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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/novel-psychedelic-compound-shows-rapid-antidepressant-effects-without-addictive/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Novel psychedelic compound 25C-NBF shows rapid antidepressant effects without addictive traits</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 6th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A newly studied synthetic psychedelic compound promotes rapid structural growth in brain cells and reverses depressive behaviors in rodents. The drug, known as 25C-NBF, appears to lack the addictive qualities and sensory disruptions associated with similar recreational substances. These results were recently published in the journal <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41380-025-03341-1"><i>Molecular Psychiatry</i></a>.</p>
<p>Depression is a widespread mental health condition that affects millions of people globally. Symptoms range from persistent low mood to a profound loss of interest in daily activities. Many conventional treatments provide inadequate relief and require weeks or months to begin working. This delayed onset has driven researchers to explore alternative options, including psychedelic drugs that might change the brain much faster.</p>
<p>Psychedelics are gaining attention because they can act as psychoplastogens. These are substances capable of rapidly altering the physical structure of brain cells. In people with depression, parts of the brain associated with mood regulation often lose synaptic connections, which are the communication points between neurons.</p>
<p>Psychedelic compounds are broadly categorized into different chemical classes. Tryptamines, such as psilocybin and dimethyltryptamine, naturally occur in some plants and fungi. Phenethylamines include synthetic compounds like mescaline analogs and the 2C series of drugs. While some synthetic phenethylamines induce strong antidepressant effects, they carry a high risk of recreational abuse and heart problems. </p>
<p>Núria Nadal-Gratacós, a pharmacologist at the University of Barcelona, and her colleagues initiated a study to determine if a slight modification to these chemical structures might alter their safety profile. They focused on specific chemical analogs known as NBF compounds. The research team sought to evaluate the biological effects to see if they retain therapeutic benefits without triggering addictive behaviors.</p>
<p>To begin with, the researchers conducted experiments on laboratory-grown cells to observe how three variations of the NBF compound interact with serotonin receptors. Serotonin is a chemical messenger in the brain involved in mood regulation. Its 2A receptor is the primary target that produces a psychedelic drug’s hallucinogenic effects.</p>
<p>The team observed that the compounds bound tightly to the serotonin 2A receptor. At the same time, the chemicals showed very low interaction with the serotonin 2B receptor. This detail is notable because long-term activation of the 2B receptor by medications has been linked to heart valve damage in previous studies.</p>
<p>When analyzing the serotonin 2A receptor, the researchers looked at how the drug activated different internal cellular pathways. Receptors can direct signals down multiple routes, a concept known as biased agonism. The team found that the NBF compounds activated the receptor in a balanced way, behaving very similarly to natural serotonin.</p>
<p>The scientists next conducted tests on male mice and rats to observe the physical and behavioral effects of the drugs. When administered to mice, the NBF compounds caused a moderate head-twitch response. This rapid, side-to-side head movement is a standard marker used in animal models to gauge how strongly a drug might cause hallucinations in humans. The head twitches were less frequent than those induced by more potent psychedelics, suggesting a relatively mild hallucinogenic effect.</p>
<p>The researchers also subjected the mice to sensory processing tests using a startle reflex measurement tool called prepulse inhibition. In this test, a quiet sound is quickly followed by a loud noise. Usually, the quiet sound primes the brain, causing a smaller startle reaction to the loud noise. </p>
<p>Often, hallucinogenic drugs disrupt this sensory gating ability, meaning the brain becomes overwhelmed by environmental stimuli and cannot block out the ambient noise. The mice treated with the NBF compounds exhibited normal startle reflexes and no signs of sensory overload. The animals also showed normal walking patterns and exploratory behavior inside their test enclosures.</p>
<p>A major component of the study was evaluating whether the drugs are addictive. The researchers used a standard behavioral test where mice were allowed to choose between two chambers. One chamber was previously paired with the drug, and the other with a neutral saline solution. The mice did not spend extra time in the drug-paired chamber, indicating the substance was not rewarding to them.</p>
<p>In another experiment, rats were placed in specialized cages and trained to self-administer methamphetamine, a highly addictive stimulant, by pressing a retractable lever. Once the rats learned the behavior, the researchers replaced the stimulant with an NBF compound. The animals quickly stopped pressing the lever. This behavioral extinction mirrors what happens when a drug is replaced with a harmless saline solution.</p>
<p>Additionally, brain scans using a microscopic probe revealed that the drug did not increase dopamine levels in the animals’ nucleus accumbens. Dopamine spikes in this brain region drive substance abuse and reinforce addictive habits. Because those spikes were absent, the researchers characterized the drugs as having a low potential for addiction.</p>
<p>Following these safety evaluations, the investigators focused specifically on one variation of the drug, called 25C-NBF, to test its ability to alter brain cells. They applied the chemical in varying concentrations to primary mouse neurons grown in laboratory dishes. After twenty-four hours, they observed the cells under a microscope using fluorescent markers.</p>
<p>The treated neurons quickly sprouted new dendritic branches, which act like tiny antennas receiving signals from other cells. The highest doses of the drug produced the highest number of new branches and increased the overall length of the cellular extensions. The drug also triggered an increase in the production of brain-derived neurotrophic factor, a vital protein that supports the survival and growth of neurons.</p>
<p>The researchers then administered the drug to live mice and examined their brain tissue a day later. They found an increased number of dendritic spines in the prefrontal cortex and the hippocampus. Both of these brain regions play major roles in emotional regulation and memory, and both are typically impaired by prolonged stress.</p>
<p>Finally, the researchers sought to find out if these cellular changes produced a tangible improvement in mood. They stressed the mice using two different methods. One group was placed in physical restraint tubes for five hours. The other group received twenty-one days of injections with corticosterone, a stress hormone known to induce depressive symptoms in animals.</p>
<p>Following the stress periods, the mice were given a single dose of 25C-NBF. Within twenty-four hours, the restrained mice were evaluated using a tail suspension test. In this procedure, mice are temporarily suspended by their tails. Typically, stressed and depressed mice give up quickly and hang motionless, indicating despair-like behavior. </p>
<p>The mice that received the experimental treatment exhibited increased effort and mobility, struggling against the restraint rather than giving up. This active response continued for up to a week after taking exactly one dose of the drug. The treated group outperformed the untreated stressed mice in these behavioral assessments across multiple testing days.</p>
<p>The mice subjected to chronic hormone injections were given a sugar water preference test to measure their capacity to experience pleasure. Initially, the stressed mice favored regular water over the sugary option, displaying a lack of interest in normally enjoyable things. One day after receiving the experimental drug, the mice regained their preference for the sugar water.</p>
<p>While the findings present a potential fast-acting treatment option, the researchers noted several limitations to their current work. The study only included male rodents, which prevents the findings from being completely generalized to female subjects. Future studies will need to include both sexes to determine if the biological responses differ. </p>
