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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/children-with-attention-disorders-struggle-to-process-whole-faces-during-social-interactions/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Children with attention disorders struggle to process whole faces during social interactions</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Mar 15th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>Children with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder often struggle to automatically track where other people are looking. A recent study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/10870547251405543" target="_blank">Journal of Attention Disorders</a></em> revealed that this difficulty stems from challenges in processing whole faces, rather than an inability to notice simple eye movements. These results help explain the social difficulties sometimes experienced by children with the disorder and point toward potential support strategies in classrooms.</p>
<p>Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder is primarily known for symptoms like impulsivity, hyperactivity, and a general lack of focus. However, individuals with the condition also frequently experience atypical social interactions and struggle to read nonverbal cues.</p>
<p>During everyday conversations, people naturally follow the gaze of others. This behavior helps individuals seamlessly understand what is catching a friend or teacher’s interest.</p>
<p>Psychologists divide the human attention system into two separate categories. The first is endogenous attention, which is a deliberate, goal-oriented process driven by a person’s own expectations and prior knowledge.</p>
<p>The second type is exogenous attention. This is an automatic, reflex-like reaction to something standing out in the environment, like a sudden flash of light or a loud noise.</p>
<p>When a person sees someone else move their eyes, both types of attention are triggered simultaneously. A social and intentional thought process occurs, but there is also a reflexive reaction to the physical movement of the eyes.</p>
<p>Because children with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder often miss social cues, researchers have questioned how they process eye movements. Past research suggested they might not orient their attention in the same way that typically developing children do.</p>
<p>Jiaqi Wang, a researcher at Guangxi Normal University in China, worked with a team of colleagues to investigate this exact phenomenon. The researchers wanted to isolate the reflexive, automatic part of attention to see if it functions differently in children with the disorder.</p>
<p>To measure this automatic response, the research team looked for a specific psychological reaction called inhibition of return. This reaction happens when a person’s attention is drawn to a specific spot, but nothing else happens there for a brief period.</p>
<p>When a target finally does appear in that spot, the person’s brain actually reacts slower than it would if the target appeared somewhere entirely new. The brain essentially marks the first spot as old news and resists looking back at it.</p>
<p>This slowed reaction is believed to be an evolutionary mechanism that encourages humans to search new areas rather than checking the same spot repeatedly. Because this delayed reaction only happens with automatic, reflex-like attention, it serves as a perfect measuring stick for researchers.</p>
<p>If a child shows this slowed reaction after looking at a gaze cue, it means their brain automatically processed the eye movement. If they do not, it indicates a breakdown in their automatic attention system.</p>
<p>To test these reactions, Wang and the research team designed a precise computer-based experiment. They recruited a group of children diagnosed with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder and a matched group of typically developing children.</p>
<p>The children sat in front of a screen and looked at a photograph of a normal, neutral human face. The eyes on the face would suddenly look to the left or the right.</p>
<p>After a specific time delay, a small star symbol appeared on the screen. This target either appeared on the side the face was looking toward, or on the completely opposite side.</p>
<p>The children were instructed to press a keyboard button as quickly as possible to indicate where the star appeared. The researchers tracked their response times down to the millisecond to catch tiny differences in cognitive processing.</p>
<p>With a very short time delay, both groups of children found the star faster when the face looked in the correct direction. This meant all the children successfully shifted their initial attention based on the gaze cue.</p>
<p>The results entirely diverged when the researchers extended the time delay to more than two seconds before the star appeared. The typically developing children eventually showed the expected slowed reaction, meaning their automatic attention systems had engaged perfectly.</p>
<p>The children with the disorder did not show this slowed reaction at all. This lack of an inhibition response indicated that their ability to automatically orient their attention to the human gaze was impaired.</p>
<p>Wang and the team then needed to figure out exactly why this impairment happened. Two entirely different visual details trigger automatic attention when a face looks away.</p>
<p>One detail is the simple physical change of the dark pupil moving against the white background of the eye. The other detail is the brain’s recognition of the complete, intact human face as a social entity.</p>
<p>To separate these two visual details, the researchers conducted a second experiment using the exact same computer task. This time, they turned all the photographs of the faces upside down.</p>
<p>Flipping a face upside down scrambles the brain’s ability to process it as a complete human face. However, the physical contrast of the dark pupil moving across the white eye remains completely visible and intact.</p>
<p>In this second experiment, the children with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder finally displayed the automatic slowed reaction. Because the upside-down face removed the complex social context, the children were able to react reflexively to the simple physical movement of the eyes.</p>
<p>This outcome isolated the exact source of the children’s visual tracking difficulties. They possess no trouble seeing or reacting to basic eye movements, but their brains struggle to automatically process those movements when they are embedded in a normal, right-side-up face.</p>
<p>The team concluded that a deficit in processing whole, intact faces disrupts the automatic social reflexes of these children. This specific impairment helps explain why they might miss subtle nonverbal cues during fast-paced social interactions.</p>
<p>While the study offers deep insights into social attention, the authors acknowledged a few limitations in their work. The sample size of children was relatively small, which meant some of the broader statistical comparisons were not statistically significant.</p>
<p>Future research will need to include a much larger group of participants to confirm these patterns more robustly. The researchers aim to recruit over one hundred children per group in upcoming projects to ensure maximum statistical power.</p>
<p>Attention disorders also frequently share overlapping traits with autism spectrum conditions. Some of the children in the study might have possessed undiagnosed characteristics related to autism.</p>
<p>These overlapping traits could independently affect how a child processes social cues and eye movements. Future studies will need to screen for these specific traits to isolate the exact cause of the attention differences.</p>
<p>The researchers also relied heavily on parent interviews to confirm the behavioral diagnoses of the children. Moving forward, they plan to incorporate direct evaluations from school teachers to ensure the behavioral symptoms are consistent across different environments.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/10870547251405543" target="_blank">Impaired Exogenous Attentional Orienting to Gaze Cues in Children With ADHD: Evidence From Inhibition of Return</a>,” was authored by Jiaqi Wang, Aijun Wang, Jiacan Gu, Shizhong Cai, and Ming Zhang.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/self-guided-mental-imagery-training-shows-promise-in-reducing-anxiety/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Self-guided mental imagery training shows promise in reducing anxiety</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Mar 15th 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2026.104962" target="_blank">Behaviour Research and Therapy</a></em> suggests that a self-guided digital mental imagery program can successfully lower anxiety levels in university students. The intervention helps individuals vividly imagine achieving their personal goals, which tends to reduce their motivation to avoid stressful situations. This provides evidence that practicing positive, multisensory mental imagery can be an effective and accessible tool for managing anxiety before it requires clinical treatment.</p>
<p>Anxiety disorders are a major public health challenge across the globe, particularly among university students. Anxiety is often driven by a cycle of excessive worry that amplifies how people perceive threats. When people experience this worry, they often rely on safety behaviors, which are actions taken to avoid those perceived threats.</p>
