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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-study-reveals-a-striking-gap-between-sexual-pleasure-and-overall-satisfaction-in-the-u-s/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New study reveals a striking gap between sexual pleasure and overall satisfaction in the U.S.</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 1st 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study evaluating sexual well-being in the United States suggests that while many people report positive and wanted sexual experiences, significant gaps remain in testing, communication, and overall satisfaction. Published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/0092623X.2026.2646636" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy</a></em>, the findings provide evidence of persistent gender disparities and a widespread lack of access to preventive care. These insights highlight the need for more comprehensive approaches to reproductive and sexual well-being across the country.</p>
<p>Public health initiatives in the United States have historically approached sexual health through narrow categories. Government and state programs tend to focus on preventing specific diseases or managing family planning. This fragmented approach often ignores the holistic nature of sexual well-being.</p>
<p>Scientists wanted to assess the country using a broader, more integrated framework. Recent changes in the legal landscape, such as restricted access to abortion and reproductive care, have created new challenges for public health.</p>
<p>“I’ve spent much of my career thinking about how to measure sexual health in meaningful ways,” <a href="https://www.publichealth.columbia.edu/profile/jessie-v-ford-phd" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Jessie Ford</a>, an assistant professor in the Department of Sociomedical Sciences at Columbia University, told PsyPost. “Since around 2010, my work has focused on developing and refining approaches that go beyond disease to capture aspects like pleasure, satisfaction, and communication.”</p>
<p>To gather more comprehensive data, researchers used the World Health Organization’s Sexual Health Assessment of Practices and Experiences survey. This standardized questionnaire assesses knowledge, behaviors, and health outcomes across different global populations. The scientists selected specific indicators from this tool and supplemented them with two additional questions from federal surveys about communication comfort.</p>
<p>“More recently, I’ve been at several conferences where the World Health Organization introduced the SHAPE survey—a new tool designed to assess sexual health across diverse global contexts,” Ford explained. “I was really struck by its potential to capture a more holistic picture of sexual well-being.”</p>
<p>The team conducted an online survey in July 2024 through a market research company. They recruited a sample of 2,555 English-speaking adults living in the United States, ranging in age from 18 to 94 years old.</p>
<p>“So when the opportunity came up to implement the SHAPE survey in the U.S. with colleagues, I was eager to be involved,” Ford said. “It felt like a unique chance to better understand what sexual health looks like in practice—and what the findings might reveal about both progress and ongoing gaps.”</p>
<p>To ensure data quality, the recruitment platform used fraud detection tools to filter out automated responses and duplicate accounts. The final group included more women than men, with 56 percent identifying as female and 43 percent as male. About 71 percent of the participants identified as heterosexual.</p>
<p>When looking at the survey responses, researchers found that sexual encounters were generally consensual and physically rewarding. Approximately 89 percent of participants described their most recent sexual experience as wanted. About 87 percent reported that their last sexual encounter was pleasurable.</p>
<p>Despite these positive reports, overall contentment was moderate. Only 56 percent of the sample reported feeling satisfied with their sex life over the past year.</p>
<p>“I was struck by a kind of disconnect in the overall data,” Ford noted. “At the most recent sexual encounter, people reported very high levels of wantedness (89%) and pleasure (87%). But when asked about their sexual satisfaction more broadly over the past year, that drops to 56%.”</p>
<p>This discrepancy suggests that individual encounters do not always translate to long-term fulfillment. “That gap raises a lot of interesting questions,” Ford added. “It suggests that while individual sexual experiences may often be positive, people may not be having the kinds of sexual lives they want overall. Are people not having sex as often as they’d like? Are there unmet desires or constraints within relationships? Are people having pleasurable encounters but lacking consistency, connection, or fulfillment over time?”</p>
<p>The survey also provided evidence of significant gaps in preventive healthcare and routine testing. Exactly 50 percent of the participants had never been tested for the human immunodeficiency virus, commonly known as HIV. Additionally, 47 percent had never been tested for any other sexually transmitted infections.</p>
<p>The data revealed differences based on gender identity. Women and individuals of other gender identities reported lower rates of pleasure compared to men. These same groups also reported higher lifetime exposure to sexual violence.</p>
<p>“First, the disparities for gender-diverse individuals were even more pronounced than I expected,” Ford said. “This group showed many indicators we typically associate with strong sexual health—greater comfort communicating with partners, more progressive attitudes, and higher levels of sexual health knowledge. And yet, they reported worse outcomes across several domains, including lower sexual satisfaction, lower rates of STI and HIV testing, reduced feelings of safety, and higher exposure to sexual violence.”</p>
<p>This contrast suggests that progressive attitudes and open communication are not enough to protect marginalized groups. “That contrast highlights that knowledge and openness alone are not protective—there are deeper structural vulnerabilities that need more tailored, affirming responses,” Ford explained.</p>
<p>Communication about sexual health showed a divide depending on the conversation partner. Nearly half of the respondents felt completely comfortable discussing sexual health with their partners, but only 31 percent felt comfortable having these same conversations with their healthcare providers.</p>
<p>“One of the main takeaways is that sexual health in the U.S. is marked by both real progress and persistent gaps—it can often feel like one step forward, two steps back,” Ford said. “On the positive side, many people report that sex is wanted and pleasurable, and there are signs of cultural shifts, like greater comfort talking with partners about sexual health and increased acceptance of same-sex relationships. These are meaningful indicators of progress.”</p>
<p>However, significant challenges remain. “At the same time, the gaps are striking,” she continued. “Women and gender-diverse individuals continue to report lower pleasure, higher exposure to sexual violence, and less safety. We also see relatively low levels of communication with healthcare providers, and many people have never been tested for HIV or other STIs. High rates of unintended and adolescent pregnancy further point to ongoing structural and educational challenges.”</p>
<p>The researchers noted some limitations that should be considered when interpreting these numbers. The study relied on self-reported data gathered from an online opt-in panel, meaning participants actively chose to join the survey platform.</p>
<p>“This was a cross-sectional, online survey, so we can’t make causal claims about why these patterns exist,” Ford explained. “The data provide a snapshot in time rather than showing how sexual health changes over time.”</p>
<p>The demographic makeup of the sample was not entirely representative of the broader population. “While the sample included a wide age range and diverse participants, it is not fully representative of the U.S. population,” Ford said. “People who choose to participate in online surveys about sexual health may differ in important ways, including comfort discussing these topics.”</p>
<p>The team also did not use statistical methods to rule out other variables that might explain gender differences. For example, they did not use regression analyses, which are statistical techniques that help scientists determine how strongly different factors influence a specific outcome.</p>
<p>“As a result, the gender differences we report should be interpreted as descriptive patterns rather than causal or fully explained disparities,” Ford noted.</p>
<p>She also cautioned that measures like “wanted” sex can be interpreted differently by different people. “Another point is that measures like ‘wanted’ sex and pleasure can be interpreted in different ways by participants,” Ford said. “I’d argue that coexistence of high wantedness alongside reports of negative or non-consensual experiences shouldn’t be seen so much as contradictory, but as a reflection of the complexity of how people understand and report their experiences.”</p>