<p>The science team plans to continue testing to find the optimal dosing schedules. They want to explore exactly how the drug initiates structural changes in the brain and map out the exact cellular pathways. They also hope to find out if the antidepressant effect can be achieved at a dose low enough to avoid any hallucinogenic experiences entirely.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41380-025-03341-1">The psychedelic phenethylamine 25C-NBF, a selective 5-HT2A agonist, shows psychoplastogenic properties and rapid antidepressant effects in male rodents</a>,” was authored by Núria Nadal-Gratacós, Pol Puigseslloses, Laura Guzmán, Nicola Weiss, Eline Pottie, Clara Riera-Colomer, Virginie Lardeux, Nathalie Thiriet, Fu-Hua Wang, Liselott Källsten, Irene Pérez-Esteban, Gabriel Ketsela, Joel Margall, Xavier Berzosa, David Pubill, Marta Rodríguez-Arias, Miren Ettcheto, Jan Kehr, Christophe Stove, Marcello Solinas, Harald H. Sitte, Elena Escubedo, and Raul López-Arnau.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-research-challenges-the-idea-that-logical-thinking-diminishes-religious-belief/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New research challenges the idea that logical thinking diminishes religious belief</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 6th 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>Activating analytical thinking does not appear to reduce a person’s religious beliefs. This finding provides evidence against the popular idea that leaning on logic directly diminishes faith. The findings were recently published in the journal <em><a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2027-58989-001?doi=1" target="_blank">Psychology of Religion and Spirituality</a></em>.</p>
<p><a href="https://scholar.google.com.ar/citations?user=ZZ5r_iwAAAAJ&hl=es" target="_blank">Luz Acera Martini</a>, a doctoral fellow and doctoral candidate in psychology at the National Scientific and Technical Research Council, and <a href="https://scholar.google.com.ar/citations?user=HELQsxAAAAAJ&hl=es" target="_blank">Esteban Freidin</a>, a researcher at the National Scientific and Technical Research Council with a doctorate in philosophy, conducted the research. Both scientists are affiliated with the Universidad Nacional del Sur in Argentina. They sought to examine exactly how cognitive styles influence faith.</p>
<p>Previous studies in the cognitive science of religion suggested that engaging in analytical thinking could suppress the basic mental intuitions that make religious beliefs appealing. Many psychologists think that human reasoning relies on two main systems. One system is fast and intuitive, while the other is slow and analytical. </p>
<p>Some past experiments indicated that exposing people to tasks that prompt slow, logical thought could lower their reported religious beliefs. This concept assumes that faith relies heavily on fast intuitions. Engaging the logical brain was thought to override those religious intuitions. </p>
<p>However, scientists have struggled to replicate those past findings. Many follow-up experiments failed to find any effect on belief. Some studies even found that logical tasks increased religiosity. </p>
<p>Because the prior research yielded such mixed outcomes, Acera Martini and Freidin wanted to test the concept using more reliable methods. They aimed to determine if the past inconsistencies were due to weak experimental designs. They also wondered if the original hypothesis was simply incorrect. </p>
<p>“This work is part of my doctoral thesis project, where I explore the relationship between reasoning and religious beliefs from the perspective of the cognitive science of religion,” Acera Martini said. “My supervisor and I strongly value experimental research, and we noticed that the existing literature on the association between cognitive style and religious belief contained several unexplored areas.”</p>
<p>Acera Martini explained that the authors wanted to move beyond basic correlational observations. Correlational studies often show a negative association between analytical thinking and faith, but they do not prove that one causes the other. </p>
<p>“We felt these were essential for establishing clearer relationships between these variables, moving beyond the typical correlational finding: the negative association between an analytical cognitive style and religious belief,” she said. “This is particularly relevant in light of recent advances in best practices stemming from the replicability crisis in psychology and the growing emphasis on open science.”</p>
<p>To explore the topic, the researchers conducted two separate studies. The first study was designed to figure out which psychological tasks actually succeed at increasing analytical thinking. The authors recruited 455 Spanish-speaking university students in Argentina. They randomly assigned these students to one of three groups. </p>
<p>One group completed a task where they reorganized scrambled sentences containing words related to reasoning. Another group completed a debiasing training task. </p>
<p>In the debiasing training task, participants answered questions designed to trigger common logical fallacies, which are errors in reasoning. They then received feedback explaining the correct answer and the nature of the cognitive bias. </p>
<p>A third group served as a control. These participants simply described an everyday object. </p>
<p>After completing their assigned tasks, all participants took a cognitive reflection test. This test features math and verbal word problems that have an intuitive but incorrect answer. Getting the correct answer requires people to suppress their initial gut reaction and think deeply. </p>
<p>The researchers found that only the debiasing training task successfully boosted scores on the cognitive reflection test. The scrambled sentences task failed to improve analytical thinking compared to the control group. </p>
<p>Armed with an effective tool to stimulate logical thought, the researchers launched a second, larger study. The second study included 938 Argentinean university students from various academic disciplines. </p>
<p>The goal of the second study was to see if the successful analytical task would alter religious beliefs. The researchers randomly assigned the participants to either complete the debiasing training task or a control group that completed no task at all. </p>
<p>Next, the participants answered questionnaires measuring their religious beliefs. One questionnaire measured intuitive religious beliefs, capturing general faith and supernatural thoughts. </p>
<p>Another questionnaire measured contextualized religious beliefs. This scale asked participants to evaluate the likelihood that divine intervention or miracles caused certain events to happen to unknown people. </p>
<p>The researchers also measured several individual traits that they thought might influence the outcome. They measured the need for cognition, which is the degree to which a person enjoys engaging in effortful mental activities. </p>
<p>They also assessed how participants viewed the relationship between science and religion. Finally, they measured the metacognitive ambiguity of the participants’ religious beliefs, which means how certain or uncertain individuals felt about their own faith. </p>
<p>The scientists found no meaningful differences in religious beliefs between the group that completed the analytical thinking task and the control group. The debiasing training task did not lower self-reported religiosity on either measure of religious belief. </p>
<p>Statistical tests suggested that any potential difference between the groups was essentially zero. The activation of analytical thought had no noticeable impact on faith. </p>
<p>“Ultimately, our findings suggest that the link between how we think and what we believe is far more complex than simplistic headlines often suggest,” Acera Martini said. </p>
<p>“For the average person, this means that ‘thinking more analytically’ is not a magic switch that immediately or easily changes a person’s religious beliefs, at least not in the way it has often been portrayed,” she explained.</p>
<p>The scientists also examined whether the individual traits they measured influenced the results. For example, they hypothesized that analytical thinking might lower faith for people who view science and religion as conflicting. </p>
<p>On the other hand, the researchers thought that analytical thinking might increase faith for people who view science and religion as compatible. The researchers found no evidence for these ideas. </p>
<p>A person’s need for cognition or their views on science and religion did not change the impact of the analytical task. The degree of certainty a person had regarding their faith also failed to make a difference. The lack of an effect remained consistent across the entire sample. </p>
<p>“While we had some inkling of what to expect, we were still surprised by the complete absence of moderation effects,” Acera Martini said. </p>
<p>“In studies like this, one might typically expect a priming intervention to influence different segments of the sample in varying ways,” she noted. </p>
<p>“However, what truly stood out was how remarkably uniform the lack of effect was across the board,” Acera Martini explained. “This consistency was particularly unexpected given the wide variety of effects previously reported in the experimental literature.”</p>
<p>The findings imply that short-term interventions aimed at increasing analytical thought do not easily alter deeply held religious beliefs. This suggests that previous research claiming a direct effect might have relied on unreliable methods or statistical flukes. </p>
<p>The study does have a few limitations. For instance, the authors relied entirely on university students. Students tend to exhibit higher levels of analytical thinking than the general public. </p>
<p>Because the sample consisted of university students in Argentina, the results might look different in other cultures. The outcomes might also vary within communities that have stronger communal religious practices. </p>