<p>While these safety behaviors provide immediate relief, they tend to maintain or worsen the anxiety over time by reinforcing fear. They prevent the individual from getting used to the anxiety and realizing that the threat is not as bad as it seems.</p>
<p>Traditional treatments like cognitive behavioral therapy work well to break this cycle, but they require many hours of contact with a trained professional. Because many students have limited access to therapy, scientists wanted to test a preventative, self-guided approach. They adapted a technique called functional imagery training into a digital program designed to keep anxiety low.</p>
<p>“Everyone feels anxious sometimes. When anxiety becomes an enduring problem, it does so through a cycle of thoughts, feelings and behaviors,” said study author Jackie Andrade, a professor of psychology at the University of Plymouth and head of <a href="https://functionalimagery.org/" target="_blank">the Functional Imagery Training research group</a>.</p>
<p>“For example, someone with social anxiety might contemplate attending a party, think about all the things that could go wrong socially, notice their anxiety level increasing, and turn down the invitation. This ‘safety behavior’ of avoiding the activity that causes anxiety results in an immediate reduction of anxiety – relief that the looming problem has been avoided.”</p>
<p>“But it feeds the cycle of anxiety by reinforcing the idea that social situations are extremely difficult and can only be coped with by staying away. The alternative is to engage with the event, discovering that it is not impossibly hard to deal with and practicing coping skills that make the next social invitation feel less daunting to think about.” </p>
<p>“We have developed a new approach to anxiety management, with the potential to prevent anxiety getting to the point where it needed professional treatment,” Andrade continued. “Our approach is called functional imagery training, or FIT for short. It shifts focus away from the reasons for anxiety and towards the person’s life goals or values and how engagement activities will help achieve those goals.” </p>
<p>“FIT helps the person develop and practice multisensory mental imagery of how they will work towards those goals and how good it will feel to achieve them. This process builds motivation for engaging with anxiety-provoking situations, and by doing so it reduces motivation to avoid them. FIKA (Functional Imagery for Keeping Anxiety low) is a self-guided form of FIT designed to teach this skill of imaging positive future outcomes.”</p>
<p>To explore how users experienced this new digital tool, the scientists conducted an initial qualitative study. They recruited 12 female university students who self-identified as experiencing anxiety. The researchers measured the participants’ anxiety levels using a standard seven-item questionnaire, which assesses how often people feel nervous, on edge, or unable to stop worrying.</p>
<p>After completing the initial assessment, the participants were given access to the digital program to use at their own pace over two weeks. The program consisted of seven short modules that included video explanations, journaling tasks, and guided audio exercises. The exercises instructed users to identify a personal goal and imagine how it would feel to achieve it using all their senses.</p>
<p>Participants were encouraged to practice this mental imagery during normal daily routines, like preparing a hot drink. During the third week, the researchers interviewed the 10 participants who successfully completed the study. The interviews were audio-recorded and analyzed to find common themes in the users’ experiences.</p>
<p>The interview data provided evidence that the participants found the program to be compassionate and gentle. Many reported that the mental imagery exercises felt calming and helped them view their situations more rationally. Creating a calm mental space helped participants move away from the negative thoughts that typically fuel their anxiety.</p>
<p>The quantitative data from the questionnaires supported these qualitative reports. On average, the participants’ anxiety scores dropped from a level of moderate anxiety down to mild anxiety. Eight of the ten participants shifted to a completely lower classification of anxiety severity.</p>
<p>Following this initial exploration, the researchers conducted a second study to test the program against a control group. They recruited 60 undergraduate students who experienced anxiety that interfered with their daily lives. The participants completed the same baseline anxiety questionnaire and were randomly assigned to either receive the digital program immediately or be placed on a waitlist.</p>
<p>The waitlist participants were told they would receive access to the program at the end of the study period. Data from participants who did not meet the threshold for at least mild anxiety were excluded, leaving 48 participants in the final analysis. This left 25 students in the intervention group and 23 students in the waitlist group.</p>
<p>The intervention group completed the digital modules over two weeks, while the waitlist group received no intervention during this time. Afterward, all participants completed the anxiety questionnaire again. The researchers found that the digital intervention significantly reduced anxiety compared to the waitlist control.</p>
<p>The participants who completed the program experienced an average symptom reduction of 6.40 points on the anxiety scale. Those on the waitlist experienced no significant change in their anxiety levels. This provides evidence that the reductions in anxiety were caused by the digital intervention itself, rather than natural changes over time.</p>
<p>Engagement with the program was high among the intervention group. Out of the 25 participants, 21 completed all seven modules and 23 practiced their mental imagery exercises between sessions. When asked to evaluate the program, the vast majority of users said they would use it again and recommend it to others.</p>
<p>Many participants specifically noted that setting achievable goals and imagining future positive outcomes kept them motivated. A few participants also highlighted that writing their feelings down in a journal helped make their emotions feel more manageable. At the same time, some users noted that confronting the reality of their anxiety on paper was an uncomfortable challenge.</p>
<p>“We succeeded in our aim of reducing anxiety to a level that felt manageable,” Andrade told PsyPost. “FIKA reduced university students’ anxiety from an average score of moderate anxiety to an average score of mild anxiety. Qualitative feedback showed that participants found positive future imagery a useful mental skill that helped them keep things in perspective and that they found the FIT approach to be compassionate and gentle.”</p>
<p>While the findings are promising, there are some common misinterpretations to avoid. The scientists note that functional imagery training is not the same as self-hypnosis or basic visualization. Instead, the technique requires multisensory imagery, which creates a stronger emotional connection to the goal than simply picturing it.</p>
<p>Some people might worry that an inability to visualize images would prevent them from using this program. About two to four percent of the population experiences aphantasia, which is a total lack of visual imagination. However, the researchers suggest that these individuals can still benefit by using other senses, such as imagining the sounds or physical feelings associated with a goal. “Jon Rhodes at the University of Plymouth has <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10413200.2024.2337019" target="_blank">published research</a> showing benefits of FIT even for people with aphantasia,” Andrade noted.</p>
<p>The study also has a few limitations that require consideration. The follow-up period was very short, lasting only about three weeks for most participants. Because of this brief timeframe, it remains unclear whether the self-guided mental imagery training provides long-lasting anxiety relief.</p>
<p>Some users also found the program time-consuming and struggled to practice their mental imagery during moments of intense anxiety. In the future, the scientists plan to evaluate the self-guided program in real-world contexts over longer time spans. They also hope to compare its effectiveness directly against other established digital treatments for anxiety.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2026.104962" target="_blank">Self-guided functional imagery training to reduce anxiety</a>,” was authored by Jackie Andrade, Stephanie Hartgen-Walker, Caroline Morgan, Ayan, Idil Aytekin, Khadijah Sekoni, Kardelen Sengul, and Jonathan Rhodes.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/people-consistently-overestimate-the-social-backlash-of-changing-their-political-beliefs-new-psychology-research-shows/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">People consistently overestimate the social backlash of changing their political beliefs, new psychology research shows</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Mar 15th 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000516" target="_blank">Journal of Personality and Social Psychology</a></em> suggests that people consistently overestimate how much their political peers will judge them for changing their minds on polarizing issues. This inflated fear of rejection tends to make individuals hide their shifting views, which deprives the public discourse of diverse perspectives. The research provides evidence that the social penalty for political dissent within one’s own party is generally much milder than expected.</p>
