to use psychedelic drugs, and personality traits.</p>
<p>The enthusiast group consisted of 583 individuals recruited through an anonymous survey posted on the Facebook and Instagram pages of a Swedish nonprofit organization that disseminates information about psychedelic science (Nätverket för Psykedelisk Vetenskap). A snowball sampling approach was used to reach more participants. The general population group consisted of 599 individuals recruited via Prolific (an online survey platform). They were required to have prior psychedelic experience, but were not recruited from a specific psychedelic community.</p>
<p>Study participants completed assessments of the quality-of-life impact of their psychedelic experiences (e.g., “How has your most meaningful psychedelic experience affected the quality of your relationship with… family, friends, yourself, society, and nature?”). They also answered questions regarding their mindset and physical setting during the experience (“To what extent did you experience your mindset/environment to be optimal?”), their motivation (“What was your motivation for using a psychedelic substance?”), and their personality (using the IPIP-NEO-30 assessment).</p>
<p>Results showed that the psychedelic enthusiasts tended to report a much higher quality-of-life impact from their psychedelic experiences compared to the Prolific group. The enthusiast group also reported having a more optimal mindset and setting during their trips, and they were more likely to report taking the drugs for personal growth rather than for fun. Finally, the enthusiasts tended to be more open to new experiences, extraverted, and agreeable than the participants from the Prolific group.</p>
<p>Even after using a statistical model to account for these differences in personality, mindset, setting, and motivation, simply belonging to the enthusiast group remained the strongest predictor of reporting a high quality-of-life impact. </p>
<p>“As expected, participants recruited from an enthusiast-leaning channel reported considerably greater benefits [of psychedelic use] than those recruited from a general-population platform. Even after controlling for mindset, setting, motivation, and personality, sample membership remained the strongest predictor of quality-of-life impact,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>“The persistent effect of sample membership suggests that the two groups differ in additional ways not captured by our measures, for example in cultural expectations, social context, or demographic composition, shaping reported outcomes. These results underscore the need for caution when interpreting findings from psychedelic studies that rely on highly engaged user populations.”</p>
<p>The study sheds light on important methodological issues that studies of psychedelic effects face. However, the authors note some limitations. For example, the two groups had demographic differences; the general sample was overwhelmingly from the United States, while the enthusiast sample lacked country-of-residence data for most participants (though a portion resided in Sweden). This introduces the possibility of cross-cultural differences influencing the results. </p>
<p>Additionally, it should be noted that the Prolific sample likely included many psychedelic enthusiasts as well. Because of this, the difference between the two groups in this study likely underestimates the true difference between the general population and psychedelic enthusiasts.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2026.2644856">Selection Bias in Psychedelic Research: Comparing Self-Reported Quality-Of-Life Impact Between Enthusiasts and a General Population Sample,</a>” was authored by Jonathan Bendz, Linus Schäfer, David Sjöström, Sverker Sikström, and Petri Kajonius.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/threatening-mens-masculinity-does-not-make-them-more-politically-conservative-new-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Threatening men’s masculinity does not make them more politically conservative, new study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 12th 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/XPS.2025.10027" target="_blank">Journal of Experimental Political Science</a></em> suggests that threatening a man’s sense of masculinity might not cause him to adopt more conservative or stereotypically masculine political beliefs. By testing thousands of participants across the United States, researchers found no consistent evidence that making men feel insecure about their gender identity changes their political attitudes. </p>
<p>In both popular culture and politics, many commentators assert that society is experiencing a crisis of masculinity. Some politicians have even made this idea a central part of their campaign platforms, suggesting that traditional men are under attack. Sociologists and psychologists sometimes attribute the growth in far-right extremism and resistance to women’s equality to a concept known as masculinity threat. Masculinity threat is the theory that manhood is a precarious, unstable status that men must constantly earn and defend. </p>
<p>According to this theory, womanhood is often viewed as a natural biological development, while masculine identity is understood to be more fragile. When men feel their gender identity is challenged, they tend to overcompensate by engaging in extreme demonstrations of stereotypical masculinity. This overcompensation can manifest as physical aggression or increased risk-taking. Some scientists suggest it can also influence a person’s social and political viewpoints. </p>
<p>To test this idea, a highly cited 2013 study measured how men reacted when their masculinity was questioned in a laboratory setting. That original study found that men who experienced a gender identity threat tended to express more support for war, homophobia, and dominance over other groups. The authors of that older study reasoned that endorsing conservative views allows men to reaffirm their gender identity. </p>
<p>Because the 2013 paper became highly influential, the scientists behind the new study wanted to see if they could reproduce those original findings. Replicating older studies is an ordinary part of the scientific process, providing evidence regarding whether previous discoveries hold up under different conditions. </p>
<p>“This article is a replication of a highly cited study published in the American Journal of Sociology,” explained study author Claire Gothreau, a postdoctoral researcher at the Rockefeller Center for Public Policy and the Social Sciences at Dartmouth College. “I’ve always found the idea of ‘masculinity threat’ both fascinating and compelling, but I wondered whether the relationship identified in the original study would hold up in a more representative sample.”</p>
<p>Gothreau, who will join the faculty at Lebanon Valley College as an assistant professor in August 2026, noted the cultural timing of the work. “Given the current cultural conversation around masculinity and the so-called ‘masculinity crisis,’ it felt like an especially important moment to revisit and rigorously test these claims,” she said.</p>
<p>The researchers conducted their new experiment using a nationally representative sample of 2,774 American adults, which included 2,073 men. They specifically oversampled men because the theory of masculinity threat focuses primarily on male reactions and male insecurities. Participants were randomly divided into different groups and asked to complete an online survey. The survey was designed to measure how strongly participants identified with a variety of masculine and feminine personality traits. </p>