<p>Another limitation is that the debiasing training task produced a relatively modest increase in analytical thinking. While the task proved effective, its overall impact on mental processes was small. </p>
<p>The researchers suggest that future studies should examine how the link between cognitive style and faith develops during childhood and adolescence. They suspect that analytical thinking might influence religious beliefs earlier in life when personal values are still forming. </p>
<p>“Beyond the results themselves, I believe it is essential to recognize that scientific methodologies are always evolving,” Acera Martini pointed out. “The peer-review process acts as a vital quality control that adds immense value and ensures the integrity of our work.”</p>
<p>Acera Martini emphasized the importance of sharing findings that fail to support popular hypotheses. </p>
<p>“It is also crucial to normalize the publication of null results (where no direct positive effect is found) which has become much more transparent thanks to pre-registered reports,” she said. “A null result is not a dead end; it simply shifts our focus toward new, better-defined questions.”</p>
<p>She expanded on what those new questions might entail. “For instance, in our study we suggest that a vital next step would be exploring these relationships in younger populations to understand how the link between reflection and belief may actually develop during earlier stages of life,” she said. </p>
<p>“Nevertheless, this remains an area that warrants further exploration, as there may be other relevant moderators that were not captured in this study but could be crucial for future research,” she added. </p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/rel0000617" target="_blank">Assessing the Effect of Increased Analytic Thinking on Religious Beliefs</a>,” was authored by Luz Acera Martini and Esteban Freidin.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/the-psychology-of-cancel-culture-celebrity-bashing-acts-as-a-temporary-coping-mechanism/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">The psychology of cancel culture: Celebrity bashing acts as a temporary coping mechanism</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 6th 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in <em><a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-97801-001?doi=1" target="_blank">Psychology of Popular Media</a></em> provides evidence that criticizing and withdrawing support from a beloved celebrity who threatens a person’s social identity can offer immediate emotional relief. The findings suggest that engaging in toxic online behavior acts as a short-term coping mechanism for fans experiencing a clash between their national identity and their attachment to a famous figure.</p>
<p>The authors of the study wanted to understand the psychological motivations behind cancel culture. Cancel culture involves withdrawing support for a public figure and often posting harsh criticisms about them online. This behavior contributes to a hostile digital environment.</p>
<p>Many people form strong, one-sided emotional attachments to media personalities. These are known as parasocial relationships. These one-sided attachments tend to boost psychological well-being and provide a sense of belonging for the media consumer.</p>
<p>When a beloved celebrity acts in a way that violates a fan’s moral standards, it can cause emotional distress similar to a real life interpersonal breakup. To avoid this pain, devoted fans often try to rationalize a celebrity’s bad behavior. </p>
<p>The researchers wanted to explore what happens when a celebrity’s transgression directly attacks the fan’s own group identity, making it impossible to ignore. Specifically, they aimed to find out if participating in cancel culture helps people manage the psychological tension between loving a celebrity and being loyal to their country. They also wanted to see if writing inflammatory comments provides a temporary emotional reward.</p>
<p>“We live in a time where cancel culture is on the rise. People post harsh online comments and turn against celebrities they once admired. Celebrities’ political speech (either on the left or the right) is one of the reasons for the public backlash against celebrities. We wanted to better understand the psychology behind this phenomenon: what drives it and why it can feel rewarding?” explained Rebecca “Riva” Tukachinsky Forster, an associate professor at Chapman University.</p>
<p>The authors conducted an online experiment focusing on the Israeli war against Hamas in the wake of the October 7 terror attacks. The researchers noted that these attacks represented a massive national trauma. This context created a heightened state of anxiety and a strong sense of national solidarity among the Israeli public, making the issue of national identity highly sensitive.</p>
<p>The sample consisted of 166 nonreligious Israeli Jewish adults. Their ages ranged from 18 to 42, with an average age of about 30. The scientists chose this specific demographic because younger, secular media consumers are generally more familiar with mainstream celebrity culture than more religious subgroups in Israel. Participants received a financial compensation of about four dollars for their time.</p>
<p>First, the participants completed a measure of their identification with Israel. They used a visual scale featuring pairs of overlapping circles to indicate how closely their own identity merged with their national group.</p>
<p>Next, the participants selected their favorite media personality from a predefined list of ten popular celebrities. The researchers had specifically chosen celebrities who had not yet made any public statements about the war to avoid any existing biases. The participants then answered questions about the strength of their existing one-sided relationship with that chosen celebrity.</p>
<p>The researchers then randomly assigned the participants to one of three experimental groups. Forty percent of the participants read a fabricated news article and were asked to write a comment or a social media post in response. Another forty percent read the same article but received no opportunity to write a response. The remaining twenty percent served as a control group and did not read any article at all.</p>
<p>The fabricated news article was designed to look like a post from a popular Israeli entertainment magazine. It featured the participant’s chosen favorite celebrity condemning Israel. The fake quote expressed sympathy for Palestinians in Gaza and stated that Israeli soldiers should be prosecuted for war crimes, while completely ignoring Israeli hardships.</p>
<p>After the reading and commenting portion, all participants answered questions about their emotional states. They reported their levels of positive emotions, such as pride, and negative emotions, such as hostility and fear. </p>
<p>They also reported their intentions to stop consuming the celebrity’s content. This included actions like unfollowing the star, getting rid of merchandise, and telling others to boycott them. Finally, they rated their desire to post hurtful or mocking comments about the public figure.</p>
<p>The scientists then evaluated the text of the comments written by the first group. They counted specific characteristics of inflammatory discourse, such as name calling and shaming. This created a flaming score ranging from zero to nine for each post.</p>
<p>The scientists found that reading the anti-Israel statements caused participants to experience more negative emotions, such as hostility and irritation. The exposure also reduced their positive emotions, such as feelings of pride. </p>
<p>Naturally, reading the offending article increased the participants’ intentions to stop watching or listening to the celebrity’s work. It also increased their desire to post negative comments.</p>
<p>These reactions depended heavily on two conflicting psychological forces. People who identified very strongly with Israel showed a much higher intention to cancel the celebrity.</p>
<p>On the other hand, a strong prior attachment to the celebrity acted as a buffer. Participants who had the strongest one-sided relationships with the celebrity tended to resist canceling them, even if the fans had a strong Israeli identity.</p>
<p>The most notable findings emerged from the group that was allowed to write a comment in response to the article. Writing a comment helped participants restore their positive emotions back to the baseline levels seen in the control group. </p>
<p>Commenting also slightly reduced their feelings of hostility and irritation. These negative emotions did not drop all the way back to baseline, but the act of posting provided a measurable relief. </p>
<p>The researchers noted that comments containing more inflammatory language and hostility predicted a greater recovery of positive emotions. This suggests that lashing out at the offending celebrity provided a form of immediate emotional validation. The act of venting appeared to help participants process their feelings of betrayal.</p>
<p>Interestingly, the researchers also measured the self-esteem of the participants before the experiment began. They found that individuals with lower self-esteem were actually less likely to engage in intense celebrity bashing. This indicates that a certain level of confidence might be required to publicly attack a famous figure online.</p>