<p>In highly polarized environments, people often treat political beliefs as strict markers of group loyalty. When an individual’s opinion evolves on a divisive topic like gun control or immigration, they face a difficult choice. They can voice their new perspective and risk being ostracized, or they can stay silent to protect their social standing. </p>
<p>Because humans have a deep, evolutionary need to belong to groups, they are highly sensitive to the threat of social rejection. This sensitivity could lead individuals to adopt a “better safe than sorry” mindset, causing them to expect a much harsher backlash than they will actually experience.</p>
<p>When people conceal their true thoughts based on these exaggerated fears, it creates a false illusion that everyone in a political group completely agrees with the party line. This illusion is known as <em>pluralistic ignorance</em>, a situation where a majority of group members privately reject a norm but assume everyone else accepts it. The scientists designed a series of studies to test whether these expectations of social punishment are systematically miscalibrated and to explore how this fear influences communication.</p>
<p>“Two trends really stood out to me. The first is that Americans are becoming increasingly afraid to speak their minds about politics — polling shows this fear has grown substantially over the past two decades. The second is that people tend to perceive their political parties as having a uniform set of beliefs, when in reality, private polling reveals much more diversity of opinion underneath the surface,” explained <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=axoRLrMAAAAJ&hl=en" target="_blank">Trevor Spelman</a>, a PhD student at the <a href="https://kelloggphds.northwestern.edu/trevor-spelman/" target="_blank">Kellogg School of Management</a> at Northwestern University.</p>
<p>“This got me thinking: if people misperceive how uniform their party actually is, they might also be overestimating how much backlash they’d face for voicing a dissenting view. And if that’s happening, it could mean people are staying silent based on fears that are out of proportion with reality — which might have real consequences for the quality of political discourse within parties.”</p>
<p>To explore this dynamic, the researchers first conducted a pilot survey with 131 American partisans who had recently changed their minds on a political issue. The data showed that individuals who anticipated severe social penalties were more likely to self-censor their updated views. </p>
<p>To test the accuracy of these expectations, the researchers then conducted Study 1 with 500 Democrats and Republicans. Participants were divided into a predict group and a react group. The predictors imagined adopting the opposing political party’s view on abortion, immigration, or gun control, and then estimated how much another member of their own party would reject them. The reactors evaluated a hypothetical peer who had actually made that ideological shift.</p>
<p>The findings revealed a perception gap between the two groups. Predictors consistently expected more exclusion, criticism, and disrespect than the reactors actually reported feeling toward a dissenting peer.</p>
<p>Next, Study 2 examined whether this perception gap persists during live interactions with real financial stakes. The researchers paired 278 participants in live, anonymous text conversations. After a brief getting-to-know-you chat, predictors were told their partner would learn that they had slightly decreased their agreement with their party’s typical stance on a specific issue.</p>
<p>Predictors then guessed how their partner would react in a subsequent cooperative task. The reactors, meanwhile, were given the news of their partner’s slight ideological shift and were asked to make choices about the upcoming task. </p>
<p>The researchers found that predictors overestimated the behavioral rejection they would face. Specifically, predictors guessed their partner would choose to work with a new person 18.7 percent of the time, but reactors only abandoned their partner 7.9 percent of the time. Predictors also expected their partner to withhold more money in a bonus-sharing game than the reactors actually kept.</p>
<p>While the first two studies relied on hypothetical or slight belief changes, the researchers conducted Study 3 to investigate what happens when people genuinely alter their political stances. In the first phase, 494 participants wrote persuasive essays arguing for the opposing party’s view on a specific topic. This exercise successfully induced a genuine shift in beliefs for 147 of the participants.</p>
<p>These individuals then predicted how another party member would react to their newfound stance, and their estimates were compared against the actual reactions of an evaluating group. Once again, predictors anticipated harsher judgments than reactors delivered.</p>
<p>Two months later, the researchers recontacted 93 of the participants whose beliefs had changed. Half of the group was reminded of their previous ideological shift, while the other half received a generic reminder of their participation. Only the participants who were explicitly reminded of their belief change overestimated the social sanctions they would face. This suggests that the perception gap is driven by the immediate psychological awareness of the dissent, rather than a permanent personality trait. </p>
<p>“We were surprised by how strongly the effect held up across different contexts,” Spelman told PsyPost. “Whether participants were strangers or had just gotten to know each other through a live conversation, whether the belief change was hypothetical or real, and whether we measured reactions through survey items or actual financial decisions — the overestimation was consistently there.”</p>
<p>In Studies 4a, 4b, and 4c, which included 393, 282, and 596 participants respectively, the scientists sought to identify the underlying psychological mechanism. They compared expectations of rejection for shifting views on highly partisan topics against nonpartisan topics, such as postal service delivery schedules.</p>
<p>The gap between expected and actual rejection was larger for the partisan issues. To understand why, the scientists measured signal amplification bias. This is a psychological concept describing the human tendency to assume our actions send a much stronger message to observers than they actually do.</p>
<p>The researchers found that predictors expected their political dissent to be viewed as a massive betrayal of group loyalty. The reactors, however, did not view the belief change as a severe indicator of disloyalty. This exaggerated fear of appearing traitorous helped explain why predictors expected such intense social backlash.</p>
<p>“The average effect size across our studies was d = .87, which is considered large by conventional standards in psychology,” Spelman noted. “To put that in more concrete terms: in our studies, roughly 8 out of 10 people in the predictor role overestimated how much rejection they would face relative to what their partner actually reported.”</p>
<p>Finally, Study 5 tested a potential intervention to reduce this exaggerated fear. The scientists recruited 620 Democrats and Republicans who had genuinely changed their minds on a polarizing topic in the past year. Predictors were divided into two groups for a brief psychological exercise.</p>
<p>One group completed a loyalty-affirming exercise, where they listed three actions they had taken to support their political party. The other group listed three actions that went against their party. Afterward, all predictors estimated how much rejection they would face from a peer who had also changed their mind on a different topic.</p>
<p>The intervention was effective. Participants who reflected on their past loyalty anticipated less social rejection than those who reflected on their disloyalty. By affirming their secure standing within the group, participants felt less threatened by the prospect of sharing their dissenting views, leading to more accurate predictions of social acceptance.</p>
<p>“The main takeaway is that the fear of speaking up within your own political group is often worse than the reality,” Spelman said. “Across our studies, people consistently anticipated moderately harsh rejection for breaking from their party’s position on issues like abortion, gun control, and immigration. But the people actually doing the judging reported much milder reactions. We saw the same pattern emerge across survey, behavioral, and qualitative measures – predictors consistently and robustly overestimate how much other group members would socially punish them for expressing dissent.”</p>
<p>“This matters because when people self-censor dissenting views out of fear, they deprive the information environment of their point of view. When only conforming views are expressed, it can create a false impression that everyone in the party agrees. That false impression then makes the next person even more afraid to speak up. It’s a self-reinforcing cycle, and our findings suggest the entry point is miscalibrated expectations about how others will react.”</p>