<p>After taking the personality survey, participants in the main experimental group received randomly generated, deceptive feedback. Men in this group were falsely told that their scores fell into the feminine range, while women were told their scores were in the masculine range. This false feedback was designed to induce a sense of gender threat. Another group of participants received accurate feedback that simply placed them in the average range for their gender, acting as a control group for baseline comparison. </p>
<p>To improve upon the 2013 research, the scientists added two new experimental conditions to their study. In one group, participants received feedback that was only slightly altered from their real scores. The researchers included this condition to make the threat feel more realistic to people who might doubt a completely fake, extreme result. This helped ensure that participants actually believed the feedback they were reading. </p>
<p>In another group, participants took a popular culture trivia quiz and were told they performed poorly. This general knowledge threat was designed to test an alternative psychological explanation. The researchers wanted to see if people just become more conservative when they feel bad about themselves in general, rather than feeling specifically insecure about their gender. </p>
<p>After receiving their feedback, all participants answered a series of questions about their political and social views. The researchers measured their support for the Iraq War, their views on gay rights, and their desire to purchase a sports utility vehicle. They also measured participants’ preference for traditionalism, which is a desire to stick with known, safe routines rather than trying new things. </p>
<p>The survey also tested participants on their support for system justification and social dominance. System justification is the psychological tendency to defend and rationalize the current social and political system as fair and legitimate. Social dominance is the belief that some groups of people are naturally superior to others and should maintain control over inferior groups. </p>
<p>The scientists also included new questions to reflect modern political debates that were not as prominent in 2013. These updated questions asked participants about their views on transgender rights, legal immigration, and the legalization of marijuana. They also measured whether participants wanted to buy an electric car and if they supported preferential hiring policies to help women overcome past discrimination. </p>
<p>The researchers found no consistent evidence that experiencing a masculinity threat changed men’s political attitudes. “We really went into this being completely ambivalent about what the results would be, so I would say no, nothing surprised me about our results!” Gothreau said.</p>
<p>Men who were told they scored in the feminine range did not show increased support for the Iraq War or homophobia compared to men in the control group. They also did not show a greater desire to buy a sports utility vehicle or endorse more traditionalist beliefs. The alternative experimental conditions also failed to produce the expected changes in political beliefs.</p>
<p>While the study provides evidence that masculinity threat does not easily shift political beliefs, the scientists note a few potential limitations. “The first one is simply that the failed replication could be due to any number of design differences between the original study,” Gothreau explained. “These include things like timing, measurement, sample composition, and other subtle design details.”</p>
<p>She noted that while the team accounted for alternative explanations for the lack of an effect, they could not account for everything. Moving the experiment to an online format with a diverse, national sample might have changed how strongly participants felt the threat. It is possible that being told about a feminine test score face to face has a stronger emotional impact than reading the same feedback on a computer screen. </p>
<p>Gothreau also warned against broad conclusions based solely on this new data. “One potential misinterpretation would be concluding that ‘masculinity threat has no relevance to politics,'” she said. “That would go too far.”</p>
<p>“Other researchers, including Sarah DiMuccio and Eric Knowles, as well as Brian Harrison and Melissa Michelson, have found evidence linking masculinity threat to greater support for policies such as the death penalty, military aggression, and hostility toward transgender people,” Gothreau explained. “At this point, the broader evidence is mixed, which makes this an active and important area for continued research.”</p>
<p>Reflecting on the overall project, Gothreau highlighted two major takeaways for the public. “First, scientific findings do not always replicate, and that’s actually a normal and valuable part of science,” she said. “A failed replication doesn’t necessarily mean the original findings were ‘wrong.'”</p>
<p>Instead, replication studies help refine scientific theories by showing that certain effects might only emerge under specific conditions. </p>
<p>“Second, our findings suggest that we still have a great deal to learn about how masculinity shapes political beliefs and behavior,” Gothreau added. “The relationship appears to be more nuanced and context-dependent than is often assumed.”</p>
<p>Looking ahead, the researchers plan to continue investigating gender and politics from new angles. “I’m currently shifting from studying masculinity threat specifically to exploring how self-perceived masculinity relates to political attitudes, ideological orientations, and political participation more broadly,” Gothreau said. </p>
<p>She plans to focus on a concept she calls the masculinity gap. “I’m especially interested in what I call the ‘masculinity gap,’ the discrepancy between how masculine people see themselves and how masculine they ideally want to be, and whether that gap can help us better understand phenomena like political extremism, grievance politics, and anti-egalitarian attitudes,” she explained.</p>
<p>The researchers noted that conducting this kind of extensive testing requires substantial support. “This research would not have been possible without the grant we received from the Time-sharing Experiments in the Social Sciences grant, which is funded by the National Science Foundation,” Gothreau said. “Access to funding opportunities like these is absolutely critical for early-career researchers like myself, especially for conducting large-scale, high-quality public opinion research.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/XPS.2025.10027" target="_blank">A Replication and Extension of Willer et al. (2013), Overdoing Gender: A Test of the Masculine Overcompensation Thesis</a>,” was authored by Claire Gothreau and Nicholas Haas.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/ai-designed-drug-reduces-fentanyl-consumption-in-animal-models-by-targeting-serotonin-receptors/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">AI-designed drug reduces fentanyl consumption in animal models by targeting serotonin receptors</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 12th 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2516807123" target="_blank">Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences</a></em> suggests that a novel drug developed using artificial intelligence can significantly reduce fentanyl consumption in animal models. The experimental medication targets specific serotonin receptors in the brain to restore neural pathways altered by addiction. These findings provide evidence that this new compound could eventually offer a non-addictive treatment option for people experiencing opioid use disorder.</p>