<p>“This dynamic plays out across many political and social contexts in the United States and around the world,” Tukachinsky told PsyPost. “In our study, we examined it in the context of the Israel’s war in Gaza. We found that Israeli Jewish participants felt particularly hurt when their favorite celebrity spoke out unequivocally against Israel, but bashing that celebrity online appeared to make them feel better in the moment.”</p>
<p>While these findings provide evidence that celebrity bashing offers short-term psychological rewards, the authors caution against interpreting cancel culture as a healthy coping mechanism. Engaging in aggressive online behavior contributes to a toxic internet environment.</p>
<p>It is also highly possible that investing time and energy into hating a celebrity leads to worse mental health outcomes in the long run. The emotional gratification of posting an inflammatory comment is fleeting and lacks the deeper psychological benefits of positive social connections.</p>
<p>“It is important to note that this is an experiment that simulates a hypothetical scenario, rather than measuring responses to actual celebrity statements,” Tukachinsky explained. “Moreover, in this study participants did not actually post their comments on social media but were asked to write a comment that they would have posted under such hypothetical circumstances. So, in real life, their behavior might have been different.”</p>
<p>“It is also important to note that our findings capture only short-term effects. While there appears to be an immediate emotional gratification from posting flaming comments about a celebrity online, it is possible that, over time, such toxic environment may ultimately have negative consequences for well-being. Our study does not capture these effects but it helps explain why people may be motivated to engage in this behavior due to immediate emotional rewards.”</p>
<p>Future research should explore how these dynamics play out over a longer period. Scientists could also investigate whether people with different emotion regulation skills are more or less likely to participate in online outrage.</p>
<p>Finally, the authors suggest replicating the study in other cultures. Different societies might have unique social norms regarding how directly people express anger and how much they idolize celebrities.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/ppm0000598" target="_blank">I Love You, but I’ve Got to Cancel You: Psychological Determinants and Consequences of Cancel Culture Participation</a>,” was authored by Rebecca Tukachinsky Forster and Daniel H. Spitz.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/deepfake-videos-degrade-political-reputations-even-when-viewers-realize-they-are/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Deepfake videos degrade political reputations even when viewers realize they are fake</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 5th 2026, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>Artificial intelligence can be used to generate deceptive videos that damage a politician’s reputation, even when viewers suspect the footage is fake. A new study published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00936502261421437"><i>Communication Research</i></a> found that these manipulated clips decrease support for targeted candidates. Standard fact-checking efforts reportedly fail to undo the total reputational harm. </p>
<p>Disinformation created using artificial intelligence is often regarded as a major threat to global elections. Technology now allows malicious actors to seamlessly replace a person’s face or clone their voice. These creations are commonly called deepfakes. Political operatives can use these tools to make opposing candidates appear to say outrageous or offensive things.</p>
<p>Michael Hameleers, a communication researcher at the University of Amsterdam, led a team to investigate how these videos influence the public. Hameleers and his colleagues Toni G. L. A. van der Meer, Marina Tulin, and Tom Dobber wanted to track voter reactions over time. They aimed to discover if these manipulated videos actually influence minds during an election cycle.</p>
<p>Visual information is known to heavily influence human perception. Because people are accustomed to believing their own eyes, video evidence often bypasses normal skepticism. The research team weighed this visual power against the brain’s tendency to detect inconsistencies. They wanted to know if a wildly uncharacteristic statement would override the visual proof of a realistic video.</p>
<p>Processing fluency is a psychological concept describing how easy information is to understand. When media is easy to consume, people tend to accept it more readily without critical thought. The researchers suspected that realistic video formats would prompt this mental shortcut, making the lies easier to digest. They wanted to measure if a smooth presentation could hide a blatant falsehood.</p>
<p>The team conducted their tests across two contrasting political landscapes. The United States features a highly polarized two-party system that is historically vulnerable to right-wing disinformation. The Netherlands operates under a multiparty system with higher general trust in the press, offering a more resilient media environment.</p>
<p>The researchers recruited over 3,000 adults across both countries. They designed a three-part experiment that took place over a full week in 2021. Participants answered questions at the start, were contacted again two days later, and completed a final survey three days after that.</p>
<p>During the surveys, participants were randomly assigned to watch either a genuine political address or a manipulated video. In the United States, the altered video featured Representative Nancy Pelosi. The artificial audio made it sound as though she sympathized with the rioters who breached the United States Capitol, suggesting Americans need to fight to win their country back.</p>
<p>In the Netherlands, the team selected a moderate Christian Democratic politician named Sybrand Buma. The manipulated footage showed him delivering an extremist, anti-immigrant monologue about protecting Dutch traditions from foreign influences. The messages were designed to completely contradict the established public personas of the two targets.</p>
<p>The project also tested potential defensive measures against digital deception. Some participants read a media literacy warning before watching the media. This introductory warning provided specific tips on how to question news sources and spot fabricated news items online.</p>
<p>Another group was shown a fact-check immediately after watching the video, which explicitly corrected the false claims. The correction messages offered point-by-point refutations of the statements made in the videos. These interventions mimicked the exact format used by professional journalism organizations.</p>
<p>Evaluating the results, the researchers found the audience largely saw through the deception. In both countries, participants rated the altered videos as far less believable than the genuine articles. The bizarre nature of the statements likely tipped viewers off that something was amiss with the footage.</p>
<p>Despite the structural differences between the two nations, the psychological trends remained remarkably consistent. Voters in the polarizing American system and the consensus-driven Dutch system reacted to the synthetic videos in nearly identical ways. The broad similarities imply that the vulnerability to artificial media transcends cultural borders.</p>
<p>Even though people correctly suspected the videos were fake, their opinions of the politicians still dropped. The deepfakes successfully damaged the reputations of both Pelosi and Buma. This finding highlights a mental disconnect between evaluating a video’s authenticity and absorbing its emotional weight.</p>
<p>The reputational damage was actually most severe among participants who initially supported the targeted politicians. Seeing a favored leader apparently voice extreme or contradictory views caused an immediate negative reaction. People who already disliked the politicians did not change their ratings much, mostly because their opinions were already entirely negative.</p>
<p>While the deepfakes changed how people felt about specific politicians, they did not shift overarching political beliefs. Participants in the United States did not suddenly support the Capitol riot after watching the Pelosi video. The deception altered judgments about the individual messenger rather than the message itself.</p>
<p>Showing the deceptive footage multiple times was expected to trigger an illusion of truth, where repeated falsehoods eventually feel familiar and accurate. In this experiment, seeing the video twice did deepen the reputation damage for the American participants. Yet, this repetition did not make the wild claims seem any more believable.</p>
<p>The consequences of watching the fabricated media were mostly temporary across both populations. By the end of the week, the negative feelings directed at the politicians had largely faded away. This outcome suggests a natural recovery period occurs when people step away from the false information in an isolated experiment.</p>
<p>The defensive interventions produced mixed outcomes for the tested audiences. Fact-checking the videos made participants even less likely to believe the footage was real. Yet, those exact same fact-checks completely failed to reverse the emotional damage done to the politicians’ reputations. Media literacy warnings produced almost no measurable impact at all.</p>