<p>Looking ahead, scientists suggest that establishing a coordinated national strategy could help address the persistent inequities revealed by the survey.</p>
<p>“Longer term, I’d love to see sexual health treated as a core public health priority in the United States,” Ford told PsyPost. “One goal is to work with agencies like the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and other national surveillance systems to develop an annual sexual health ‘scorecard’—something that tracks progress in a way that is transparent, engaging, and motivates us to do better as a country.”</p>
<p>“More broadly, this work connects to the need for a coordinated U.S. national sexual health strategy—one that moves beyond a narrow focus on disease and instead emphasizes agency, consent, pleasure, and healthy relationships across the life course,” she concluded. “Even in a challenging political climate, building better data systems and more holistic approaches to sexual health is essential for improving outcomes, especially for marginalized communities.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/0092623X.2026.2646636" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The State of Sexual Health in United States of America in 2024: Results from the World Health Organization’s Sexual Health Survey (SHAPE)</a>,” was authored by Jessie V. Ford, Eli Coleman, Leonor de Oliveira, Ryan L. Rahm-Knigge, and Kristen P. Mark.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/conservative-social-attitudes-are-linked-to-higher-fertility-across-72-countries-with-stronger-effects-among-women/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Conservative social attitudes are linked to higher fertility across 72 countries, with stronger effects among women</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 1st 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A study published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s40806-026-00476-4"><em>Evolutionary Psychological Science</em></a> found that people who endorsed more conservative social attitudes tended to report having more children across a large international sample, suggesting that these attitudes may be linked to contemporary reproductive patterns.</p>
<p>Social attitudes are broad orientations toward social life, including views about religion, politics, hierarchy, gender roles, sexuality, and authority. In this article, “conservatism” is used in a broad sense to refer to a shared tendency across attitudes such as right-wing ideology, religiousness, lower support for gender equality, and preference for religiousness in romantic partners.</p>
<p>The study builds on prior research showing that these attitudes often correlate with one another and that many social attitudes show some degree of heritability. That heritability is part of what makes them interesting from an evolutionary standpoint, particularly if they’re also tied to <a href="https://www.psypost.org/demographic-differences-in-fertility-linked-to-generational-shifts-in-the-political-landscape/">how many children people have</a>.</p>
<p>Janko Međedović set out to investigate exactly that. His motivation came from a gap in evolutionary behavioral ecology; researchers have extensively studied how <a href="https://www.psypost.org/people-with-high-openness-to-experience-tend-to-have-fewer-children/">personality</a>, cognition, and religiousness relate to fertility, but social attitudes more broadly have largely been left out of that conversation. Given that conservative worldviews tend to emphasize family formation, traditional gender roles, religious commitment, and pronatalist values, Međedović wanted to test whether people who hold these attitudes actually report having more biological children.</p>
<p>The study used a publicly available dataset originally collected for research on romantic love and mate preferences. The full dataset included 117,293 participants from 175 countries, with data collected mostly online in 2021 (Algeria and Morocco used paper-and-pencil surveys; Russia used Toloka; Iran used Google Forms). After removing participants with missing data on key variables and excluding countries with fewer than 100 respondents, the final analytic sample included 78,754 participants from 72 countries. About two-thirds of the sample were women.</p>
<p>Participants answered questions about political ideology (a single item, far-left to far-right), support for gender equality (a three-item scale, where higher scores meant stronger support), religiousness (an 11-point self-report item), preference for religiousness in an ideal romantic partner (a parallel 11-point item), and number of biological children. They also reported their gender, age, education level, and social class, variables that can shape both attitudes and family formation in important ways.</p>
<p>Međedović found that conservative social attitudes were consistently linked with higher fertility. Participants who reported stronger right-wing ideology, stronger religiousness, stronger preference for religiousness in a romantic partner, and lower support for gender equality tended to report having more children. The associations were generally small—age was by far the strongest predictor of how many children someone had—but they were consistent enough to show up reliably in a sample of nearly 80,000 people spread across 72 countries.</p>
<p>The size of the relationship between conservative attitudes and fertility also varied considerably across countries, and in a small number of cases it even flipped direction. This suggests the attitude-fertility link is not a fixed universal mechanism, and that national and cultural context shapes it in meaningful ways.</p>
<p>Several more specific patterns also emerged. Right-wing ideology and lower support for gender equality were more strongly associated with fertility among women than men, suggesting that conservative attitudes may be especially tied to women’s reproductive outcomes in this dataset. Self-reported religiousness was strongly associated with preferring a religious romantic partner, and the interaction between these variables showed that people low in religiousness who also preferred nonreligious partners had especially low fertility. Education further qualified the findings: right-wing ideology predicted higher fertility among less educated participants, but not among highly educated participants.</p>
<p>The author also found small quadratic effects, but described these as slight departures from linear associations rather than strong evidence of a clearly nonlinear pattern.</p>
<p>Međedović notes several important limitations. Women and more educated participants were likely overrepresented, and many participants were still young enough that they may not have completed their reproductive years (average age for men = 31.5 years, women = 29.5 years). The cross-sectional design also means the study cannot establish that conservative attitudes <em>cause</em> higher fertility or that they are definitely evolving through selection. As well, several attitudes were measured with only one item, which also limits measurement reliability.</p>
<p>Still, the findings make a reasonable case that social attitudes deserve more attention in research on fertility differences, while also raising the possibility that attitudes could be relevant to contemporary human behavioral evolution.</p>
<p>The research “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s40806-026-00476-4">Conservative Social Attitudes are Linked with Fertility: A Potential for Positive Directional Selection</a>” was authored by Janko Međedović.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/fascinating-new-research-suggests-artificial-neurodivergence-could-help-solve-the-ai-alignment-problem/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Fascinating new research suggests artificial neurodivergence could help solve the AI alignment problem</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">May 1st 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/pnasnexus/pgag076" target="_blank" rel="noopener">PNAS Nexus</a></em> suggests that designing artificial intelligence systems with a diversity of perspectives might be the safest way to integrate them into society. The research provides evidence that creating a balanced ecosystem of competing AI agents helps prevent any single system from gaining destructive dominance. This approach embraces a controlled level of disagreement among AI programs to protect human interests.</p>
<p>Agentic artificial intelligence refers to computer programs that can make their own decisions and pursue specific goals without a human guiding every step. As these independent systems become smarter, scientists worry about the AI alignment problem. This term describes the challenge of making sure an advanced computer program always respects human values and safety needs.</p>