<p>Opioid use disorder currently affects millions of people, with synthetic opioids like fentanyl driving a severe public health crisis. Seeking alternative treatments, scientists focused on creating a therapy that addresses the neurological changes caused by addiction without relying on opioid-based medications. </p>
<p>“New therapeutics for opioid use disorder are desperately needed,” said study author Christie D. Fowler, a chancellor’s fellow and professor in the Department of Neurobiology and Behavior at the University of California, Irvine. “Just about everyone has been impacted by the opioid epidemic. These are people’s mothers, fathers, sisters, brothers, sons, and daughters.”</p>
<p>Fowler, who also serves as the co-director of the <a href="http://faculty.sites.uci.edu/fowlerlab/" target="_blank">UC Irvine Center for Addiction Neuroscience</a>, noted that opioid use disorder does not discriminate based on age or socioeconomic boundaries. “Thus, if we can help people who still have [so] much benefit to give our society, and their families, then I believe that it is our ethical responsibility to do so,” she explained.</p>
<p>Historically, the pharmaceutical industry has hesitated to invest heavily in this area. “For too long, drug companies have stayed out of the addiction therapeutic space due to the misperception that the people that would buy their drugs wouldn’t be able to afford them – based on the stigma of an ‘addict’,” Fowler said. “This is just not the case. We cannot give up hope on people who have an opioid use disorder, just like we wouldn’t give up hope on someone who has another disease, like cancer or diabetes.”</p>
<p>Current treatment options, such as methadone and buprenorphine, tend to be limited by safety concerns, inconsistent long-term effectiveness, and difficulties with patient adherence. These medications are also opioid-based, which presents additional challenges for long-term recovery. </p>
<p>To find a different path, the researchers analyzed how fentanyl interacts with the serotonin system, a network of chemical messengers involved in mood, reward, and learning. Prolonged opioid use alters these serotonin pathways and changes the physical structure of brain cell connections. The authors aimed to discover a drug that could target these specific serotonin-related changes rather than opioid receptors.</p>
<p>“The development of this new drug will hopefully lead to more therapeutic options for those attempting to quit or reduce use of an opioid,” Fowler said. “Moreover, the targeting approach does not include the receptors that opioids directly act on in the brain, so this new drug may lead to more beneficial and persistent changes in the brain to overcome the harms induced by prior opioid exposure.”</p>
<p>The researchers used an artificial intelligence platform to analyze large sets of genetic and chemical data from the postmortem brain tissue of human patients who had been dependent on opioids. This system identified two specific types of serotonin receptors as highly probable targets for a new therapy. </p>
<p>“In these studies, we used an AI platform developed by GATC Health, so these studies also provide evidence to support the use of AI technology to reduce the time needed for drug development efforts,” Fowler noted. Based on these predictions, the artificial intelligence system generated dozens of potential chemical compounds, leading the researchers to select two top candidates named GATC-021 and GATC-1021.</p>
<p>The researchers first conducted laboratory tests on cells to confirm that the two new drugs accurately targeted the intended serotonin receptors. They found that GATC-021 activated the desired receptors but also caused unwanted side effects. In tests involving 14 rats exploring an open enclosure, the highest dose of GATC-021 significantly reduced their normal movement and exploration.</p>
<p>In contrast, GATC-1021 demonstrated high precision. Laboratory cell tests revealed that it selectively activated the target serotonin receptors without binding to unrelated pathways. When tested in a group of eight rats, GATC-1021 produced no negative effects on general movement or behavior across various doses.</p>
<p>Based on these initial safety profiles, the scientists evaluated how the drugs influenced fentanyl consumption. They surgically implanted intravenous catheters into adult male and female Wistar rats. The animals were placed in specialized chambers where they could press a lever to receive a small dose of fentanyl, a procedure known as intravenous self-administration.</p>
<p>After the rats learned the behavior and established a stable pattern of fentanyl intake over ten days, the researchers injected them with either the experimental drugs or a placebo. These tests involved groups of 12 to 13 rats per specific dose and drug combination. Initially, both drugs reduced fentanyl consumption, but GATC-021 lost its effectiveness over a five-day testing period.</p>
<p>GATC-1021, on the other hand, maintained its effectiveness and showed no signs of tolerance. Across doses ranging from 25 to 70 milligrams per kilogram of body weight, GATC-1021 consistently reduced the number of times the rats pressed the lever for fentanyl. When the scientists analyzed the data to account for individual variations, they found that GATC-1021 reduced fentanyl intake by more than 60 percent. </p>
<p>Because GATC-1021 targets the same serotonin receptors that are typically activated by psychedelic drugs, the researchers tested whether it might cause hallucinations. In rodents, hallucinogenic effects are measured by observing rapid, involuntary head twitches. While a known hallucinogenic drug caused significant head twitches, GATC-1021 did not trigger any such responses.</p>
<p>The scientists then examined how the drug affected the physical structure of brain cells, which communicate through tiny, branch-like protrusions called dendritic spines. The shape and density of these spines change as the brain learns and adapts, a process known as neuroplasticity. The animals that self-administered fentanyl and received GATC-1021 showed a higher percentage of adaptable, thin dendritic spines compared to rats that only consumed fentanyl.</p>
<p>To understand the genetic mechanisms behind these physical changes, the authors analyzed gene expression in three brain areas linked to reward and addiction. They found that fentanyl consumption alone caused widespread changes in gene activity, while treatment with GATC-1021 modified these patterns in a beneficial way. In the prefrontal cortex, a brain region responsible for decision-making, the drug significantly increased the activity of specific genes associated with neuroplasticity and brain cell survival.</p>
<p>While the integration of artificial intelligence accelerated the discovery process, the physical experiments revealed nuances that the computer models missed. For example, the artificial intelligence system predicted that pairing the experimental drugs with sulbutiamine, a synthetic form of vitamin B1, would enhance brain absorption. However, the animal tests showed that GATC-1021 was actually more effective at entering the brain without the addition of sulbutiamine.</p>