<p>The study authors noted a few limitations regarding their video selections. The chosen clips featured extreme shifts in political rhetoric, which made the deception easier to spot. Future projects might test subtle alterations to see if highly plausible fakes bypass human suspicion entirely.</p>
<p>The manipulated videos also contained minor visual glitches. Voice actors were used to simulate the politicians, meaning an observant viewer could detect slightly unnatural audio. As generation tools continue to evolve, these sensory flaws will likely disappear.</p>
<p>The research team recommends running future tests during live political campaigns. Tracking real-world reactions to actual digital propaganda would reveal how voters process media alongside competing news coverage. Such experiments could establish better boundaries for exactly how artificial intelligence shapes modern democracy.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00936502261421437">Radical Right-Wing Political Deepfakes Can Successfully Delegitimize Targeted Political Actors: Evidence From Three-wave Experiments in the US and The Netherlands</a>,” was authored by Michael Hameleers, Toni G. L. A. van der Meer, Marina Tulin, and Tom Dobber.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/feminist-ideals-help-women-critique-toxic-media-but-may-not-cure-personal-body-i/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Feminists hate “toxic” beauty standards but still fall victim to them</a>
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<p><p>Understanding the impact of media representation is a major focus of modern psychology, especially regarding how women view their own bodies. Embracing feminist ideals helps people recognize and push back against unrealistic beauty standards. Taking a feminist stance does not automatically shield a person from feeling insecure about their own physical appearance. A new study published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jasp.70055"><i>Journal of Applied Social Psychology</i></a> reveals that while women who strongly identify as feminists readily critique idealized body types, they remain vulnerable to the negative psychological consequences of those standards.</p>
<p>In traditional advertising and across social media platforms, people are constantly exposed to images emphasizing thinness, youth, and physical perfection. These traits are largely unattainable for the average person. The sheer repetition of these images leads many women to feel a mandatory pressure to conform. Psychologists refer to this process as internalization.</p>
<p>Through internalization and appearance-based social comparison, unrealistic beauty ideals can inflict heavy damage on mental health. Women often evaluate their own bodies unfavorably against the glowing models they see on their feeds. This habit increases self-objectification, which happens when a person begins viewing themselves merely as an object to be evaluated by others. Over time, these pressures can lead to a depressed mood, body dissatisfaction, and an increased desire for cosmetic surgery or extreme dieting.</p>
<p>Many advocates propose shifting the culture toward broader definitions of beauty. They suggest highlighting diverse features rather than adhering to a single, narrow aesthetic. Engaging with feminism is often suggested as a mental buffer against harmful gender norms. Feminism inherently involves advocating for equality and resisting traditional constraints, leading some to assume that feminists might be immune to the psychological traps of diet culture and beauty standards.</p>
<p>Psychology researcher Joshua Tenn of the University of Bath led the new investigation to test this assumption. Tenn and his colleagues, Małgorzata Gocłowska and Melissa Atkinson, wanted to map out precisely when and how feminism protects people from toxic media. They approached the topic through a framework called the multiple identity perspective. This perspective suggests that not all feminists possess the exact same psychological profile.</p>
<p>Instead, a person’s reaction to cultural norms might depend on how their feminist identity intersects with their identification with women as a general social group. Some women are dual identifiers, meaning they feel a strong sense of belonging to both feminists and women as a whole. Others are distinctive feminists, holding a strong feminist identity but feeling less attached to the traditional social group of women. The researchers suspected that these distinct identity profiles might shape how people respond to manipulative advertising.</p>
<p>To gather data, the research team recruited 433 women for an online experiment. Before viewing any media, the participants completed surveys to measure their levels of feminist identification and their identification with women as a group. Participants self-reported the strength of these identities on numerical scales. The researchers then randomly assigned the participants to view one of two sets of images.</p>
<p>The first group viewed 15 images of models who fit the conventional aesthetic ideal. These models were uniformly young, thin, and blemish-free. The second group viewed a matched set of non-idealized images. These alternative images featured models with fuller bodies, visible skin conditions, or older faces. The researchers then asked the participants a series of questions to gauge their emotional reactions, their beliefs about beauty, and their feelings regarding their own bodies.</p>
<p>The results confirmed that viewing idealized images generally harms self-esteem. Across the board, participants exposed to the conventional models felt less empowered than those who viewed the diverse models. The idealized imagery prompted feelings of nervousness and unattractiveness. Those same participants also reported a stronger immediate motivation to engage in weight-control behaviors and alter their appearances.</p>
<p>The researchers then looked at how feminist identification influenced these reactions. Women who scored high in feminist identification reacted to the conventional images with strong feelings of unfairness. They experienced a negative emotional spike characterized by annoyance and anger. These participants were highly motivated to challenge the media’s portrayal of women, advocating for broader concepts of physical beauty.</p>
<p>In terms of ideological resistance, a strong feminist identity worked exactly as expected. The participants saw the toxic messaging and actively rejected it on a societal level. But the researchers found a striking disconnect when they looked at how these women evaluated their own bodies. A feminist identity did not translate into higher state body satisfaction or stronger body appreciation.</p>
<p>In fact, high feminist identification was linked to less favorable comparisons between the participants’ own bodies and the models in the pictures. A feminist worldview allowed these women to recognize the manipulated nature of the advertisements, but it failed to stop them from feeling bad about themselves in the moment. The protective effects of feminism seem to apply to how people evaluate society at large rather than how they judge their own reflections.</p>
<p>The researchers then analyzed the second identity dimension. They looked at the participants who strongly identified with women as a general category. This specific group showed increased vulnerability to the idealized advertisements. When exposed to the conventional models, participants with high identification with women were far more likely to endorse the idea of getting cosmetic surgery themselves.</p>
<p>The team also evaluated the theory regarding distinctive feminists versus dual identifiers. Distinctive feminists, those with high feminist identification but low identification with women, tended to adopt the broadest conceptualizations of beauty. Some of the data originally suggested that this specific group possessed stronger psychological resistance. After applying strict statistical corrections, the differences between these subgroups were not statistically significant, meaning the researchers could only view this pattern as a tentative trend.</p>
<p>A few limitations shape how these findings should be interpreted. The relationship between feminist identification and body image was measured in a correlational manner. The researchers can confidently say that these traits and reactions are linked in the population. They cannot conclusively state that acquiring a feminist identity causes a specific reaction to a magazine cover.</p>
<p>There is a possibility that the relationship runs in the other direction. Individuals who already hold broader conceptualizations of beauty might be naturally drawn to feminist groups. Additionally, the average participant in this sample scored relatively high on both identity scales. This made it somewhat challenging to find a robust number of participants who fit into the lower-scoring categories, potentially skewing the demographic balance.</p>
<p>Future investigations could track individuals over time. Observing how a developing feminist identity interacts with body image during critical life stages, such as adolescence or perimenopause, could yield helpful insights. Teenagers are intensely affected by social comparison, and a longitudinal study might reveal if early feminist education offers any long-term buffering against eating disorders. Other researchers might explore how the specific content of a person’s feminist beliefs alters their vulnerability to media pressure.</p>