<p>Software engineers have tried to solve this problem by programming strict safety rules into the machines. <a href="https://www.hectorzenil.com/">Hector Zenil</a>, the founder and CEO of Algocyte and an associate professor at King’s College London, guided the research team in exploring a different approach. They relied on concepts like Alan Turing’s Halting Problem to demonstrate that predicting exactly how a highly complex system will behave is fundamentally impossible.</p>
<p>“I explored this topic because I felt the alignment debate was missing a more fundamental question: not just how to align advanced AI, but whether perfect alignment is even possible in principle,” Zenil said. “My own work has long focused on causality, computation, irreducibility, and Algorithmic Information Dynamics, so it was natural for me to approach AI safety through the lens of formal limits rather than only engineering intuition.” He noted that once viewed this way, misalignment stops looking like a temporary bug and starts looking like something structurally tied to sufficiently general intelligence.</p>
<p>“What matters to me is that this study shifts the framing,” Zenil explained. “Instead of asking how to build one all-powerful and perfectly obedient system, I think we should be asking how to build environments in which no single system can dominate without being challenged. That is a more realistic and, in my view, more scientifically honest way to think about the future of AI, AGI, and eventually ASI.”</p>
<p>Instead of trying to enforce perfect obedience, the researchers explored a concept they call artificial agentic neurodivergence. This means deliberately designing AI agents to have different ways of reasoning and distinct ethical priorities. For example, one agent might prioritize following strict rules, while another might focus on maximizing positive outcomes for the environment.</p>
<p>To test this idea, the scientists set up a simulated digital environment where different AI models could interact and debate complex ethical issues. They selected ten controversial topics, such as the ethics of human genetic engineering, universal basic income, and the management of Earth’s natural resources. The researchers used a mix of proprietary models, which are tightly restricted by corporate safety rules, and open models, which have fewer built-in restrictions.</p>
<p>The proprietary group included well-known models like ChatGPT-4, Claude 3.5, Gemini, and Grok. The open group included models such as Mistral, Qwen, and TinyLlama. The setup required the agents to take turns responding to one another in a round-robin fashion, generating exactly 1029 comments for analysis.</p>
<p>During the debates, the scientists introduced disruptive forces called red agents to challenge the consensus. In the proprietary group, a human expert acted as the red agent, introducing provocative arguments to test the ethical boundaries of the AI. In the open group, specific open-source AI models were programmed to act as contrarians.</p>
<p>To measure the results exactly, the researchers used several mathematical tools, including the Opinion Stability Index. This tool combines changes in meaning, changes in emotional tone, and changes in argumentative complexity to measure how much an agent’s stance shifts. The researchers also tracked the meaning of the arguments using embeddings, which mathematically translate words into coordinates to map out how similar two concepts are.</p>
<p>To see who was influencing whom, the researchers calculated whether a sudden shift in an agent’s opinion was directly caused by the provocative comments of a red agent. They found that proprietary models maintained a highly stable and positive tone, rarely shifting their opinions even when provoked. While this stability prevents them from generating harmful content, it tends to limit their ability to adapt to new ethical arguments.</p>
<p>In contrast, the open models displayed a much higher degree of behavioral diversity. The open AI agents were more easily influenced by the provocative red agents, leading to significant shifts in their opinions. This flexibility provides evidence that open systems can foster a richer, more diverse ecosystem of ideas.</p>
<p>“What I found most interesting was how behavioural diversity could become a stabilising factor rather than just a flaw,” Zenil said. “In our experiments, more diverse ecosystems of models were sometimes less prone to collapsing too quickly into one dominant opinion, and that matters because consensus is not always the same thing as safety.” He added that disagreement, if structured properly, can act as a protective feature.</p>
<p>“And, to my surprise, these are also the kind of values we have appreciated as human social animals in the past,” Zenil noted. “Diversity, tolerance, etc., that turned out to emerge from a technical agentic AI simulation maximizing for steerability.”</p>
<p>“The main takeaway is that we should be cautious about promises that advanced AI can be made perfectly controllable in every circumstance,” Zenil explained. “My work suggests that for sufficiently general systems, some degree of misalignment is unavoidable, so the real challenge is how to manage it safely rather than pretend it can be eliminated completely. In practical terms, that means building systems of oversight, diversity, and mutual constraint instead of trusting one supposedly perfect model.”</p>
<p>Despite these insights, there are potential misinterpretations and limitations to this study. The mathematical unpredictability of advanced AI means that even a balanced ecosystem of diverse models cannot eliminate all risks. While internal diversity helps prevent one AI from taking over, it does not stop malicious human users from exploiting these systems for harmful ends.</p>
<p>“The first is that this does not mean AI safety is hopeless, and it definitely does not mean we should allow systems to behave however they want,” Zenil said. “It means that perfect, once-and-for-all alignment is too strong an ideal, there is a tradeoff, and that we need more realistic approaches based on management, contestability, and resilience. Another limitation is that our experimental setting is still a simplified model of a much larger problem, so the results should be taken as a proof of principle, not as a finished governance blueprint.”</p>
<p>Future research will likely focus on developing new governance frameworks to balance the rigid safety of proprietary models with the adaptable diversity of open models. Scientists hope to explore ways to gently steer AI ecosystems away from harmful outcomes without imposing impossible levels of central control. Embracing this dynamic diversity tends to offer a more resilient way to integrate artificial intelligence into society.</p>
<p>“My long-term goal is to develop a more rigorous science of cognitive ecosystems, including better ways to measure alignment, disagreement, resilience, influenceability, and coordinated failure in multi-agent systems, and how to resolve conflict,” Zenil said. “I also see strong links to my broader work on causal discovery, Algorithmic Information Dynamics, and the algorithmic future of medicine, because in all these areas the real challenge is not just prediction but understanding and managing complex interacting systems. More broadly, I want to help move AI from correlation-driven optimisation toward causally grounded, interpretable, and governable intelligence.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/pnasnexus/pgag076" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Neurodivergent influenceability in agentic AI as a contingent solution to the AI alignment problem</a>,” was authored by Alberto Hernández-Espinosa, Felipe S Abrahão, Olaf Witkowski, and Hector Zenil.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/swiping-left-on-the-deep-state-how-conspiracy-theories-ruin-your-dating-profile/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Psychology study finds sharing conspiracy theories sabotages early romantic connections</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Apr 30th 2026, 20:00</div>
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<p><p>Disclosing a belief in conspiracy theories on an online dating profile generally reduces your chances of securing a match. People who endorse these ideas in their biographies encounter harsher judgments and fewer romantic prospects, though politically conservative individuals tend to be more forgiving of such disclosures. These findings were published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672251399448"><em>Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin</em></a>.</p>
<p>Conspiracy theories propose that groups of powerful people are secretly coordinating to achieve some hidden outcome at the expense of the public. Psychological research suggests that people endorse these narratives in an unconscious attempt to relieve feelings of anxiety or to regain a sense of control over unpredictable world events. Becoming consumed by these ideas carries serious interpersonal costs.</p>
<p>Voicing these beliefs can strain established social connections and alienate peers. Family members and friends often report reduced satisfaction in their relationships when a loved one begins endorsing hidden plots. Romantically, having a partner who adopts these worldviews often precedes increased conflict and a loss of intimacy.</p>