<p>“While the AI platform was essential for the initial development of the drug, preclinical testing in an animal model was equally essential to determine how the drug would act in a complex biological system,” Fowler said. “In these studies, we found that while the AI predictions were overall correct, some aspects of the prediction were not validated once we tested them in the rodent model. Thus, preclinical testing remains important so that we can prevent off-target effects from occurring in humans.”</p>
<p>Any predictions about how the drug will perform in humans remain speculative until clinical trials are conducted. “We are still in the early stages of developing this drug, and thus, it will likely be several years before all requirements are met with regard to the FDA regulatory pipeline,” Fowler explained. </p>
<p>Future research will need to explore how the drug is absorbed and processed across different areas of the brain under varying dosing schedules. Scientists will also need to investigate the long-term effects of the medication. </p>
<p>“We would like to see if this drug holds benefit for other disorders that are commonly found in [people] experiencing opioid use disorder, such as anxiety and depression,” Fowler added.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2516807123" target="_blank">AI-derived therapeutic development of a serotonin receptor–targeting drug for the treatment of opioid use disorder</a>,” was authored by Valeria Lallai, Samuel Kho, A. C. Martin, James P. Fowler, Madison L. Roach, Kevin Wang, Kendyl N. Laumann, Tyler G. Morrison, Mina Palaniappan, Malia Bautista, Allison S. Mogul, Jinjutha E. Cheepluesak, Bijay Shrestha, Dhanaji M. Lade, Julia E. Lagomarsino, Vaishnavi Narayan, Jayson Uffens, Waldemar Lernhardt, Saman Mirzaei, Ian Jenkins, Arturo R. Zavala, Jonathan R. T. Lakey, Robert Tinder, and Christie D. Fowler.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/how-physical-exercise-rewires-the-brain-to-process-negative-emotions/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">The four ways exercise helps you handle aversive experiences</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 11th 2026, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>A new framework suggests that physical activity acts as an external tool to help the brain harmonize how it processes negative experiences and aversive information. The study outlines how both a single workout and a long-term exercise habit can shape specific cognitive pathways to support better emotional regulation. The research was published in <i><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mhpa.2026.100757">Mental Health and Physical Activity</a></i>.</p>
<p>When people encounter upsetting information, their brains initiate a series of cognitive processes. This emotional generation sequence typically involves four distinct stages: situation, attention, evaluation, and response. The initial situation provides the input, and the brain’s attention systems determine which elements to prioritize.</p>
<p>Following this perception, a goal-directed evaluation interprets the scenario. The body then forms a psychological and physiological response based on that assessment. Because these responses feed back into the system, an unchecked negative reaction can create a loop that intensifies future distress.</p>
<p>Emotion regulation is the act of managing these responses to achieve a stable mental balance. This regulation can happen at various points in the emotional sequence. It might occur explicitly, where a person uses conscious effort to distract themselves or reframe a situation.</p>
<p>Regulation can also occur implicitly, driven by deeply ingrained habits and unconscious mental beliefs about how to cope with stress. Finally, regulation can be automatic. A primary example is mindfulness, which involves observing emotional states with gentle awareness rather than trying to suppress them.</p>
<p>Researchers Haiting Zhu and Yifan Zhang wanted to understand exactly how physical activity influences these different regulatory systems. While past evidence highlighted that physical movement improves overall mood, the exact psychological mechanisms linking movement to aversive information processing remained scattered across different scientific disciplines.</p>
<p>Zhu and Zhang reviewed existing behavioral and neurological research to build a unified theoretical model. They synthesized findings from cognitive psychology, affective science, and exercise physiology to detail how the brain manages negative stimuli. Their framework divides the benefits of physical activity into two distinct categories: acute exercise and habitual exercise.</p>
<p>An acute bout of exercise refers to a single, structured session of physical activity. According to the researchers, this single session functions as an immediate external activator. It alters emotion by simultaneously engaging four essential cognitive pathways: attention, executive function, memory, and reward motivation.</p>
<p>The first impacted pathway is attention. During a moderate-intensity workout, the brain redirects focus away from internal worries and physical symptoms of distress. It shifts cognitive resources toward external sensory input and the mechanics of movement.</p>
<p>Studies utilizing visual attention tests demonstrate that moving the body biases attention toward pleasant stimuli while turning focus away from unpleasant images. This immediate reorientation prevents the mind from becoming trapped in early stages of distress.</p>
<p>The second pathway involves executive function, which encompasses higher-level mental skills like flexible thinking and self-control. A single session of physical activity increases activation in areas of the frontal region of the brain associated with updating information and inhibiting impulses.</p>
<p>With these neural resources energized, a person becomes substantially better at cognitive reappraisal. This means they are more capable of evaluating a stressful event from a new, constructive perspective. Behavioral tests measuring conflict resolution and impulse control show that physical exertion improves a person’s ability to quickly resolve emotional clashes.</p>
<p>The third mechanism is memory modification. Emotional regulation frequently requires the suppression of unwanted memories to prevent repetitive, anxious thinking. When people cannot disengage from bad memories, they fall into rumination, a state heavily associated with clinical depression.</p>
<p>The study proposes that physical activity enhances a person’s capacity for memory control. Highly demanding physical activities, especially those requiring complex motor skills and visual tracking, compete for the same mental resources the brain uses to process memories.</p>
<p>When a memory is recalled, it briefly becomes unstable and must be re-encoded by the brain. Engaging in a challenging physical task during this window can disrupt this restabilization process. This disruption ultimately reduces how intensely that negative memory can be felt in the future.</p>
<p>The fourth and final acute pathway involves reward-based motivation. Moderate aerobic conditioning triggers the release of specific neurochemicals like dopamine in the brain’s mesolimbic circuitry. This area is heavily involved in how humans process pleasure and anticipation.</p>
<p>Activating this reward system creates immediate feelings of accomplishment and positive reinforcement. The motivational energy provided by these chemicals sustains the ongoing effort required for emotional regulation. It shifts the brain’s overall state from defensive avoidance to goal-directed engagement.</p>