<p>“That said, social backlash is real, and the experience of rejection is genuinely painful,” Spelman added. “We’re not saying there’s no cost to dissent — but these findings suggest that people tend to overestimate that cost.”</p>
<p>As with all research, there are some limitations. The studies were also conducted entirely within the United States during a period of intense political polarization. The social dynamics of ideological dissent might operate differently in other cultural contexts or political systems. </p>
<p>Additionally, the interactions in these experiments primarily took place between strangers or loose acquaintances. Disagreeing with close friends, family members, or colleagues carries different relational stakes, which might alter how people predict and experience rejection. </p>
<p>“The most important thing to emphasize is that we’re not saying social backlash doesn’t exist or that dissent is cost-free,” Spelman said. “The costs of dissent are real. What we’re showing is that people systematically overestimate those costs, and that this overestimation predicts self-censorship.”</p>
<p>Future research could explore how these interactions unfold in established relationships and organizational settings. The scientists also plan to develop and test broader interventions that can correct these social misperceptions on a larger scale. By helping individuals calibrate their expectations, they hope to encourage more authentic communication and foster a healthier public discourse.</p>
<p>“This paper is part of my broader dissertation work, which examines how the overestimation of social costs for dissent plays out not just between individuals but across groups and at the societal level,” Spelman told PsyPost. “When many people simultaneously overestimate backlash and self-censor, the cumulative effect can distort entire information environments — making political parties, organizations, and communities appear far more ideologically uniform than they actually are.”</p>
<p>“A major focus going forward is developing and testing interventions that can correct these miscalibrated expectations, increase people’s willingness to disclose dissenting views, and ultimately contribute to healthier public spheres and more representative discourse. The loyalty affirmation exercise in this paper is a promising starting point — simply reflecting on past demonstrations of group loyalty was enough to reduce overestimation significantly. But there’s much more to explore in terms of what kinds of interventions are most effective, how durable they are, and how they can be scaled beyond the lab into real-world contexts.”</p>
<p>“Healthy democratic discourse depends on people being willing to voice dissenting views within their own coalitions,” Spelman concluded. “When people systematically overestimate the social costs of doing so, we end up with a distorted picture of what people actually believe — and that undermines the quality of political deliberation within parties. Our hope is that this research can help people calibrate their expectations and feel more comfortable speaking up when they disagree, even on issues that feel risky.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000516" target="_blank">Overestimating the Social Costs of Political Belief Change</a>,” was authored by Trevor Spelman, Abdo Elnakouri, Nour Kteily, and Eli J. Finkel.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/watching-violent-black-video-game-characters-increases-unconscious-bias-in-white-viewers/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Watching violent Black video game characters increases unconscious bias in White viewers</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Mar 14th 2026, 22:00</div>
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<p><p>When people watch violent video game characters, the race of those digital avatars can shape the viewers’ racial biases in real life. A recent experiment published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/ijop.70157" target="_blank" rel="noopener">International Journal of Psychology</a></em> found that seeing a Black character perform violent acts increased unconscious prejudice among White participants. Black participants actually reported lower levels of overt racism after watching the same footage.</p>
<p>These results highlight how racial representations in digital media can silently mold the attitudes of different audiences in entirely different ways. Tailson Evangelista Mariano, a researcher at the Catholic University of Pernambuco in Brazil, led the investigation alongside colleagues from Brazil and Portugal. The research team wanted to understand how interactive media impacts the way people view different racial groups.</p>
<p>Most past research on media and prejudice has focused on passive formats like television and movies. Mariano and his team wanted to see if the highly engaging nature of video games produced similar effects. They also wanted to see if the race of the person watching the game changed the outcome.</p>
<p>To do this, the researchers focused on the difference between two types of prejudice: explicit attitudes and implicit attitudes. Explicit attitudes are conscious beliefs that a person will openly admit. For example, a person might express an explicit attitude by agreeing with a racist statement on a survey.</p>
<p>Implicit attitudes are automatic, unconscious associations that a person might not even realize they hold. A person might consciously reject racism but still unconsciously link certain racial groups with negative concepts. To understand how media shapes these hidden biases, the research team looked at two psychological frameworks.</p>
<p>The first framework is evaluative conditioning, which suggests that repeatedly pairing a neutral stimulus with a negative outcome trains the brain to associate the two. If a specific racial group is constantly paired with criminal behavior in media, the viewer’s brain may begin to link that race with danger automatically. The second framework is the general aggression model.</p>
<p>This model proposes that consuming violent media primes the brain to think about aggression and hostility. The research team suspected that violent video games, which frequently depict Black characters in criminal roles, might trigger both of these psychological processes at the same time. They also incorporated the idea of racial identity into their work.</p>
<p>According to psychological theories of identity, people react differently to stereotypes based on their own background. When a person sees a negative portrayal of a group they do not belong to, they are more likely to absorb the stereotype. When a person sees a negative portrayal of their own group, they often experience a psychological defense reaction.</p>
<p>This defense mechanism can lead them to reject the bias and reaffirm their group identity. To test these ideas, the researchers recruited 140 adults online. To ensure the participants were reacting purely to the racial cues and not relying on past gaming habits, the team selected individuals with very little previous video game experience.</p>
<p>The participants were randomly assigned to watch a one-minute video clip from the popular game Grand Theft Auto V. Half of the participants watched a Black character committing violent acts, like physical assaults and weapon use. The other half watched a White character performing the exact same aggressive behaviors in the exact same digital environment.</p>
<p>The video clips were edited to be completely identical in duration, camera angles, and digital settings. The only difference between the two videos was the race of the central character. The creators highlighted visual cues like skin color, facial features, and clothing to make sure the character’s race was obvious.</p>
<p>After the experiment, a manipulation check confirmed that the viewers accurately recognized the race of the character they were watching. Immediately after viewing the video, participants completed a computer-based task called the Implicit Association Test. This test measures unconscious bias by tracking how fast a person matches different concepts on a screen.</p>
<p>The program requires users to pair images of Black and White faces with positive words like “good” and negative words like “bad.” If a person is faster at pairing Black faces with bad words and White faces with good words, the test indicates a higher level of automatic prejudice. Following the computer task, the participants filled out a questionnaire called the Biological Racism Scale.</p>
<p>This survey measured conscious prejudice by asking participants to rate their agreement with statements claiming that certain racial groups are biologically inferior. The results revealed a clear division based on the race of the viewer. For White participants, watching the violent Black character led to a spike in unconscious prejudice on the computer test.</p>
<p>Exposure to the White character did not produce this same effect for White viewers. For Black participants, the race of the digital character had no effect on their unconscious biases. The results for this specific group were not statistically significant in either direction.</p>
<p>The researchers suggest that sharing a racial identity with the character might act as a mental shield, blocking the brain from absorbing the negative stereotype. The explicit survey results showed a completely different pattern. Across the board, White participants showed no change in their conscious, self-reported beliefs, regardless of which video they watched.</p>