<p>Researchers wanted to know how these highly polarizing opinions affect the very beginning stages of a romantic connection. Online dating is a curated environment where individuals try to present their best qualities while simultaneously scanning others for warning signs. A misplaced word or controversial opinion can easily derail a potential spark before two people ever meet in person.</p>
<p>A scientific team led by Ricky Green, a psychology researcher at the University of Kent, suspected that conspiracy beliefs might function as a social stigma in this early dating context. Stigma refers to a profound discrediting by society, in which an individual is viewed as having an undesirable attribute. People usually try to hide stigmatized information from prospective partners to avoid immediate social exclusion.</p>
<p>At the same time, the research team recognized that human beings are drawn to those who view the universe through a similar lens. Psychologists call this shared reality theory, which describes the interpersonal connection that blooms when two people validate each other’s understanding of the world. Green and his colleagues tested whether political alignment might provide some protection against the social penalty of sharing a controversial worldview.</p>
<p>The research team conducted four consecutive experiments to test these dynamics. In the first two tests, they created fictitious online dating profiles that mimicked the layout of the popular application Tinder. Participants read short biographies that listed basic hobbies alongside a single experimental sentence.</p>
<p>Participants evaluated a profile belonging to a fictitious user. The biography section either stated that the COVID-19 pandemic was a hoax, the 2020 U.S. presidential election was rigged, or it included no conspiracy-related text at all. Alternatively, some users saw a profile explicitly denouncing those specific conspiracy theories.</p>
<p>Participants who viewed the profiles containing the pro-conspiracy statements rated the profile owner as less honest, less intelligent, and less kind. They reported lower intentions to befriend or romantically date the person compared to those who viewed the neutral or anti-conspiracy profiles. Denouncing a conspiracy theory did not negatively impact a profile, as those users received ratings very similar to the neutral control group.</p>
<p>The profiles sharing a conspiracy narrative were consistently rated as more unique than the alternative profiles. Many people adopt alternative narratives precisely because they want to feel apart from the herd. The findings suggest the disclosures successfully communicate individuality, but at the expense of basic relational traits like trustworthiness and warmth.</p>
<p>The political leanings of the participants modified these reactions. People with a liberal orientation judged the right-wing conspiracy profiles quite harshly. Politically conservative participants showed much more leniency toward the right-wing conspiracy profiles.</p>
<p>In the scenario involving the 2020 election, highly conservative participants even expressed a greater willingness to date the profile holder compared to someone expressing anti-conspiracy views. For these particular individuals, the shared political narrative appeared to override any general social disapproval attached to the belief.</p>
<p>The first two tests focused on theories traditionally associated with right-wing politics in the United States. Green and his team wanted to see if the same patterns held for theories usually embraced by left-leaning voters. They designed a new experiment featuring narratives about the oil industry to test this concept.</p>
<p>The scientists also manipulated the perceived plausibility of the narratives. Some participants viewed a highly implausible statement claiming that oil companies mutually decide who will become the U.S. president. Others viewed a relatively plausible statement suggesting that oil companies secretly agree to increase fuel prices.</p>
<p>Reactions varied based on how realistic the statement appeared. The profile endorsing the implausible presidential plot received low marks for social traits from participants, mirroring the reactions to the right-wing examples. Viewers largely shied away from the prospect of going on a date with this fictitious person.</p>
<p>The plausible fuel-price narrative did not trigger the same social penalty. Participants did not downgrade their dating intentions for the user sharing this belief. They even rated the profile holder as slightly more intelligent than the entirely neutral control profile.</p>
<p>Political orientation again shaped the responses, but not quite in the symmetrical way the researchers expected. Liberal participants continued to be relatively harsh toward the implausible left-wing narrative. Conservative participants, conversely, remained generally non-judgmental across all profile variations.</p>
<p>To mimic real-world interactions more closely, the scientists built a mock online dating application for their final experiment. Participants created profiles for themselves and then swiped on a series of ten potential matches. To simulate the rapid evaluations people make every day on their smartphones, the application allowed users to swipe left to reject a profile or right to express romantic interest.</p>
<p>Hidden among the decoy profiles was a target profile that featured either a politically neutral conspiracy theory about genetically modified foods, a left-wing theory about oil companies, or a right-wing theory about the 2020 election. A separate control group encountered a target profile with basic hobbies and no political statements. Participants reported their intentions for both brief flings and committed, long-term romantic relationships.</p>
<p>Participants swiped left more frequently on the profiles featuring the neutral and right-wing conspiracy theories. They also perceived the creators of these profiles as more anxious and narcissistic, while viewing them as less warm and competent overall. This held true for both short-term dating prospects and long-term relationship considerations.</p>
<p>The left-wing conspiracy profile managed to avoid this specific wave of rejection during the swiping exercise. Participants did not swipe left on the oil company narrative at rates different from the control profile. They did, however, rate the creator of that specific profile as slightly more narcissistic and reliant on intuition over logic after closer inspection.</p>
<p>As seen in the earlier studies, liberal participants drove much of the rejection toward the right-wing narrative. The data showed that conservative participants continued to display indifference, rather than active preference, for the conspiracy-sharing profiles in this simulated swiping environment. It appears that putting hidden-plot narratives in a dating biography signals a type of social nonconformity that primarily acts as a deterrent to the broader dating pool.</p>
<p>This body of work relied entirely on text-based profiles without accompanying photographs. Physical attractiveness dictates a massive portion of online dating success. A very attractive face could theoretically neutralize the social penalty of an unusual belief, especially for short-term romantic engagements where shared worldview might fall lower on a priority list.</p>
<p>The experimental pool was also skewed somewhat toward liberal participants. A sample with a higher concentration of participants from a wider variety of political backgrounds could reveal different acceptance thresholds for contentious political information. Finding out exactly how high those thresholds go will require further testing.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672251399448">Conspiracy Theories and Online Dating: It’s a (Mis)match!</a>,” was authored by Ricky Green, Lea C. Kamitz, Daniel Toribio-Flórez, Mikey Biddlestone, Frank Gasking, Robbie M. Sutton, and Karen M. Douglas. </p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/mental-health-risks-of-cannabis-addiction-depend-heavily-on-age/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Mental health risks of cannabis addiction depend heavily on age</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Apr 30th 2026, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>As cannabis legalization spreads, new research reveals that the mental health risks tied to a cannabis addiction depend heavily on a patient’s age. A recent study published in the <em><a href="https://psychiatryonline.org/doi/10.1176/appi.ajp.20250336" target="_blank">American Journal of Psychiatry</a></em> found that adolescents with a cannabis use disorder are more likely to develop psychiatric conditions compared to peers addicted to other drugs, while adults face a comparatively lower risk. These results point to a need for age-specific approaches to drug education and public health policies.</p>