<p>Resistance to gender norms does not equate to personal immunity from them. Humans are social creatures who absorb the expectations of the cultures they live in. While activism offers a lens to critique unrealistic standards, it requires an immense amount of self-control to suppress unfavorable self-comparisons entirely. A political identity can change the way a person views the world, but dismantling internalized beauty ideals is a separate psychological battle.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jasp.70055">Feminists Resist Unrealistic Beauty Standards but Are Not Invulnerable to Their Negative Consequences</a>,” was authored by Joshua J. Tenn, Małgorzata A. Gocłowska, and Melissa J. Atkinson.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/problematic-social-media-use-is-linked-to-how-feelings-of-freedom-relate-to-mental-health/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Problematic social media use is linked to how feelings of freedom relate to mental health</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 5th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in the journal <em><a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2026-45297-001" target="_blank">Psychology of Popular Media</a></em> suggests that problematic social media use alters how our feelings of personal and national freedom relate to our mental health. The findings indicate that while feeling free generally supports better psychological well-being, unhealthy attachments to social media tend to weaken the benefits of personal freedom but strengthen the positive effects of national pride.</p>
<p>Psychologists generally agree that feeling free is linked to better mental health. The concept of freedom in psychology is broad. It involves explicit feelings of personal liberty alongside feeling a sense of belonging to a community. It also involves perceiving that the world treats you fairly and feeling that you have enough financial wealth to meet your needs and desires. </p>
<p>When people feel they have these resources and liberties compared to others around them, they generally report fewer mental health struggles. The researchers wanted to see how the modern digital landscape fits into this established psychological picture. Social media provides vast tools for connection, but an unhealthy reliance on these platforms introduces complicated new challenges for human well-being. </p>
<p><a href="https://cameronjamesbunker.github.io/CameronBunker.com/" target="_blank">Cameron J. Bunker</a>, an assistant professor of media psychology at the School of Communication at Emerson College, led the research team. “I am a social scientist who examines media and self-perception,” Bunker said. “I am broadly interested in how media use like social media and use of AI influence how people see themselves (and vice versa).”</p>
<p>Bunker explained that the study specifically targeted feelings of autonomy. “In this project, I wanted to focus on perceptions of freedom,” Bunker noted. “Some have suggested that social media use may make some people feel constrained (e.g., less able to express themselves the way they want to, or treated less fairly).”</p>
<p>To explore this idea, the researchers conducted a study involving large groups of people from both the United States and Germany. They recruited a total of 2,036 adult participants through an independent research firm in the fall of 2022. The American sample included 1,007 individuals, and the German sample included 1,029 individuals. </p>
<p>These participants were selected to accurately reflect the general population in terms of age, gender, and geographic region within their respective countries. The scientists chose these two nations because they both rank highly on global measures of individualism. Individualism is a cultural trait that places a strong emphasis on personal independence, making freedom a particularly important concept for mental health in these regions.</p>
<p>The participants completed a series of questionnaires designed to measure their perceptions of freedom, social media habits, and mental health. To gauge freedom, the researchers asked participants to rate how free they felt on a 100-point scale. They assessed four specific areas, which included a general sense of personal freedom, a feeling of belonging or social connection, a sense of being treated fairly, and a feeling of financial wealth. </p>
<p>Participants rated these four factors in two different ways. First, they compared themselves to other individuals within their own country. Second, they compared their home country as a whole to other nations around the world. </p>
<p>Next, the researchers measured social media behaviors using a widely accepted psychological questionnaire. This tool asks users how often they feel preoccupied with social media, use it to escape negative feelings, or experience distress when they cannot access their accounts. Finally, the scientists assessed the mental well-being of the participants by looking at both positive and negative psychological indicators. </p>
<p>They measured negative mental health symptoms by asking participants how often they experienced feelings of depression, anxiety, and stress. They also measured positive mental health indicators, asking participants to rate their overall life satisfaction and general happiness. Statistical analyses showed that the four types of freedom blended together into a single overall score for personal freedom and another combined score for national freedom. </p>
<p>When they analyzed the data, the researchers found that unhealthy social media use significantly altered the relationship between these freedom scores and mental health. For personal perceptions of freedom, social media obsession tended to dampen the usual psychological benefits. Generally, people who felt highly free in their personal lives reported fewer symptoms of anxiety and depression. </p>
<p>But for those who also exhibited high levels of problematic social media use, this protective mental health effect was noticeably weaker. The scientists suggest that heavy, uncontrollable social media use might introduce new digital stressors that interrupt the peace of mind normally provided by a sense of personal freedom. </p>
<p>“People who feel free (e.g., treated fairly or feel like they belong within their social environment) tend to have better mental health,” Bunker told PsyPost. “Prior research has established this. In this study, my collaborators and I found that in a cross-cultural sample of over 2000 people, perceptions of freedom may not relate as positively to mental health among those who show problematic patterns of social media use (e.g., feel like they can’t cut down on their use despite trying).”</p>
<p>Bunker emphasized the importance of this digital context. “[I]t is important to consider how people’s perceptions of freedom are embedded in a digital world with social media platforms,” he said.</p>
<p>A different pattern emerged when the researchers looked at how people viewed their countries. For perceptions of national freedom, problematic social media use actually strengthened the link to positive mental health. People who believed their country was exceptionally free, fair, and wealthy compared to the rest of the world reported higher overall happiness. </p>
<p>The scientists noticed this effect was particularly prominent among the American participants. “We actually found the opposite effect when focusing on Americans’ (but not Germans’) perceptions of freedom when the country was the target instead of the self,” Bunker said. “That is, how free Americans thought their country was showed a correlation with better mental health more so for those who show problematic social media use.”</p>
<p>Bunker offered a potential reason for this specific national trend. “One interpretation of these exceptions is that those who use social media problematically in the United States may be more prone to nationalistic beliefs (seeing their country as freer than other countries and feeling better overall in relation to it),” Bunker said.</p>
<p>While the study provides new insights, it has a few limitations. The research relied on data collected at a single point in time, meaning it cannot prove cause and effect. It is possible that unhealthy social media use diminishes the mental health benefits of freedom, but the reverse could also be true. </p>
<p>“The findings in the present study were correlational, so we cannot make causal conclusions,” Bunker noted. “For example, we cannot conclude that problematic social media use causes worse links between perceptions of freedom and mental health (or vice versa).”</p>
<p>Bunker also highlighted a shift in how psychologists describe these digital behaviors. “I now use the term ‘problematic use’ instead of ‘addictive use’,” Bunker explained. “My thoughts have changed on this label since publication. There is emerging research suggesting that most social media users are not actually ‘addicted’ to social media use and such patterns, like those measured in the present study, might be more precisely labeled as ‘problematic.'”</p>
<p>Finally, the study focused entirely on individuals living in the United States and Germany. Because both nations are highly individualistic, the results might not apply to people living in collectivist cultures. People in those societies might use social media differently and derive their sense of freedom from entirely different social sources. </p>