<p>Habitual exercise, meaning structured physical activity maintained over an extended period, operates differently. While single workouts provide temporary relief, habitual exercise builds upon the accumulated psychological rewards of those individual sessions.</p>
<p>The researchers view habitual exercise as an upward-spiraling cycle. As people repeatedly experience the satisfying feedback of a workout, their brains internalize these adaptive coping mechanisms. This prolonged engagement transforms short-lived chemical boosts into stable personality traits.</p>
<p>In this continuous cycle, improved executive function and memory control become automatic baselines. People with active routines develop stronger chronic capacities for cognitive reappraisal. Their automatic responses to stress become less defensive and more flexible over time.</p>
<p>Long-term routines that specifically incorporate mind and body awareness, such as yoga or Tai Chi, offer unique benefits. These practices cultivate an internal focus on physical sensations, training the brain to sustain present-focused attention even under emotionally charged conditions.</p>
<p>Habitual engagement is particularly effective at treating emotion regulation deficits. By repeatedly disrupting negative thought patterns and reinforcing positive action, regular motion lowers the everyday accessibility of anxious worry. This explains why an active lifestyle acts as a strong protective buffer against mood disorders.</p>
<p>There are constraints to this proposed model that require consideration. The researchers note that the psychological benefits of movement are not completely uniform across all populations.</p>
<p>Variables such as a person’s age, baseline physical fitness, and preexisting mental health status can alter how their brain reacts. For instance, an intense workout that feels highly rewarding to a trained athlete might produce a completely different stress response in an untrained individual.</p>
<p>Additionally, some neurological evidence shows that while aerobic exertion increases brain wave responses to positive images in healthy adults, it might not produce the exact same electrical brain activity in individuals with depression. These differences highlight the need for tailored interventions.</p>
<p>Much of the current evidence relies on measuring data at a single point in time or focusing exclusively on an isolated workout. These methodological limitations restrict how well scientists can track the exact timeline of emotional improvement.</p>
<p>Moving forward, the researchers emphasize the need for mechanism-based experiments. By tracking cognitive skills and clinical outcomes over extended periods, future studies could isolate exactly how short-term dopamine bursts develop into lifelong emotional stability.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mhpa.2026.100757">The moving brain: A cross-pathways framework linking exercise to the modulation of aversive information processing</a>,” was authored by Haiting Zhu and Yifan Zhang.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/a-flight-instructors-personality-and-school-culture-predict-their-safety-behaviors/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">A flight instructor’s personality and school culture predict their safety behaviors</a>
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<p><p>A recent study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1027/2192-0923/a000311" target="_blank">Aviation Psychology and Applied Human Factors</a></em> suggests that a flight instructor’s personality and their school’s safety culture are strong predictors of their on-the-job safety behaviors. The findings provide evidence that highly organized and responsible instructors tend to strictly follow safety protocols, especially when their flight schools prioritize safety. These insights offer new ways for flight schools to hire and train instructors to reduce aviation accidents.</p>
<p>Researchers Vivek Sharma and Meredith Carroll conducted this study to understand the human factors that influence safety during flight training. Between 2015 and 2023, the National Transportation Safety Board recorded over 1,600 accidents related to flight instruction in the United States. Nearly ten percent of these accidents were fatal. Previous accident reports suggest that poor decision-making and unsafe behaviors are common causes of these crashes. </p>
<p>Sharma, a division director, chair of online programs, and assistant professor at the College of Aeronautics at the Florida Institute of Technology, wanted to investigate these human elements. “Since childhood, I have always been inspired by teachers, and I firmly believe that teachers have a very strong influence on students,” Sharma said. “While pursuing my master’s degree in aviation safety, I was introduced to personality traits theory and its influence on human performance and behaviors.”</p>
<p>Unlike commercial pilots, flight instructors must balance teaching student pilots while simultaneously maintaining control of the aircraft and ensuring safety. “Because flight instructors are also teachers, they play a critical role in shaping next generation aviators’ performance and safety attitudes,” Sharma explained. “Therefore, I felt examining the relationship between flight instructors’ personality traits and their safety behaviors is important and may help flight schools better understand the role of flight instructors’ personality traits in influencing safety behaviors.”</p>
<p>While many experts have studied the personalities of pilots in general, very little research has focused specifically on flight instructors. Sharma and Carroll proposed a model looking at three main areas: personality traits, emotional or cognitive attitudes, and the safety climate of the flight school. </p>
<p>To measure personality, the authors used the Big Five personality model. This well-known psychological framework categorizes human personality into five main traits: extraversion, agreeableness, openness, conscientiousness, and neuroticism. Extraversion refers to being outgoing, while agreeableness describes being cooperative. Openness involves a willingness to try new things, conscientiousness reflects how organized and responsible a person is, and neuroticism refers to emotional instability or a tendency to experience negative emotions easily. </p>
<p>The second area of focus involved what psychologists call the affective domain, which refers to a person’s feelings and attitudes. For this study, the researchers looked at self-efficacy and risk perception. Self-efficacy is a person’s belief in their own ability to succeed in specific situations or accomplish a task. Risk perception is how a person views the severity and likelihood of a dangerous situation. </p>
<p>The third area was the safety climate of the flight school itself. Safety climate refers to how employees perceive their organization’s commitment to safety based on its policies, procedures, and management practices. The researchers wanted to know if a school with strict safety rules and supportive leadership naturally encouraged better safety behaviors from its instructors.</p>
<p>To gather their data, Sharma and Carroll used an online survey to collect responses from certificated flight instructors working in the United States. They recruited participants from a professional flight instructor organization and various flight training schools. A total of 134 flight instructors completed all sections of the survey. The sample included 116 male instructors and 17 female instructors, with one participant choosing not to report their biological sex. </p>