<p>Products made from the Cannabis sativa plant have a long history in the United States, with recreational use dating back to at least the 1800s. Consumption climbed during alcohol prohibition in the 1920s and the counterculture movement of the 1960s, continuing to rise as states legalize the drug. As of early 2025, recreational cannabis is legal in 24 states and the District of Columbia, and surveys suggest that daily cannabis use now outpaces daily alcohol consumption. </p>
<p>With expanded access, doctors are treating more cases of cannabis use disorder, a condition where a person cannot stop consuming the drug even when it causes health or social problems. Medical literature from the early twentieth century first hinted at a connection between cannabis and psychosis, a disconnection from reality often involving hallucinations. Later, a 1987 study of more than 45,000 Swedish army recruits demonstrated that heavy cannabis use at conscription was linked to large increases in the risk of subsequent schizophrenia. </p>
<p>Ryan C. Nicholson, a medical resident at the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine, led a research team to investigate the specific psychiatric differences between cannabis and other drugs. “Much of our interest in this came from the recent legalization of recreational cannabis in Maryland, in 2023, and other states,” Nicholson said. “We wanted to understand cannabis-related psychotic disorders clinicians are seeing in the context of other substance-related psychotic disorders.”</p>
<p>Johannes Thrul, an associate professor at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, co-authored the study. “Is cannabis use a unique risk factor compared to the use of other substances such as alcohol, opioids, or cocaine? That’s the question we addressed in this study, and our findings suggest that that relative risk depends on the user’s age,” Thrul said<br>
. </p>
<p>To answer these questions, the research team analyzed nearly 700,000 medical records from the TriNetX commercial database. They identified patients diagnosed with a substance addiction who had no previous history of mental illness. To ensure fair comparisons, the researchers used a statistical technique called propensity score matching. </p>
<p>This method pairs individuals from different groups who share similar life circumstances and health histories. The team matched patients based on factors such as age, sex, ethnicity, and income level. By comparing these matched groups, the researchers could isolate the effects of specific drug addictions on later mental health. </p>
<p>The team tracked the patients’ medical records forward in time to look for new psychiatric diagnoses. The data revealed clear differences based on the age of the patients, who were divided into a group of 691,806 adults and a group of 49,586 youths age 17 and under. Among the pediatric patients, the median age for those with a cannabis addiction was 16, compared to 15 for youths addicted to other substances. </p>
<p>Notably, about 10 percent of the patients across all the addiction categories were under age 12. The researchers noted this aligns with other clinical reports showing that roughly 10.2 percent of adult patients being treated for an addiction started using drugs at age 11 or younger. These early exposures provided a foundation for exploring long-term health outcomes. </p>
<p>The health outcomes for pediatric patients indicated a distinct vulnerability to mood and psychotic disorders. Adolescents with a cannabis addiction had a 52 percent higher relative risk of being diagnosed with schizophrenia than adolescents addicted to other substances. They also faced a 30 percent higher risk for recurrent major depression and a 21 percent higher risk for anxiety disorders. </p>
<p>Conversely, adults addicted solely to cannabis had a lower risk of developing most mental health conditions compared to adults addicted to other drugs. The cannabis group showed a 19 percent lower risk for schizophrenia, at 0.34 percent compared to 0.42 percent for the other substance group. Risks of subsequent psychosis, recurrent major depression, and suicide attempts were also lower in the adult cannabis group. </p>
<p>The researchers also examined adults who struggled with multiple drug addictions at the same time. They compared patients addicted to cannabis plus another drug against patients addicted to multiple non-cannabis drugs. Similar to the single-substance adult group, the patients with a combined cannabis addiction showed lower rates of schizophrenia, depression, and bipolar disorder. </p>
<p>When breaking down the adult data by specific substances, more nuanced patterns emerged. Compared specifically to patients with an alcohol addiction, the cannabis group had a lower risk of depression and psychotic disorders. Compared to patients addicted to cocaine, the cannabis group had lower rates of schizophrenia and depression, but higher rates of anxiety. </p>
<p>The comparison with opioid addiction yielded another specific variation. Adults with a cannabis addiction had a slightly higher risk of developing schizophrenia than adults with an opioid addiction. Yet, those same cannabis users had lower rates of depression and anxiety than the opioid users. </p>
<p>The study authors proposed a few biological explanations for the elevated risks seen in teenagers. The human brain contains a communication network called the endocannabinoid system, which helps regulate mood, memory, and brain development. During adolescence, the receptors for this system reach their highest concentration in areas of the brain responsible for complex thinking. Introducing cannabis during this critical developmental window might alter the way the prefrontal cortex matures. </p>
<p>The results suggest that heavy cannabis use might predispose young people to schizophrenia and other psychiatric disorders they might not develop otherwise. Thrul notes that this acceleration effect could make these illnesses seem less likely at later ages. This phenomenon would make it appear as though the risk is lower in adults in relation to other recreational drugs. </p>
<p>Alternatively, Thrul cautions that the cause and effect might point in the opposite direction. Individuals who are innately more likely to develop certain psychiatric disorders might have a greater tendency to self-medicate with cannabis. They may seek out the drug before their mental health issues become clinically evident. </p>
<p>Like all observational studies, this research comes with certain limitations. The database relies on diagnostic coding by various physicians, which means the researchers do not know the exact patient history that led to each diagnosis. The electronic health records also lack details about the exact type and potency of the cannabis consumed. </p>
<p>Future research will need to track exactly how much cannabis people consume and measure the chemical concentrations in those products. Scientists hope to use brain imaging technology to watch how long-term cannabis exposure changes the physical structure of the developing brain. Pathology studies could also help map the exact cellular changes that occur. </p>
<p>In the meantime, public health officials can use this data to refine how they talk to teenagers about drug use. “There are still many unknowns on that question, but I would never recommend that teenagers use cannabis, especially not the high-potency cannabis products that are on the market now,” Thrul said.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://psychiatryonline.org/doi/10.1176/appi.ajp.20250336" target="_blank">Association of Cannabis Use Disorder Versus Other Substance Use Disorders With Psychiatric Conditions: A Propensity-Matched Retrospective Cohort Analysis</a>,” was authored by Ryan C. Nicholson, Una E. Choi, Ramin Mojtabai, and Johannes Thrul.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/childhood-trauma-linked-to-biological-aging-and-gaze-avoidance/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Childhood trauma linked to biological aging and gaze avoidance</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Apr 30th 2026, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>Childhood maltreatment is associated with accelerated biological aging and a tendency to avoid looking at people’s eyes. New research published in <i><a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0321952">PLOS One</a></i> indicates that these physical and behavioral changes occur independently in children who have suffered abuse. Both of these responses map onto higher rates of emotional and behavioral difficulties, offering researchers a better idea of how early trauma shapes human development.</p>
<p>Biological aging can happen at a different pace than chronological aging. One way scientists measure biological age is by looking at epigenetics. Epigenetics involves chemical modifications to DNA that alter how genes are expressed without changing the underlying genetic code. Specifically, researchers look at DNA methylation, a process where tiny molecular tags attach to certain parts of the genome. As people age, the pattern of these tags changes in a predictable way. </p>
<p>In recent years, researchers have developed epigenetic clocks that use these methylation patterns to estimate a person’s biological age. Extreme stress and trauma have been linked to accelerated epigenetic aging in adults. Being exposed to adverse childhood experiences can force a body to mature faster to cope with unstable environments. </p>