<p>The researchers note that explicit prejudice is heavily regulated by social norms. People often suppress conscious racist views to avoid appearing prejudiced to others. This explains why the White participants showed no change on the survey but displayed elevated prejudice on the unconscious computer test.</p>
<p>The two types of bias operate through entirely different mental pathways. Black participants displayed a drop in overt racism scores after viewing the violent Black character. The researchers suspect this reaction stems from a psychological defense mechanism.</p>
<p>When confronted with negative portrayals of their own group, individuals may actively push back against those stereotypes and reaffirm their identity. The researchers believe these findings have practical applications for the video game industry. Game developers should evaluate how they portray racial minorities in their digital worlds.</p>
<p>Incorporating diverse and non-stereotypical representations can help stop the spread of negative automatic biases. Creating complex Black characters in peaceful or heroic roles may counteract existing stereotypes and promote fairness in society. The authors note that game studios could even benefit economically from creating more inclusive media.</p>
<p>Public awareness of representation issues continues to grow, creating a higher consumer demand for diverse games. The study also highlights the need for better media literacy education. Educational programs should aim to teach consumers about the subconscious effects of digital media.</p>
<p>Interactive workshops could help younger audiences think critically about the games they play and develop a natural resistance to biased portrayals. The authors point out a few limitations to their experiment. Because the study relied on short video clips rather than active gameplay, the psychological impact might be different when a person is actually holding a controller.</p>
<p>The brief nature of the video might not fully capture the immersive experience of modern video games. The research team did not pretest the video clips before the main data collection began, which is a standard step in experimental design. The study also relied on a convenience sample of online users.</p>
<p>This group may not perfectly represent the broader population of video game players around the world. Moving forward, the research team hopes to see experiments that involve active gaming sessions. They also suggest testing these ideas with habitual gamers to see if years of exposure to violent digital media alters a person’s baseline reactions.</p>
<p>Finally, they recommend using broader groups of people to see if these patterns hold true over long periods of time and across different cultures. Expanding this line of inquiry will help clarify how interactive entertainment shapes society as a whole.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/ijop.70157" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Effects of Violent Video Game Characters’ Race on Implicit and Explicit Racial Attitudes</a>,” was authored by Tailson Evangelista Mariano, Victoria da Costa Perman, Carlos Eduardo Pimentel, Isabella Leandra Silva Santos, and Cícero Roberto Pereira.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/childhood-trauma-leaves-a-lasting-mark-on-biological-systems-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Childhood trauma leaves a lasting mark on biological systems, study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Mar 14th 2026, 20:00</div>
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<p><p>A study of 13-year-olds in Portugal found that children exposed to selected adverse experiences by 10 years of age tend to show increased allostatic burden in adolescence. Additional adverse experiences by age 13 further amplify this association. The paper was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bbi.2026.106260"><em>Brain, Behavior, and Immunity</em></a>.</p>
<p>Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) are potentially traumatic events that occur during childhood and can have lasting effects on health and well-being. They typically include experiences such as abuse, neglect, and household dysfunction before the age of 18. Examples include physical, emotional, or sexual abuse, emotional or physical neglect, and exposure to domestic violence. They also include growing up in a household with substance abuse, mental illness, parental incarceration, or parental separation.</p>
<p>Research shows that the more ACEs a person experiences, the higher their risk for mental and physical health problems later in life. High ACE exposure has been associated with depression, anxiety, substance misuse, and increased risk of chronic diseases.</p>
<p>One key mechanism is chronic activation of the stress response, which can affect brain development and immune functioning. However, not everyone who experiences ACEs develops negative outcomes, because protective factors such as supportive relationships and stable environments can promote resilience.</p>
<p>Study author Armine Abrahamyan and her colleagues wanted to estimate the allostatic load of 13-year-olds and evaluate whether exposure to ACEs during the first decade of life may be associated with it. Allostatic load is the cumulative physiological “wear and tear” on the body that results from repeated or chronic activation of the stress response systems.</p>
<p>Over time, this prolonged stress-related activation can dysregulate multiple biological systems—such as cardiovascular, metabolic, immune, and renal systems—thereby increasing the risk for various physical and mental health problems.</p>
<p>The authors of this study analyzed data from Generation XXI, a population-based birth cohort from Porto, Portugal. This group initially consisted of 8,647 children born in 2005 and 2006 in the public maternity wards of the Porto metropolitan area. However, by 13 years of age, only 54% of the group still provided their data to researchers. The analyses presented in the paper were based on an analytic sample of 3,787 participants, of which 1,979 were boys.</p>
<p>At 10 and 13 years of age, participating children completed an assessment of adverse childhood experiences (a questionnaire adapted from the Adverse Childhood Experiences Study and from the Child and Adolescent Survey of Experiences: Child Version). At age 13, they also provided blood samples, underwent anthropometric measurements, and had their blood pressure and heart rate measured. The measure of allostatic load was based on a combination of data about the functioning of the cardiovascular system, metabolic system, immune and inflammatory systems, and renal function.</p>
<p>The results showed that while the total score of adverse experiences at age 10 was not associated with a higher allostatic load at age 13, specific individual traumas—such as parental separation or divorce before age 10—were. Furthermore, participants with a higher total accumulation of adverse childhood experiences by age 13 showed a significantly higher overall allostatic load at that same age.</p>
<p>Parental separation and divorce, difficulties in school, or household alcohol/drug use that occurred between participants’ age of 10 and 13 were associated with higher allostatic load at age 13. Overall, the metabolic and immune systems tended to be the most responsive to adverse childhood experiences.</p>
<p>“These findings suggest that adolescents exposed to selected ACEs at age 10 showed increased AL [allostatic load] burden, with cumulative ACEs by age 13 further amplifying this association,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the links between overall health and adverse childhood experiences. However, it should be noted that almost half of the initial number of participants dropped out of the study by the last measurement period. This could have affected the results, potentially underestimating the true magnitude of the physical toll, as adolescents from more disadvantaged backgrounds (who often face higher adversity) were more likely to drop out.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bbi.2026.106260">Adverse childhood experiences and physiological wear-and-tear in adolescence: Findings from the Generation XXI cohort,</a>” was authored by Armine Abrahamyan, Milton Severo, Michelle Kelly-Irving, Liane Correia-Costa, Mariana Amorim, Sara Soares, and Sílvia Fraga.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/how-dark-personality-traits-predict-digital-abuse-in-romantic-relationships/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">How dark personality traits predict digital abuse in romantic relationships</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Mar 14th 2026, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>People with aggressive personality traits often engage in digital abuse against their romantic partners, with specific behaviors differing based on a person’s gender and psychological profile. This digital abuse ranges from constantly checking a partner’s location to threatening to post private photos online. A recent study published in the journal <em>Deviant Behavior</em> outlines how four malevolent personality traits predict the exact type of online abuse an individual might commit.</p>