<p>On average, the female participants had over 3,000 flight hours, while the male participants averaged over 6,000 flight hours. The instructors also came from different working environments. Roughly forty-three percent of the participants worked at less strictly regulated flight schools, while about twenty-five percent worked at highly structured, federally approved flight programs. The remaining participants operated independently as freelance instructors. </p>
<p>The survey asked participants to complete five separate questionnaires to measure the targeted variables. First, the researchers used a standard twenty-item personality test to measure the Big Five personality traits. Participants rated how accurately certain statements described them on a five-point scale. Next, they took an eight-item test to measure self-efficacy, answering questions about their confidence in overcoming challenges. </p>
<p>To measure risk perception, the flight instructors completed a thirteen-item questionnaire that asked them to rate the danger level of specific flying scenarios. The survey also included an eighteen-item test to gauge the safety climate of each instructor’s flight school. This section asked participants to rate statements about how well their management understood operational issues and maintained safety standards. Finally, the researchers measured the main outcome, safety behavior, using a six-item scale that assessed how strictly the instructors complied with safety regulations and participated in safety programs.</p>
<p>When the researchers analyzed the data, they found that conscientiousness was a significant predictor of safety behaviors. Instructors who scored high in conscientiousness reported much higher levels of safety compliance. This makes sense from a psychological perspective, as conscientious people tend to be proactive, thorough, and highly responsible. </p>
<p>“The findings did not surprise me, as they were consistent with previous research,” Sharma noted. “Flight instructors scored high on conscientiousness, agreeableness, and low on neuroticism. This indicated that the majority of the flight instructors are responsible, duty minded, goal-oriented, capable of empathizing with student pilots and emotionally stable. These results were consistent with commercial pilots.”</p>
<p>The analysis also revealed that the flight school’s safety climate had a major impact on safety behaviors. Instructors who felt that their management prioritized safety policies were much more likely to exhibit positive safety behaviors themselves. When a flight school’s leadership actively promotes a strong safety culture, the instructors tend to adopt those same values during their training flights. </p>
<p>Interestingly, the researchers did not find a significant relationship between self-efficacy and safety behavior. A flight instructor’s confidence in their own abilities did not seem to dictate whether they followed safety protocols. Similarly, risk perception did not turn out to be a significant predictor in this specific model. The overall results indicate that an instructor’s natural sense of responsibility and the school’s safety culture are the main drivers of safe flying practices. </p>
<p>“The findings suggest that aviation safety is not only influenced by technical flying skills, but also by human factors such as personality traits and organizational culture,” Sharma said. “This means that flight schools may benefit from emphasizing safety culture, safety training, and potentially considering personality characteristics during hiring and training processes.”</p>
<p>While the findings offer helpful insights, there are a few potential limitations to keep in mind. The study relied on a self-reported online survey, which means participants might have rated their own safety behaviors more highly than they actually behave in real life. The researchers also used a general safety behavior scale rather than a test designed specifically for the unique tasks of a flight instructor. </p>
<p>Sharma cautioned against oversimplifying the results. “The findings should not be interpreted to mean that personality traits alone determine whether a flight instructor will behave safely, as safety behaviors are influenced by multiple operational, environmental, and organizational factors,” he explained.</p>
<p>The sample size of 134 participants is relatively small when compared to the tens of thousands of active flight instructors in the country. The variations in the types of flight schools where the participants worked could also influence the data. Some instructors worked for highly structured programs, while others operated independently as freelance instructors. These different working environments likely feature vastly different safety climates. </p>
<p>The authors suggest that future research should test these theories using larger and more diverse samples of pilots. They recommend exploring how personality traits affect safety behaviors in airline pilots, military pilots, and student pilots. A major goal for future studies would be to develop a specific safety behavior scale tailored entirely to the aviation field. </p>
<p>Sharma is also looking to expand this research into emerging areas of aviation. “My long-term goal is to better understand the personality traits of Unmanned Aircraft System (UAS) pilots or drone pilots,” Sharma said. “As the commercial usage of drones is rapidly expanding in various sectors, it is critical to understand the human factors associated with UAS operators.”</p>
<p>He hopes to identify how individual differences influence decision-making, risk perception, and operational performance among drone operators. “These findings can support the development of a future UAS workforce by providing more effective training and selection criteria,” Sharma added.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1027/2192-0923/a000311" target="_blank">Investigating Flight Instructors’ Safety Behaviors Through Personality Traits, Affective Domain, and Safety Climate in the United States</a>,” was authored by Vivek Sharma and Meredith Carroll.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/jailed-immigrants-show-lower-risk-for-criminal-behavior-than-native-born-citizen/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Jailed immigrants show lower risk for criminal behavior than native-born citizens</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 11th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>Research shows that immigrants who are booked into jail have fewer individual risk factors for crime and shorter criminal histories than native-born citizens. This suggests that policies targeting immigrants as inherent public safety threats are based on inaccurate stereotypes. The findings were published in the journal <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/law0000470">Psychology, Public Policy, and Law</a>.</p>
<p>Public conversations in the United States routinely depict immigrants as an acute danger to public safety. Rhetoric surrounding border security often paints people entering the country as potential perpetrators of violence. Yet sociological studies consistently contradict this narrative. Research shows that immigrants are actually less likely to violate laws than people born in the United States. </p>