<p>Looking ahead, Bunker plans to continue investigating how modern technology shapes human identity. “I am currently examining how AI algorithms may play a constraining role in people’s self-concepts,” he said.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/ppm0000618" target="_blank">Social Media Addiction Moderates Links Between Perceptions of Freedom and Mental Health in the United States and Germany</a>,” was authored by Cameron J. Bunker, Jürgen Margraf, and Julia Brailovskaia.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/psychedelic-science-breakthrough-increased-brain-entropy-from-psilocybin-predicts-lasting-psychological-insight-and-well-being/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Psychedelic science breakthrough: Increased brain entropy from psilocybin predicts lasting psychological insight and well-being</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 5th 2026, 12:30</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-026-71962-3" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nature Communications</a></em> suggests that a single high dose of psilocybin can cause lasting changes in human brain connectivity and psychological well-being. Scientists found that these brain changes provide evidence of increased mental flexibility and insight lasting at least a month after the experience. The research offers a rare glimpse into the biological and psychological shifts that occur when a person takes a psychedelic substance for the very first time.</p>
<p>Psilocybin is the primary psychoactive compound found in certain species of mushrooms. When a person consumes this substance, their body converts it into psilocin, a chemical that interacts with serotonin receptors in the brain to produce altered states of consciousness. These altered states often include visual changes, deep emotional shifts, and an altered sense of self or reality.</p>
<p>Scientists have noticed that psilocybin shows promise as a therapy for various mental health conditions, such as depression and anxiety. Previous clinical trials suggest that a single dose can lead to enduring improvements in mood and mindset. However, the physical and functional changes in the brain that accompany these lasting psychological benefits are not fully understood.</p>
<p>To address this gap in knowledge, researchers at UC San Francisco and Imperial College London conducted an exploratory study to observe what happens in the brain of someone experiencing a high dose of psilocybin for the first time. They wanted to track both the immediate effects while the drug was active and the long-term changes occurring weeks later. By looking at people who had never taken a psychedelic before, and who had no diagnosed mental health conditions, the scientists had greater freedom to do extensive testing and capture the pure effects of the drug.</p>
<p>They specifically aimed to measure a concept known as <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuropharm.2018.03.010" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the entropic brain effect</a>. In physics, entropy refers to the level of disorder or randomness in a system. When applied to the human mind, the entropic brain theory proposes that the psychedelic state creates a highly diverse and unconstrained pattern of brain activity.</p>
<p>During normal waking hours, human brain activity tends to follow predictable and rigid patterns. Under the influence of a psychedelic, brain entropy increases, meaning neural activity becomes more unpredictable and varied. The brain processes a richer body of information, which is experienced subjectively as a highly intense, content-rich state of consciousness. The scientists wanted to see if this temporary shift in brain entropy could predict positive psychological outcomes.</p>
<p>To conduct the study, researchers recruited 28 healthy adults with an average age of 41. The group was evenly split between men and women. None of the participants had ever used a psychedelic drug in their lifetime. The study was designed to compare a tiny, inactive dose of psilocybin with a larger, fully active dose within the exact same group of people.</p>
<p>The participants went through two separate dosing sessions spaced exactly one month apart. During the first session, they received a one-milligram dose of psilocybin. This is considered a placebo because it is too small to produce noticeable psychological effects. One month later, the participants returned to the laboratory to receive a 25-milligram dose, which is an amount widely known to induce a strong psychedelic experience.</p>
<p>The researchers used several techniques to measure brain activity and structure throughout the duration of the study. To capture the immediate effects of the drug, they used electroencephalography. This technique involves placing an array of sensitive sensors on a person’s scalp to record the electrical signals produced by active brain cells. The participants wore these sensors for four-minute intervals while resting with their eyes closed before taking the drug, and then again at one, two, and four and a half hours after ingestion.</p>
<p>To examine longer-lasting physical and functional brain changes, the scientists used magnetic resonance imaging. This brain scanning technology uses powerful magnets to take detailed pictures of the brain. The participants underwent these brain scans at the very beginning of the study, one month after the placebo dose, and one month after the high dose.</p>
<p>The scientists utilized a specific type of magnetic resonance imaging that tracks the diffusion of water molecules along the white matter tracts in the brain. White matter acts like a communication highway, connecting different brain regions so they can send electrical signals to one another. By measuring how water moves through these specific pathways, researchers can estimate the physical health and microscopic structure of the brain’s internal connections.</p>
<p>The scientists also asked participants to complete various surveys and computer tasks to measure their cognitive flexibility, psychological insight, and overall well-being. Cognitive flexibility refers to the mental ability to switch between thinking about two different concepts. Psychological insight involves gaining new perspectives or a deeper understanding of one’s own thoughts, emotions, and behaviors. The participants completed these behavioral assessments at various scheduled points before and up to a month after each dosing session.</p>
<p>When the researchers analyzed the data, they found that the one-milligram placebo dose produced no significant brain or psychological changes. However, the 25-milligram dose resulted in measurable alterations in both brain activity and mental health. The day after the high dose, all but one of the 28 subjects rated the trip as the single most unusual state of consciousness they had ever experienced. The remaining person rated the event as being among their top five most unusual experiences.</p>
<p>During the active session, the electroencephalography recordings showed a robust increase in brain signal complexity within 60 minutes of taking the drug. This increase in electrical randomness aligns with the entropic brain theory, showing that the brain enters a highly flexible state and processes a richer body of information under the direct influence of the compound.</p>
<p>This temporary increase in brain entropy tended to predict positive psychological outcomes for the volunteers. Participants who experienced higher levels of electrical randomness during their active session reported experiencing more psychological insight the very next day. In turn, the individuals who reported the most psychological insight tended to show the greatest improvements in overall well-being two and four weeks later, reporting that they felt optimistic about the future and were dealing with problems well.</p>
<p>The authors suggest that this sequence provides evidence that the chaotic brain changes directly enable a shift in perspective that enhances long-term mental health.</p>
<p>“Psychedelic means psyche-revealing, or making the psyche visible,” said senior author Robin Carhart-Harris. “Our data shows that such experiences of psychological insight relate to an entropic quality of brain activity and how both are involved in causing subsequent improvements in mental health. It suggests that the trip, and its correlates in the brain, is a key component of how psychedelic therapy works.”</p>
<p>One month after the high dose, the brain scans revealed physical changes in the white matter pathways connecting the front of the brain to deeper regions. The scientists observed a decrease in water diffusion along these tracts, which indicates that the neural pathways were denser and possessed more integrity. The authors note that this is the opposite of what happens during the normal aging process, which tends to make these neural tracts more diffuse.</p>
<p>These physical alterations correlated with decreases in brain network modularity. Modularity is a measure of how rigidly the human brain is divided into separate, independent functional networks. A decrease in modularity means the brain is communicating more fluidly across its different regions. The participants also demonstrated improved performance on tests of cognitive flexibility one month after the high dose.</p>