<p>Intimate partner violence is a recognized health problem around the world. Historically, research has focused on physical or psychological abuse that happens in person. The rise of modern technology has created new avenues for harassment.</p>
<p>Digital platforms allow perpetrators to assert control over their partners from a distance. This phenomenon is known as intimate partner cyberviolence. It blurs the lines between physical reality and the online environment.</p>
<p>Digital abuse might actually be more common than traditional forms of relationship violence. Some estimates suggest that a large majority of adults have experienced at least one form of digital harassment. The most common behaviors involve controlling or monitoring a partner’s online activity.</p>
<p>The research team was led by Bojana M. Dinić, a psychology professor at the University of Novi Sad in Serbia. Dinić and her colleagues, Danica Radosavljević and Christie Tetreault, wanted to understand the psychological drivers behind this modern form of abuse. They focused on a specific cluster of antisocial characteristics known as the Dark Tetrad.</p>
<p>The Dark Tetrad consists of four distinct personality traits associated with harmful interpersonal behavior. The first trait is Machiavellianism, named after the political philosopher Niccolò Machiavelli. People with this trait are highly cynical and manipulate others for personal gain.</p>
<p>The second trait is narcissism, which involves extreme self-involvement and a need for admiration. The researchers split this concept into two dimensions. One dimension involves an assertive desire to be praised, while the other involves an antagonistic desire to see others fail.</p>
<p>The third trait is psychopathy, a condition defined by a profound lack of empathy and remorse. The research team divided this trait into primary and secondary categories. The primary form is cold and calculating, while the secondary form is highly impulsive and erratic.</p>
<p>Sadism is the fourth trait that completes the dark personality profile. People with high levels of sadism find excitement in inflicting pain on others. They actively enjoy causing emotional or physical distress.</p>
<p>Dinić and her team realized that previous research often treated these personality traits as a single, broad category. They also noticed that digital abuse was usually measured as a singular concept. By separating the personality traits and the abusive behaviors into distinct categories, the team hoped to reveal hidden patterns.</p>
<p>The researchers recruited 293 heterosexual adults in Serbia to participate in the study. The participants were asked about their romantic histories and their own aggressive behaviors. They filled out detailed surveys measuring their personality traits and their history of engaging in digital abuse.</p>
<p>The survey about digital abuse asked about several distinct categories of controlling behavior. One category involved using spy cameras or location tracking software. Another category focused on bombarding a partner with excessive phone calls or texts.</p>
<p>A third category asked about making direct threats through digital messages. The final category covered behaviors like logging into a partner’s email account or checking their call history. Participants rated how often they had done these things to a current or former partner.</p>
<p>The survey data revealed a clear link between poor impulse control and certain types of abuse. Secondary psychopathy predicted excessive communication and constantly checking a partner’s online accounts. These behaviors are generally reactive and happen when a person acts without thinking.</p>
<p>Primary psychopathy predicted an entirely different set of abusive behaviors. This cold and calculating trait was linked to using tracking devices and posting embarrassing photos of a partner. These actions require planning and represent a severe violation of a partner’s privacy.</p>
<p>The two subtypes of narcissism also led to different forms of digital abuse. Narcissistic rivalry was linked to secretly checking a partner’s messages and call history. The researchers suspect that people who view life as a competition often treat their romantic partners as possessions.</p>
<p>Narcissistic admiration predicted the use of direct threats through texts or emails. People with this trait have a grandiose view of themselves and expect constant praise. They might use threats as a strategy to establish dominance and maintain power in their relationships.</p>
<p>Machiavellianism was the only trait that did not strongly predict most forms of digital abuse. People with this manipulative trait are highly strategic and avoid actions that might backfire. Since digital abuse leaves a permanent electronic record, these individuals likely avoid it to protect their own reputations.</p>
<p>The research team also discovered that men and women favor different methods of digital abuse. Men were more likely to use technology to monitor a partner with hidden cameras or tracking software. Women were more likely to engage in covert actions like checking a partner’s phone history.</p>
<p>The impact of the dark personality traits also varied depending on a person’s gender. For men, sadism was linked to using tracking devices and threatening a partner with private photos. For women, sadism was connected to secretly checking a partner’s digital accounts.</p>
<p>Narcissistic rivalry was connected to making direct threats, but only among the women in the study. In contrast, Machiavellianism was linked to making threats mostly among the men. The researchers suggest that societal expectations might explain these differing patterns of abuse.</p>
<p>Traditional gender roles often expect women to nurture and maintain relationship stability. This expectation might cause some women to monitor their partners to protect the relationship from perceived threats. Meanwhile, traditional roles often cast men as the dominant partner.</p>
<p>This expectation of male dominance might translate into the use of highly invasive tracking technology. Additionally, society often judges women more harshly regarding their sexuality. Because of this, sadistic men might derive particular enjoyment from threatening to post private photos of their female partners.</p>
<p>The research team noted a few limitations regarding their methods. The data relied entirely on self-reported surveys. Participants might have been hesitant to admit the full extent of their abusive behavior, meaning the actual rates of abuse could be higher.</p>
<p>The results were not statistically significant across every single demographic category. Additionally, the sample consisted solely of heterosexual adults living in Serbia. The patterns of digital abuse might look different in other cultures or in same-sex relationships.</p>
<p>The researchers recommended that future studies gather data from both partners in a relationship. They also suggested exploring how internet addiction might contribute to digital abuse. Investigating a person’s ability to regulate their emotions could also provide more clarity.</p>
<p>These insights could help mental health professionals design better intervention programs. Therapists could teach individuals to manage the specific impulses related to their darker personality traits. Education campaigns could also help people recognize these toxic traits in potential partners before abuse occurs.</p>
<p>On a larger scale, society needs better laws to protect victims of digital abuse. Many regions still do not classify the unauthorized sharing of intimate photos as a criminal offense. Tech companies should also design their platforms to prioritize user safety and privacy.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2024.2415387" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Relationships Between Intimate Partner Cyberviolence and Dark Tetrad Traits: A Moderation Effect of Gender</a>,” was authored by Bojana M. Dinić, Danica Radosavljević & Christie Tetreault.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/intrinsic-capacity-scores-predict-the-risk-of-mild-cognitive-impairment-in-older-adults/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Intrinsic capacity scores predict the risk of mild cognitive impairment in older adults</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Mar 14th 2026, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11357-025-01960-8" target="_blank" rel="noopener">GeroScience</a></em> suggests that a person’s overall physical and mental reserve can predict their risk of experiencing memory and thinking problems later in life. Scientists found that older adults with a lower baseline of physical and psychological abilities have a higher chance of developing mild cognitive impairment within a few years. These findings suggest that taking a broad approach to health as we age provides evidence for better strategies to protect our brains.</p>
<p>The World Health Organization defines intrinsic capacity as the total combination of physical and mental abilities an individual can rely on. This idea focuses on a person’s existing strengths rather than their diseases or deficits. The concept promotes a holistic view of aging that includes movement, emotional wellbeing, senses, vitality, and thinking skills.</p>
<p>Traditionally, medicine has often looked at aging simply as the presence or absence of specific diseases. The concept of intrinsic capacity shifts that perspective toward a broader understanding of overall functioning. Measuring these combined strengths provides a complete picture of an individual’s resilience.</p>