<p>Scholars commonly refer to this phenomenon as the immigrant paradox. Individuals relocating from other countries often display better health and behavioral outcomes than native-born citizens. This occurs even though immigrants frequently face severe economic disadvantages and the strict psychological toll of adapting to a new society. Both low socioeconomic status and severe stress are usually strong predictors of rule-breaking behavior.</p>
<p>While the broader population trends are well documented, the specific psychological mechanisms remain less understood. Past studies have largely focused on macro-level data, like neighborhood crime rates. Researchers have spent less time evaluating the individual characteristics that predict whether someone will commit an offense. </p>
<p>Criminal psychologists refer to these individual traits as criminogenic risk factors. The justice system often focuses on a cluster of primary traits known as the central eight. These mental and behavioral markers include an established history of illegal behavior, an antisocial personality pattern, and an antisocial thinking style that rationalizes breaking the rules. </p>
<p>The remaining central factors evaluate a person’s immediate environment and daily life. They look at issues like socializing with rule-breaking peers, struggling with substance abuse, and experiencing deep family relationship problems. They also assess educational or employment difficulties and a general lack of positive recreational hobbies. </p>
<p>A team of researchers wanted to know how these individual predictors differ based on a person’s immigration status. University of Texas at El Paso psychology researcher Jennifer Eno Louden led the project to evaluate people already entangled in the legal system. She worked alongside Theodore R. Curry, Betel Hernandez, Elena Vaudreuil, and Osvaldo F. Morera. They sought to provide an objective behavioral profile of jail detainees in a border community.</p>
<p>The researchers conducted two separate studies in El Paso, Texas. This region borders Mexico and sees heavy involvement from state and federal border enforcement agencies. For the first study, the team acquired booking records from the local county jail. They analyzed data from more than five thousand successive intakes over several months. </p>
<p>The team looked at the most serious current charges holding each person in custody. They also reviewed the results of standard pretrial risk assessments conducted by jail staff. Because the facility does not formally record immigration status, the team estimated this based on each person’s recorded country of birth and country of citizenship. </p>
<p>They divided the data into three groups. These groups included individuals born in the United States, immigrants from Mexico, and immigrants from other countries. The researchers then compared the formal criminal histories across all three categories. </p>
<p>They found that both groups of immigrants had less extensive criminal histories than their native-born peers. Mexican immigrants showed lower rates of drug abuse charges compared to the other two groups. However, Mexican immigrants experienced higher rates of arrests related to driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs. </p>
<p>When looking at the overall pretrial risk evaluations, native-born individuals scored highest. They were more likely to have prior felony convictions and were more likely to be under some form of legal supervision. Native-born citizens also exhibited higher rates of housing instability compared to the immigrant groups.</p>
<p>The second study aimed to build on the first by gathering detailed personal information through direct interviews. Over a period of eighteen months, the team randomly selected and approached individuals recently booked into the same jail. They successfully interviewed nearly three hundred participants.</p>
<p>Participants were grouped into three categories based on self-reported information. These groups were native-born citizens, documented immigrants, and undocumented immigrants. Trained research assistants administered a widely used psychological evaluation to assess the eight central risk factors for crime. The interviewers also questioned participants about their lifetime criminal actions and their degree of cultural adaptation.</p>
<p>The interview results paralleled the findings from the initial public records review. Undocumented immigrants had the oldest average age for their first legal offense. Native-born citizens and documented immigrants reported engaging in a higher total number of crimes throughout their lives. </p>
<p>When measuring the eight central risk factors, native-born citizens scored the highest. Documented immigrants scored lower, and undocumented immigrants scored the lowest out of the three groups. </p>
<p>Undocumented individuals showed lower risk scores on seven out of the eight evaluation measures. The only category where they scored higher than native-born citizens was in education and employment difficulties. Native-born citizens scored highest in categories measuring antisocial behavior, substance abuse, and associating with problematic peers.</p>
<p>The formal charges holding these individuals in jail also varied widely by group. Native-born citizens and documented immigrants faced higher rates of violent offenses and property crimes. Undocumented immigrants were primarily locked up for immigration-related offenses like illegal entry.</p>
<p>The researchers also examined the process of acculturation. This metric evaluates how strongly an individual adopts the mainstream culture of a new country. They found a positive association between adapting to United States culture and carrying increased behavioral risk. Participants who indicated a stronger orientation toward mainstream American culture had elevated risk scores across almost all categories. </p>
<p>Conversely, maintaining a strong connection to the culture of their origin country was associated with lower risk. The researchers suggest that rapid cultural adaptation might expose individuals to new psychological stressors. It might also connect them to native-born peers who encourage and support rule-breaking behaviors.</p>
<p>The researchers mapped out several caveats regarding their work. Because all the data came from people booked into a specific county jail, the findings might not generalize to individuals living freely in the community. Changes in local policing practices or officer bias could also affect who ends up in the jail population in the first place. </p>
<p>Relying on self-reported interview data carries the risk that participants will understate their past criminal behaviors. The researchers attempted to minimize this issue by conducting the interviews in private areas. They also enacted strict confidentiality protocols to make participants feel comfortable answering honestly. </p>
<p>Another limitation involves relying on official United States records in the first study, which might omit crimes committed in other countries. The team designed the second study to capture international histories through direct questioning, which helped support the initial findings. The researchers stress that their results do not reflect community-wide crime rates, but rather focus squarely on individuals already inside the justice system.</p>
<p>Future studies should investigate how these specific individual traits predict repeat offending among minority communities. Risk assessment tools used by judges and parole boards might need adjustments to reflect the actual behaviors of immigrant populations. The authors suggest that criminal psychological risk might take different forms depending on a person’s cultural background. </p>