<p>Measuring this accelerated aging in very young children has presented challenges. Older epigenetic clocks were designed for adult tissues and were often unreliable when used on pediatric populations. To fix this, researchers developed the pediatric buccal epigenetic clock. This tool was designed to accurately estimate aging in children using cells collected securely and painlessly from the inside of the cheek. </p>
<p>Along with physical changes, childhood trauma can alter how people interact with their environment. Individuals who experience trauma or social anxiety often display different visual habits. Avoiding eye contact is a common response to severe stress. By looking away, a person might try to disengage from threatening social interactions. Over time, avoiding eye contact can disrupt the development of social skills, as gazing into another person’s eyes is an important part of building emotional bonds.</p>
<p>Keiko Ochiai led a team of scientists to examine these physical and behavioral factors together. Ochiai is a researcher working with the United Graduate School of Child Development at Osaka University in Japan. The research team wanted to see if changes in the epigenetic clock and differences in eye contact happen alongside each other or cause one another. They specifically wanted to study children whose traumatic experiences were officially documented, rather than relying solely on adult memories of childhood trauma.</p>
<p>The researchers recruited 36 children who had experienced physical abuse, emotional abuse, or neglect. These children had been legally removed from the care of their biological parents by child protective services. They were living in residential childcare facilities at the time of the study and had an average age of about six years. The researchers also recruited 60 typically developing children with an average age of about four to five years from the local community to serve as a comparison group.</p>
<p>To evaluate the children’s well-being, the researchers relied on standard psychological evaluations. Caregivers and parents filled out the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire. This survey asks caregivers to rate a child on a variety of attributes, including emotional symptoms, peer relationship issues, and prosocial behaviors. By tallying these reports, the researchers gained a broader picture of how well each child was adapting to their social environment.</p>
<p>To measure biological aging, the team collected cheek swabs from all the children. They extracted DNA from the cells lining the inside of the cheeks. The team then analyzed thousands of molecular locations on the DNA to read the methylation tags. They used the pediatric clock formula to calculate each child’s biological age. The researchers then compared this biological age to the child’s actual chronological age to calculate whether their aging was accelerated.</p>
<p>The researchers also evaluated how the children processed social information. They seated each child in front of an eye-tracking monitor in a quiet room. The children underwent a brief calibration process where they tracked an animated animal on the screen. Then, the screen played short videos featuring different social cues. These videos included people and geometric patterns, the biological motion of a human body, objects with pointing gestures, and human faces.</p>
<p>As the children watched the videos, the equipment recorded exactly where they were looking. The team divided the screen into specific areas of interest. They designated highly social areas, such as the eyes on a human face or the upright figure of a person. They also noted less social areas, like the mouth on a face or background areas in the video. The system measured how much of the child’s gaze was fixated on these specific areas.</p>
<p>When analyzing the genetic data, the researchers found that the maltreated children exhibited accelerated biological aging compared to the typically developing children. The epigenetic clocks of the maltreated children ticked faster than their actual ages. The researchers noted that while the overall difference was moderate in size, even subtle changes in biological aging during early childhood could have cumulative impacts later in life, such as earlier onset of puberty.</p>
<p>The eye-tracking data revealed specific differences in how the children looked at human faces. The maltreated children spent less time fixating on the eye region of the faces on the screen. Instead, their gaze varied more across other areas like the mouth or the background. The two groups did not show differences in how they looked at other types of social cues, like moving bodies or pointing fingers. The behavioral change was highly specific to human faces.</p>
<p>The team explored whether specific details of the children’s trauma history affected these outcomes. They looked at the type of maltreatment, the duration of the abuse, and the time that had passed since the children were removed from their homes. None of these specific historical factors changed the degree of biological aging or the amount of time spent looking at eyes. However, children who had experienced multiple types of maltreatment scored higher on the behavioral difficulty questionnaire.</p>
<p>The researchers then looked for mathematical relationships among the epigenetic data, the eye-tracking data, and the behavioral questionnaires. They found that spending less time looking at eyes was associated with faster biological aging. Both of these individual traits were also linked to higher scores on the behavioral difficulty questionnaire. This suggested a relationship among the biological clock, visual habits, and emotional health.</p>
<p>The team used a statistical technique to see if these factors functioned like falling dominoes, where one caused the next. They mapped out a model to test if accelerated aging caused the children to avoid eye contact, which in turn caused the behavioral problems. The statistical model did not support this chain reaction. Instead, it indicated that accelerated aging and reduced eye contact operate in parallel. Both traits were independently associated with the behavioral problems seen in the maltreated children.</p>
<p>To explain these parallel effects, the researchers note that epigenetic changes can alter the way specific genes influence social behaviors. Altered gene expression could disrupt social development from an inner biological level. At the same time, children who do not look at eyes miss out on important visual cues. Previous research has linked reduced eye contact to lower levels of oxytocin, a hormone involved in building trust and forming emotional bonds. This lack of attachment experience likely fuels higher rates of social and emotional difficulties.</p>
<p>The authors note a few limitations to their research. The study design was cross-sectional, examining a single point in time rather than tracking the children over many years. Because of this snapshot effect, the researchers cannot state that child maltreatment directly causes the observed changes in aging and eye gaze. Causality can only be proven through different types of experimental methodologies that track changes as they occur.</p>
<p>The size of the study sample was relatively small, though it was sufficient for the statistical tests used. There was also an age difference between the maltreated children and the comparison group. The researchers adjusted their statistical models to account for this age gap, but comparing groups of the exact same age would provide stronger evidence. The researchers also noted that they lacked data on adult populations, making it hard to know if these exact structural changes persist into adulthood.</p>
<p>Future investigations will likely track children over longer periods to see how biological aging and social behaviors develop over time. This approach could help scientists determine if moving children to stable, supportive environments can slow the accelerated epigenetic aging process. It might also show whether early interventions can improve social interactions and restore normal eye contact behaviors. </p>
<p>Eventually, identifying these biological and behavioral markers could assist medical professionals in evaluating the health and social needs of young trauma survivors. These structural and behavioral adaptations appear to be tied closely to the instability of the children’s early environments. By reading these biological and behavioral markers, psychologists might one day tailor treatments to address both the physical toll of trauma and its everyday social consequences. </p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0321952">Behavioral and emotional difficulties in maltreated children: Associations with epigenetic clock changes and visual attention to social cues</a>,” was authored by Keiko Ochiai, Shota Nishitani, Akiko Yao, Daiki Hiraoka, Natasha Y.S. Kawata, Shizuka Suzuki, Takashi X. Fujisawa, and Akemi Tomoda.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/high-trust-in-ai-leaves-individuals-vulnerable-to-cognitive-surrender-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">High trust in AI leaves individuals vulnerable to “cognitive surrender,” study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Apr 30th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study posted as a <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=6097646" target="_blank">Wharton School Research Paper</a> provides evidence that people increasingly rely on artificial intelligence to make decisions, a phenomenon scientists call “cognitive surrender.” The findings suggest that individuals tend to adopt computer-generated answers without critical thought. This habit boosts human accuracy when the software is correct but significantly harms performance when the system makes mistakes.</p>