<p>Previous evidence shows that having a high intrinsic capacity tends to reduce the risk of hospital visits. It also helps older adults maintain their daily independence for much longer periods. Yet, scientists had not previously tested whether this combined measure of health could predict the onset of memory and thinking problems.</p>
<p>The researchers conducted this study to see if a person’s intrinsic capacity could indicate their future risk of cognitive decline. They wanted to understand if everyday physical and mental abilities could serve as early warning signs. Identifying these early patterns could lead to better public health strategies for an aging population.</p>
<p>“Given my interest in brain health and ageing, I thought it could be important to address the relationships between cognition and this relatively novel concept of intrinsic capacity. I designed this study primarily as research project for an honours medical student, but given the interesting results I decided to expand the analyses for publication,” explained study author <a href="https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4427-9897" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ingrid Buller-Peralta</a>, an honorary fellow at the Centre for Clinical Brain Sciences at <a href="https://edwebprofiles.ed.ac.uk/profile/dr-ingrid-buller-peralta" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the University of Edinburgh</a>.</p>
<p>The scientists analyzed data from the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing. This is a large, ongoing project that tracks the health and wellbeing of older adults living in the United Kingdom. The researchers focused on an exact sample of 731 older adults between the ages of 60 and 89.</p>
<p>At the start of the analysis, none of these individuals had been diagnosed with dementia or Alzheimer’s disease. They all had normal memory and thinking skills during their initial assessment. The scientists measured the participants’ intrinsic capacity using data collected between 2012 and 2013.</p>
<p>The researchers looked at twelve specific indicators spread across five broad categories of health. These categories included thinking skills, movement, emotional health, sensory abilities, and general physical vitality. To measure basic thinking skills, they tested the participants on their memory recall and their awareness of the current date and time.</p>
<p>To measure movement, the researchers recorded walking speed, standing balance, and the time it took to repeatedly stand up from a chair. Emotional health was measured by asking participants about their sleep quality, symptoms of depression, and overall life satisfaction. Sensory abilities included self-reported questionnaires about vision and hearing quality.</p>
<p>Vitality was assessed through lung capacity tests and hand grip strength using specialized medical equipment. The scientists combined all these separate measurements into a single overall score for each person. To do this, they used a mathematical method called item response theory, which calculates an underlying trait based on performance across different tests.</p>
<p>Four to five years later, the researchers evaluated the participants’ thinking and memory skills again. They used a standard screening tool called the Mini-Mental State Examination. This test asks thirty questions to check basic mental functions like memory, attention, and language.</p>
<p>Based on these test scores, the older adults were grouped into categories of normal cognition, mild impairment, or moderate to severe impairment. The researchers found that a lower intrinsic capacity score was associated with a significantly higher risk of developing mild cognitive impairment later on. Participants who maintained normal cognitive abilities over the years had significantly higher initial scores than those who developed cognitive issues.</p>
<p>Older age and lower levels of education also predicted a higher likelihood of memory and thinking problems. The scientists adjusted their data to account for lifestyle factors like physical activity and the number of existing health conditions. In this adjusted model, a person’s sex, exercise habits, and chronic diseases did not independently predict later cognitive decline.</p>
<p>The lack of an independent link between existing diseases and later memory issues suggests that intrinsic capacity captures a more accurate picture of aging. The scientists did note that individuals with a history of smoking showed a higher risk for mild cognitive impairment. This provides evidence that smoking might harm brain health regardless of a person’s overall physical and mental baseline.</p>
<p>“Intrinsic capacity is a novel concept proposed by the World Health Organization that goes beyond purely physical, mental or cognitive health, but integrates several domains to reflect general wellbeing in a more holistic way,” Buller-Peralta told PsyPost. “I see it as quantifiable summary reflecting how well am I emotionally, physically and mentally, but more importantly, as the sum of all my ‘capacities’ saved like our pension funds to help us age better.”</p>
<p>“Although low intrinsic capacity has been related to several age-related physical declines, our study shows for the first time that it is associated with a later cognitive decline. Likewise, high IC in cognitively healthy older adults helps maintaining normal cognitive function 4-5 years later.”</p>
<p>“Overall, these results suggest that keeping a healthy brain a we age goes beyond focusing on one particular aspect of wellbeing such us engaging in physical or social activities, or practice a good sleep hygiene,” she explained.</p>
<p>The researchers pointed out a few potential misinterpretations and limitations of their work. They emphasized that statistical associations do not prove direct cause and effect between intrinsic capacity and cognitive decline. The findings simply highlight a strong predictive relationship that warrants more exploration.</p>
<p>The study also focused on a specific group of older adults in the United Kingdom, meaning these patterns might look different in other cultures. Future studies are needed to see if these findings replicate in populations facing different environmental stressors. Factors like extreme poverty or high air pollution could potentially influence how physical capacities relate to brain health.</p>
<p>Another limitation involves the use of self-reported surveys to measure things like sleep and sensory abilities. People can sometimes misremember or inaccurately estimate their own habits. The researchers suggest that future studies should use objective tools, like wearable sleep trackers, to gather more precise data.</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, intrinsic capacity appears to be a highly personalized way to monitor the aging process. Expanding this research could eventually help doctors use overall capacity scores as a standard screening tool in clinics. Catching early declines across multiple physical systems might allow medical professionals to intervene before memory problems become severe.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11357-025-01960-8" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Low intrinsic capacity is associated with risk of developing mild cognitive impairment in the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ELSA)</a>,” was authored by Rosa Birchenough, Ingrid Buller-Peralta, Alejandra Marroig, and Graciela Muniz-Terrera.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/laughter-plays-a-unique-role-in-building-a-secure-father-child-relationship-new-research-suggests/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Laughter plays a unique role in building a secure father-child relationship, new research suggests</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Mar 14th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jecp.2025.106441" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Journal of Experimental Child Psychology</a></em> suggests that mothers and fathers are equally skilled at making their preschool children laugh using similar playful strategies. However, this shared laughter tends to play a more central role in building a secure emotional bond between fathers and their children. These findings provide evidence that joyful interactions are a meaningful part of family dynamics, though they might function differently for each parent.</p>
<p>Attachment theory explores how children form emotional bonds with their primary caregivers to feel safe and protected. A secure attachment provides a firm foundation that allows young children to confidently explore the world and manage their emotions. Traditionally, scientists focus heavily on how parents respond to a child in distress, such as when an infant cries or feels frightened.</p>
<p>Because of this traditional focus on negative emotions, the scientific community knows much less about how positive moments shape family relationships. Laughter is a powerful social tool that promotes closeness, reinforces positive feelings between two people, and activates reward centers in the brain.</p>
<p>“The motivation for this study came from two sources,” said study author Jean-Francois Bureau, a professor at the University of Ottawa and director of <a href="https://collabzium.com/en/child-and-adult-relationships-and-environment-lab" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Child and Adult Relationships and Environments Lab</a>.</p>