<p>“Psilocybin seems to loosen up stereotyped patterns of brain activity and give people the ability to revise entrenched patterns of thought,” said Taylor Lyons, the first author of the paper. “The fact that these changes track with insight and improved well-being is especially exciting.”</p>
<p>These findings could help improve treatments for mental illness by ensuring the correct dosage is used to produce the right amount of brain entropy to promote insight.</p>
<p>“We already knew psilocybin could be helpful for treating mental illness,” Carhart-Harris said. “But now we have a much better understanding of how.”</p>
<p>While the study provides exciting evidence regarding the brain’s response to psilocybin, the authors highlight a few potential misinterpretations and limitations. The researchers caution that more work needs to be done to better understand the exact biological meaning of the white matter changes. Interpreting these structural alterations is complex, as they could reflect the pruning of weak neural connections, the growth of new connections, or changes in the protective coating around nerve fibers.</p>
<p>The study used a fixed-order design, meaning every participant received the placebo first and the high dose second. The scientists chose this structure because a high dose of psilocybin can cause lasting psychological changes that might contaminate a later placebo session. Because of this design, some of the improved performance on cognitive tests could be related to practice effects rather than the drug itself.</p>
<p>Another limitation is the small sample size of just 28 people. Studies with smaller groups can sometimes produce findings that do not perfectly represent the broader population. Future research is needed to verify these findings using different study designs, larger groups of people, and more advanced imaging techniques.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-026-71962-3" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Human brain changes after first psilocybin use</a>,” was authored by T. Lyons, M. Spriggs, L. Kerkelä, F. E. Rosas, L. Roseman, P. A. M. Mediano, C. Timmermann, L. Oestreich, B. A. Pagni, R. J. Zeifman, A. Hampshire, W. Trender, H. M. Douglass, M. Girn, K. Godfrey, H. Kettner, F. Sharif, L. Espasiano, A. Gazzaley, M. B. Wall, D. Erritzoe, D. J. Nutt & R. L. Carhart-Harris.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/people-with-cannabis-use-disorder-are-more-likely-to-be-depressed-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">People with cannabis use disorder are more likely to be depressed, study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 5th 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A meta-analysis of studies involving over 3.2 million participants found that major depressive disorder is significantly more prevalent among individuals with cannabis use disorder compared to the general population, and vice versa. In psychiatric samples of individuals with cannabis use disorder, 19% suffered from current major depressive disorder as well. This share was 22% in community samples. The paper was published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpsychires.2026.02.047"><em>Journal of Psychiatric Research</em></a>.</p>
<p>Depression, or major depressive disorder, is one of the most prevalent mental health conditions worldwide. Recent data indicate that around 13% of individuals are diagnosed with depression at least once in their lives. Roughly 3% are estimated to currently have depressive symptoms severe enough to justify a diagnosis of depression.</p>
<p>Major depressive disorder is characterized by persistent low mood or a loss of interest and pleasure in most activities. Symptoms also include changes in sleep, appetite, fatigue, difficulty concentrating, feelings of worthlessness or excessive guilt, and slowed or agitated movement. In more severe cases, it can involve recurrent thoughts of death or suicide.</p>
<p>Substance use disorders also tend to be more frequent in depressed individuals. A recent large meta-analytic study found that around 1 out of every 4 depressed individuals suffers from a substance use disorder as well. This substantially increases the risk of suicide and contributes to severe social and individual impairments.</p>
<p>Study author Joao Pini Alemar and his colleagues note that cannabis is the most widely used illicit drug globally. A 2022 estimate stated that approximately 228 million individuals between 15 and 64 years of age reported using cannabis in the past year, accounting for 4% of the global population. These authors conducted a meta-analysis aimed at determining how common major depressive disorder is among individuals with cannabis use disorder and vice versa. They also explored whether methodological and demographic factors affect the co-occurrence of these disorders.</p>
<p>Study authors searched scientific publication databases—PubMed (US National Library of Medicine), Google Scholar, and SciELO (Scientific Electronic Library Online)—for studies published in English and Portuguese using keywords such as cannabis, abuse, dependence, depressive disorder, major, and their various combinations.</p>
<p>Their search returned an initial collection of 1,114 studies. After excluding studies that did not meet their criteria, the set was reduced to 55 studies. Of these, 36 were included in a meta-analysis exploring the occurrence of major depressive disorder in individuals with cannabis use disorder, while 18 explored the occurrence of cannabis use disorder in individuals with major depressive disorder. </p>
<p>In total, the first group of studies involved 454,547 individuals, while the second group included 112,328 participants. (One additional study involving nearly 2 million participants contributed to the total participant count but was classified as a clinical population). </p>
<p>The results showed that 22% of individuals with cannabis use disorder in community samples currently suffered from major depressive disorder. This share was 19% in psychiatric samples. </p>
<p>The lifetime prevalence of major depressive disorder (i.e., whether participants had ever suffered from depression in their lives) in individuals with cannabis use disorder was 35% in psychiatric samples and 32% in community samples. Psychiatric samples are groups of study participants recruited from psychiatric settings, such as mental health clinics or hospitals, while community samples are study participants recruited from the general population outside of healthcare institutions.</p>
<p>The meta-analysis of studies looking into how often cannabis use disorder occurs in depressed individuals found that 28% of psychiatric patients with major depressive disorder also suffered from current cannabis use disorder. In community samples, this share was only 5%. The lifetime prevalence of cannabis use disorder among people with major depressive disorder was 8% in psychiatric settings and 12% in community samples.</p>
<p>Importantly, the authors highlight a major diagnostic complication when interpreting these high rates of overlap: the symptoms of cannabis withdrawal (such as irritability, anxiety, sleep disturbances, depressed mood, and anhedonia) closely mirror the core symptoms of major depressive disorder. Therefore, when heavy cannabis users abstain, they may be misdiagnosed with depression when they are actually experiencing acute withdrawal, potentially inflating the prevalence rates seen in cross-sectional studies.</p>
<p>“This meta-analysis reveals a high prevalence of MDD [major depressive disorder] among individuals with CUD [cannabis use disorder] and a significant prevalence of CUD among individuals with MDD, confirming a strong comorbid relationship between the two disorders,” the study authors concluded. “Cannabis use may exacerbate depressive symptoms, while individuals with MDD are at an increased risk of developing CUD. […] Given the growing legalization of cannabis and its rising use among younger populations, this relationship represents a pressing public health concern.”</p>
<p>The study contributes vital data to the scientific understanding of the links between cannabis use disorder and depression. However, the paper reports some figures that appear counterintuitive, such as the current prevalence of cannabis use disorder among depressed psychiatric samples being higher than the corresponding lifetime prevalence. The authors note this is likely due to the small number of studies and high variability in that specific subgroup. Additionally, the correlational design of the study does not allow for definitive causal inferences to be derived from the results.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpsychires.2026.02.047">The association between major depressive disorder and cannabis use disorder: A meta-analysis and meta-regression analysis,</a>” was authored by Joao Pini Alemar, Maria Olivia Pozzolo Pedro, Kae Leopoldo, Joao Vitor Guimaraes Mandaji, Gislaine Koch Gimenes, Israel Kanaan Blaas, Julio Torales, Antonio Ventriglio, and Joao Mauricio Castaldelli-Maia.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
<p><strong>This information is taken from free public RSS feeds published by each organization for the purpose of public distribution. Readers are linked back to the article content on each organization's website. This email is an unaffiliated unofficial redistribution of this freely provided content from the publishers. </strong></p>
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