<p>The findings suggest that border enforcement strategies based on the assumption that immigrants threaten public safety are misguided. Subjecting immigrant communities to heightened police scrutiny diverts resources away from people who actually possess high psychological risk factors. Policies focusing solely on a person’s legal residency status fail to address the true drivers of criminal behavior.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/law0000470">Criminogenic Risk Factors Among Immigrants in the U.S.-México Border Region</a>,” was authored by Jennifer Eno Louden, Theodore R. Curry, Betel Hernandez, Elena Vaudreuil, and Osvaldo F. Morera.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/the-testosterone-myth-large-analysis-finds-no-link-between-the-macho-hormone-and-risk-taking/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">The testosterone myth? Large analysis finds no link between the “macho” hormone and risk-taking</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 11th 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A meta-analysis of 52 studies found no link between testosterone levels and risk-taking. In general, only studies where participants completed specific lottery-based economic tasks showed a modest association between testosterone levels and risk-taking, while other types of behavioral studies did not. Furthermore, the lack of association did not depend on participants’ sex. The paper was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2026.106575"><em>Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews</em></a>.</p>
<p>Testosterone is a hormone that belongs to a group of hormones called androgens. It is present in both males and females, but it is usually found in much higher levels in males. In males, testosterone is produced mainly in the testes; in females, smaller amounts are produced in the ovaries and adrenal glands.</p>
<p>Testosterone plays an important role in the development of male reproductive organs before birth and during puberty. During puberty, it contributes to changes such as a deeper voice, facial and body hair growth, increased muscle mass, and the growth of the penis and testes. In adults, testosterone helps regulate sexual desire, sperm production, bone density, red blood cell production, and muscle strength. Testosterone levels naturally vary by age, time of day, health status, sleep, stress, body fat, and the use of certain medications.</p>
<p>Study author Irene Sánchez Rodríguez and her colleagues note that, on average, men tend to be more prone to taking risks than women. Various hypotheses have been proposed to explain this gender gap. One prominent biological theory states that the gap is produced by differences in testosterone levels. Another theory, the “dual-hormone hypothesis,” suggests that the behavioral effects of testosterone actually depend on concurrent levels of cortisol, the body’s main stress hormone. </p>
<p>However, studies have not clearly supported the link between testosterone and risk-taking. While some studies have reported that individuals with higher testosterone levels were somewhat more prone to taking financial or physical risks, other studies have found absolutely no association.</p>
<p>The authors of this study conducted a meta-analysis aimed at synthesizing the existing findings to clarify the association between testosterone levels and risk-taking. They searched scientific databases—Google Scholar, PubMed, and Scopus—using “risk seeking,” “risk attitude,” and “risk aversion” as search terms. They looked for studies conducted on humans and sought to include studies examining testosterone alone as well as those testing the dual-hormone hypothesis.</p>
<p>To be included, studies needed to report a statistical association between testosterone and risk preference, to either measure or administer testosterone, and to use at least one behavioral or self-report measure of risk preference. Studies also needed to be written in English, Spanish, or Italian, and provide sufficient data to allow the researchers to calculate an “effect size” (the strength of the link between testosterone levels and risk-taking). In the end, 52 studies comprising 17,340 participants were included in the analyses.</p>
<p>These studies measured risk in various ways, such as gambling games, balloon-popping tasks, or self-reported questionnaires. They also measured testosterone in different ways: some studies used direct blood or saliva tests, some administered experimental doses of the hormone, and some relied on “morphological proxies” (like the ratio of a person’s index and ring fingers, which is theoretically linked to testosterone exposure in the womb). </p>
<p>When the researchers aggregated the data, the results showed that the overall association between testosterone levels and risk-taking across all 52 studies was practically zero. In other words, having high or low testosterone did not reliably predict whether a person would take a risk. </p>
<p>While the overall effect was zero, the data reported by individual studies were very heterogeneous—some studies reported a positive association (higher testosterone – higher risk-taking), while others reported a negative association (higher testosterone – lower risk-taking).</p>
<p>Further analyses revealed why the results varied so wildly. The researchers found that the method of measurement heavily influenced the outcome. For example, only studies that used lottery-based economic tasks to measure risk-taking showed a modest positive association, while studies measuring risk-taking via other methods (like impulsive games or self-reporting) did not. Similarly, the researchers noted that studies relying on indirect finger measurements sometimes hinted at a link, while highly rigorous studies using direct hormone measurements or administration did not. </p>
<p>Importantly, the lack of an association between testosterone levels and risk-taking did not depend on sex, meaning the relationship (or lack thereof) was no different in males than in females.</p>
<p>“Overall, the evidence challenges the notion that testosterone provides a general hormonal basis for human risk preferences,” the study authors concluded. “Instead, findings support a biopsychosocial framework in which ‘risk taking’ reflects the interaction of task demands, cognitive–affective processes, and situational context, with endocrine effects appearing narrow, context-dependent, and method-specific.”</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific knowledge surrounding the behavioral effects of testosterone, suggesting that societal and psychological factors likely play a much larger role in risk-taking than single hormones. However, the study authors note that their search did not yield a sufficient number of appropriate studies to reliably examine the dual-hormone hypothesis (whether a specific interaction between cortisol and testosterone might predict risk-taking). </p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2026.106575">No relationship between testosterone and risk aversion: A meta-analytic review,</a>” was authored by Irene Sánchez Rodríguez, Luca Bailo, Folco Panizza, Emiliano Ricciardi, and Francesco Bossi.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
<p><strong>This information is taken from free public RSS feeds published by each organization for the purpose of public distribution. Readers are linked back to the article content on each organization's website. This email is an unaffiliated unofficial redistribution of this freely provided content from the publishers. </strong></p>
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