<p>Since the late twentieth century, psychologists have generally divided human cognition into two distinct categories. System 1 represents immediate, automatic responses driven by instinct and emotion. System 2 involves the deliberate, effortful reflection required to solve complex mathematical equations or weigh difficult choices. </p>
<p>However, the rapid rise of generative algorithms presents a new dynamic that does not fit neatly into this traditional model. People now frequently delegate their thinking to external software, outsourcing tasks ranging from drafting emails to making complex medical diagnoses. </p>
<p>“Looking at how AI is being used in society, it has become an ever-available cognitive partner,” said <a href="https://www.whyweconsume.com/" target="_blank">Steven Shaw</a>, a postdoctoral researcher at The Wharton School. “Much of the public conversation has focused on whether AI models are accurate, biased, or capable, but we thought there was a missing human-side question: what happens to our own reasoning when we can outsource thinking so easily?”</p>
<p>Shaw noted that the project grew from observing real-world patterns in everyday life. “People are not just asking AI for information; they are often letting it structure their thoughts, explanations, and decisions,” he explained.</p>
<p>To address this, the scientists proposed the Tri-System Theory, adding artificial cognition as a third system of thought. “From a theoretical perspective, we build on dual process theories to introduce Tri-System Theory of Cognition, which adds System 3, artificial cognition to existing Systems 1 (intuitive) and 2 (deliberative),” Shaw said.</p>
<p>“We define and characterize System 3 in the paper as external, automated, data-driven, and dynamic,” Shaw continued. “Establishing System 3’s presence brings AI into the human cognitive architecture (we call the ‘triadic cognitive ecology’).”</p>
<p>To test this theory, the researchers separated the concept of strategic help from complete reliance. Cognitive <em>offloading</em> occurs when a person uses a tool like a calculator to assist their own reasoning. In contrast, cognitive <em>surrender</em> happens when a person entirely relinquishes mental control and adopts an algorithm’s judgment as their own.</p>
<p>In the first study, scientists recruited 359 participants in a laboratory setting, along with 81 online participants to ensure robust results. The volunteers completed seven logic puzzles designed to trigger an immediate, incorrect intuitive answer. Reaching the correct solution required effortful, analytical thought to override the initial gut reaction.</p>
<p>Participants were randomly divided into two groups, with one working independently and the other given access to a chatbot. For those with chatbot access, the scientists secretly manipulated the software to provide correct answers on some puzzles and confidently present incorrect answers on others.</p>
<p>“AI use was optional in our studies, so we did not know how often participants would actually consult it,” Shaw noted. “We were struck by both the overall usage rates (greater than 50% of trials) and the high follow rates once participants opened the chat (over 90% following correct AI advice and ~80% following incorrect AI advice, conditional on chat use; stats from Study 1).”</p>
<p>When the software provided the correct answer, participant accuracy jumped to 71 percent, compared to about 46 percent for those working without assistance. When the algorithm provided faulty advice, human accuracy plummeted to roughly 31 percent. Access to the chatbot also inflated participants’ confidence in their answers, even when the advice was completely wrong.</p>
<p>The scientists found that participants who reported higher general trust in technology were more likely to surrender to faulty suggestions. Those who naturally enjoy engaging in deep thinking, a trait called need for cognition, successfully recognized and rejected the incorrect outputs more often. Participants with higher fluid intelligence, the ability to solve unfamiliar problems, also showed resistance to cognitive surrender.</p>
<p>To see how environmental factors change these patterns, the researchers conducted a second experiment with 485 participants. Everyone had access to the assistant, but half of the participants were placed under a strict 30-second time limit for each puzzle. Time constraints generally reduced overall accuracy, but reliance on the algorithm remained strong.</p>
<p>In a third experiment involving 450 participants, the scientists tested whether financial motivation and immediate performance feedback could reduce cognitive surrender. Half of the participants earned a 20-cent cash bonus and received an instant notification telling them whether their submitted response was right or wrong.</p>
<p>These rewards and feedback loops helped participants stay alert and double-check the software’s work. The rate at which participants rejected faulty advice doubled from 20 percent to 42 percent. Despite this improvement, cognitive surrender persisted broadly, as many incentivized participants still accepted incorrect answers.</p>
<p>The researchers combined the data across all three experiments to estimate the overall strength of this effect. This final synthesis included 1,372 participants and 9,593 individual puzzle trials. The massive dataset confirmed that human accuracy consistently scaled with the quality of the algorithmic output.</p>
<p>While this research provides detailed insights, the experiments relied on specific logic puzzles in a highly controlled setting. “These were controlled experiments using structured reasoning tasks, so they are a clean demonstration of the phenomenon rather than a complete map of AI use in the wild,” Shaw explained. </p>
<p>He added that cognitive surrender is not inherently negative. “Cognitive surrender is not the same as saying AI is bad or that using AI is irrational; in many settings, AI can improve judgment,” Shaw said. “The key issue is calibration: knowing when AI is helping you think and when it is quietly doing the thinking for you.”</p>
<p>“We believe users often slip into cognitive surrender without realizing, particularly due to how engaging modern LLMs are and characteristics of sycophancy,” he continued. To clarify, LLMs, or large language models, are the underlying systems powering modern chatbots.</p>
<p>Shaw also highlighted a specific approach for future studies in this field. “A methodological point for researchers seeking to study cognitive surrender: showing people an ‘AI-generated answer’ in a vignette (i.e., a hypothetical AI answer) is not the same as letting them decide whether, when, and how to consult a live AI assistant,” he noted. </p>
<p>“Effective studies should use real, optional instances of LLMs alongside their task so that the researcher can observe whether people open the chat, what they ask, and whether they follow or override its answers,” Shaw added. </p>
<p>“To illustrate cognitive surrender experimentally, you need to experimentally control/randomize AI output accuracy regarding only the specific item/construct of interest in your study, while leaving all other elements of the LLM unconstrained,” Shaw explained. This ensures that scientists measure true human behavior in realistic digital environments.</p>
<p>Looking ahead, the researchers plan to expand their investigations. “The next step is to study cognitive surrender in naturalistic and higher-stakes settings using field studies, think medical, legal, and education settings,” Shaw said. “We also want to identify interventions—both on the user side and the interface-design side—that preserve the benefits of AI while reducing uncritical reliance on it.”</p>
<p>For everyday users, the study offers a practical lesson. “AI can be extremely useful, but our findings suggest that people can fall into what we call ‘cognitive surrender’—adopting AI outputs with minimal scrutiny, even when those outputs are wrong,” Shaw explained. </p>
<p>“Cognitive surrender can be adaptive, improving accuracy and speed of reasoning, but ties human decision-making to System 3 and shifts agency to AI. Practically, we should think carefully about what contexts and domains we accept reduced or loss of agency,” he said. “In cases where we want to safeguard skills or critical thinking, users should form their own answers, based on intuition and deliberation first, then use AI models to challenge, refine, or expand thinking rather than replace it.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=6097646" target="_blank">Thinking – Fast, Slow, and Artificial: How AI is Reshaping Human Reasoning and the Rise of Cognitive Surrender</a>,” was authored by Steven D Shaw and Gideon Nave.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/regular-sex-is-linked-to-fewer-daily-menopause-symptoms-survey-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Regular sex is linked to fewer daily menopause symptoms, survey finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Apr 30th 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>Women who engage in routine sexual activity may experience fewer daily physical discomforts associated with hormonal changes and aging. A recent survey of Japanese women found that engaging in sex within the past three months was linked to lower odds of experiencing dryness, irritation, and pain in the genital area during everyday life. The findings were published in the journal <i><a href="https://doi.org/10.1097/GME.0000000000002539">Menopause</a></i>.</p>
<p>As individuals transition into their final menstrual periods, their bodies begin to produce less estrogen. Estrogen is a primary hormone that helps regulate the female reproductive system and maintains the elasticity and moisture of vaginal tissues. When these hormone levels drop, the tissues in the pelvic region can become thinner, drier, and more easily irritated.</p>
<p>Medical professionals refer to this collection of bodily changes as the genitourinary syndrome of menopause. The condition encompasses a wide range of signs and symptoms that affect the genitals, sexual function, and the urinary tract. People experiencing this syndrome often report itching, burning, and pain during everyday activities, as well as distinct discomfort during physical intimacy.</p>
<p>These physical changes can greatly diminish a person’s general well-being and overall quality of life. Because global populations are aging rapidly, medical providers are looking for ways to better understand the symptoms associated with declining sex hormones. Identifying lifestyle factors that associate with better outcomes might help individuals manage the transition process more comfortably.</p>
<p>Yoshikazu Sato, a urologist at Sanjukai Urological Hospital in Sapporo, Japan, led a research team to investigate how sexual habits relate to these specific physical complaints. The researchers focused on an existing database of women originating from a large internet survey. They aimed to identify the specific reproductive symptoms of middle-aged and older people in Japan.</p>
<p>The patient population in Japan presents a distinct context for studying relationship health. Previous demographic surveys suggest that Japanese men and women report lower frequencies of intimate activity than people living in many other nations. The proportion of adult residents who report having no sexual activity at all has steadily increased over the past decade.</p>
<p>A decline in physical intimacy across a population can have sprawling social and clinical repercussions. Reduced sexual frequency has the potential to influence the general well-being of an aging society. To explore these issues, Sato and his colleagues reviewed data from over four thousand women between the ages of 40 and 79.</p>
<p>The original web-based questionnaire asked participants to report on their pelvic symptoms, intimate habits, and general physical function. The researchers narrowed their focus to 911 participants who reported having a sexual partner and engaging in sexual activity at least once in the past year. By excluding women completely absent of sexual activity, the team hoped to prevent skewed data results on their functional assessments.</p>
<p>The team divided these active participants into two separate categories based on their reported habits. The regular activity group consisted of 716 women who had engaged in intercourse within the previous three months. The lower activity group contained 195 women who had been sexually active in the past year, but not within the most recent three month window.</p>
<p>The researchers evaluated the participants using standardized symptom indices modified for Japanese populations. The questionnaires measured sexual desire, physical arousal, natural lubrication, orgasm, satisfaction, and pain. The assessment tool asked respondents to rate the frequency and severity of these experiences on a numerical scale, with higher scores indicating better physical function.</p>
<p>When looking at broad age trends, the researchers noted widespread physical changes across several life stages. As the participants grew older, their self-reported levels of desire, physical arousal, and natural lubrication consistently declined. The frequency of pain experienced during intimate activity also increased for most of the older age brackets in the study.</p>
<p>The results regarding emotional fulfillment presented a contrast to the physical decline. Among the survey respondents who maintained routine intimate activity, the ability to reach an orgasm did not decline as they aged. Overall satisfaction with their sex lives and feelings of emotional closeness with partners also remained stable over time.</p>
<p>While physical function shifted with aging, relationship quality appeared to sustain overall contentment. Past research suggests that emotional closeness often becomes a primary driver of relationship satisfaction for older couples. In many cases, people adjust their expectations regarding physical pleasure over time to accommodate the natural changes occurring in their bodies.</p>
<p>When the researchers compared the regular activity group against the lower activity group, they found notable patterns regarding everyday physical discomfort. The two groups did not show a statistically significant difference when it came to pain or dryness experienced during the act of sex itself. Both groups reported similar rates of distress during the physical act of intercourse.</p>
<p>Outside the bedroom, the daily experiences of the two groups diverged in a measurable way. The women in the regular activity group reported fewer instances of genital pain in their everyday lives. They also experienced lower rates of daily dryness and chronic irritation compared to the women who engaged in sex less often.</p>
<p>Statistical models confirmed that engaging in sex within the past three months was associated with reduced odds of suffering from these daily discomforts. The researchers accounted for related demographic variables like chronological age, menstrual status, and hormone therapy usage. Even with these external factors considered, the link between routine intimacy and fewer daily symptoms remained intact.</p>
<p>Several potential explanations exist for this observed association. The physical, emotional, and mental effects of regular intercourse might actively improve blood flow and tissue health in the pelvic region. Alternatively, people who engage in regular activity might be more proactive about their reproductive health and more likely to seek medical interventions for slight discomfort.</p>
<p>Because the study relies on observation at a single point in time, the researchers cannot prove that sex prevents pelvic symptoms. The relationship could easily operate in the exact opposite direction. Individuals who experience less pain and dryness are probably much more inclined to participate in regular physical intimacy.</p>
<p>The researchers point out several other limitations regarding their survey methods. The data originates from an internet questionnaire, which means the participants actively volunteered to involve themselves. This self-selection dynamic might mean the respondents are more health-conscious or comfortable with digital technology than the average citizen in their demographic.</p>
<p>The researchers also relied on a definition of regular activity that might seem infrequent in other cultural contexts. Defining regular activity as having sex at least once in three months reflects the local culture in Japan. A survey conducted in a different country might define these frequency parameters entirely differently based on local societal norms.</p>
<p>To build on these initial findings, medical professionals will need to conduct long-term tracking studies. Following patients over several years could reveal whether sustaining an active physical relationship directly preserves physical comfort. In the meantime, this survey data offers a detailed look at the reproductive well-being of aging populations and highlights a potential path toward identifying groups at risk for chronic discomfort.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1097/GME.0000000000002539">Cross-sectional study of the association between regular sexual activity and sexual function and genitourinary syndrome of menopause-related symptoms</a>,” was authored by Yoshikazu Sato, Yumi Ozaki, Hikaru Tomoe, Noriko Ninomiya, Yuki Sekiguchi, Mayuko Yamamoto, and Satoru Takahashi.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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