<p>“First, most parenting interventions focus primarily on reducing ‘bad’ behaviors. While this is important, it should not be the ultimate goal of parenting support. Being a good parent is not simply about avoiding harmful behaviors; it is also about building a positive relationship with one’s child and enjoying time together. We therefore wanted to explore this more positive dimension of parenting.”</p>
<p>“Second, there is an ongoing debate about mothers and fathers and their respective roles in parenting. Some people assume that playful activities, such as joking, rough-and-tumble play, or making children laugh,are primarily the domain of fathers. Our study aimed to examine whether this assumption is actually supported by evidence.”</p>
<p>The scientists chose to study preschool children because this is a developmental period when kids become more independent and communicative. During these years, fathers typically become more involved in daily routines and dedicate a large portion of their parenting time to active play. This makes the preschool window an ideal time to observe how amusing interactions influence family bonds and compare the approaches of both parents.</p>
<p>To explore these positive interactions, the researchers recruited a sample of 144 English and French speaking families with children between the ages of three and five. Each family included a mother, a father, and their preschooler. The families visited a laboratory on two separate occasions spaced about six months apart, allowing the child to interact individually with each parent.</p>
<p>During these visits, scientists observed the pairs in a room with no toys and asked the parent to make their child laugh for two minutes. Afterward, they introduced toys and conducted a standard separation and reunion procedure. This procedure involves the parent briefly leaving the room and returning, which helps scientists measure attachment security based on how the child reacts.</p>
<p>To analyze the interactions, the research team developed a new observational tool to track both the parents’ strategies and the children’s subsequent laughter. They reviewed past literature and pilot videos to identify a wide range of specific entertaining actions adapted for the preschool age group. They then closely recorded whether behaviors were physical, such as tickling, or visual and auditory, such as making funny faces and using peculiar voices.</p>
<p>The data suggests that mothers and fathers tend to rely on very similar techniques, which the researchers grouped into two main categories. The first category involved physical touch and anticipation, such as chasing, tickling, and playfully lifting the child. The second category involved movement and sound, which included dancing, making silly faces, singing, and using nonsense words.</p>
<p>Both parents used these techniques with equal success, effectively keeping their kids entertained. This means children laughed just as much with their mothers as they did with their fathers across the short observation period. While the success rates were highly similar, the specific ways parents combined these strategies tended to differ slightly based on their parenting styles.</p>
<p>Mothers often incorporated nursery rhymes and songs alongside specific body movements and facial expressions. Fathers frequently tried to surprise their children or playfully break social rules, perhaps by making sudden funny noises or calling objects by the wrong names. This approach tends to playfully destabilize the child within a safe environment.</p>
<p>The scientists found that for fathers, using both physical touch and silly movements successfully generated frequent child laughter. This laughter was then positively associated with a stronger sense of attachment security between the child and the father, suggesting a unique relational benefit.</p>
<p>For mothers, the physical touch strategies also successfully made the children laugh. Yet, the amount the child laughed was not directly linked to the child’s overall attachment security with the mother. Instead, the mother’s use of movements and sounds, such as singing comforting nursery rhymes, was directly associated with higher attachment security. These familiar songs create a predictable routine that might foster feelings of safety even if it does not result in explosive, disruptive laughter.</p>
<p>“One of the main findings of our study is that mothers and fathers tend to use very similar techniques to make their children laugh, most commonly tickling and chasing, and these techniques are equally successful for both parents,” Bureau told PsyPost.</p>
<p>“However, we also found that making children laugh appears to be particularly associated with the quality of the relationship in father–child dyads. In other words, while mothers and fathers are equally capable of making their children laugh, these playful interactions may play a somewhat more central role in the father–child relationship.”</p>
<p>Ultimately, these observations help dispel a common cultural stereotype that fathers are the primary source of fun while mothers take on a strictly serious caregiving role. The data shows that mothers are just as playful and capable of creating joyful, entertaining interactions with their children.</p>
<p>Still, the scientists acknowledge some limitations in their work that require further exploration. The families in the study were generally highly educated and from a low socioeconomic risk background, which means the results might not apply to populations with different life circumstances. Additionally, cultural norms around play and humor vary widely, so parents from different cultural backgrounds might use entirely different strategies to amuse their children.</p>
<p>The laboratory setting itself also presents a limitation because asking parents to make their child laugh on command without toys is an artificial scenario. It may not perfectly reflect the natural ways parents and children interact in their daily routines. In the future, researchers hope to observe how families spontaneously create humorous and playful moments in their own homes.</p>
<p>Because the study assessed the families at a single point in their lives, it cannot prove that laughing directly causes a more secure relationship. Future research will need to follow families over longer periods to see exactly how these joyful moments influence emotional development as children grow. Understanding these dynamics could eventually highlight the broad developmental benefits of everyday playfulness in raising confident, healthy children.</p>
<p>“There are still very few studies examining children’s humor and how parents contribute to it,” Bureau said. “Our study should therefore be seen as an initial step that raises new questions for future research. For example, an important next step would be to explore how parents spontaneously create playful and humorous interactions with their children in everyday life at home.”</p>
<p>“More broadly, in an era marked by increasing screen time for both children and parents, it is especially important to highlight the value of play and shared laughter. These playful moments may seem simple, but they can contribute meaningfully to the quality of the parent–child relationship and to children’s positive developmental outcomes.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jecp.2025.106441" target="_blank" rel="noopener">How fathers and mothers make their children laugh: Associations with the security of parent-child attachment relationships</a>,” was authored by Sabrina Schmiedel, Jean-François Bureau, Jessica Turgeon, Audrey-Ann Deneault, and Ariane J. Gauthier.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/scientists-just-discovered-that-a-high-fat-diet-can-cause-gut-bacteria-to-enter-the-brain/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Scientists just discovered that a high-fat diet can cause gut bacteria to enter the brain</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Mar 14th 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>Live bacteria from the digestive system can travel directly into the brain when the intestinal barrier is weakened. This discovery offers a potential new explanation for how digestive health influences neurological conditions like Alzheimer’s disease and autism. The research was recently published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pbio.3003652" target="_blank" rel="noopener">PLOS Biology</a></em>.</p>
<p>The digestive tract and the central nervous system are intimately connected through a biological communication network called the gut-brain axis. This network helps regulate bodily functions, digestion, and inflammation. Medical professionals have noted associations between the gut microbiome and various neurological conditions.</p>
<p>The gut microbiome is the massive collection of bacteria and other microorganisms naturally living inside the digestive tract. Changes in the types of bacteria living in the gut often occur alongside a condition called intestinal permeability. This condition happens when the lining of the intestines weakens, allowing substances to leak out into the body.</p>
<p>High-fat diets are known to alter the bacterial makeup of the gut and contribute to this intestinal leakage. Yet researchers did not fully understand the exact pathways allowing gut bacteria to directly impact the brain and potentially cause neurological diseases. Manoj Thapa, a researcher at the Emory National Primate Research Center at Emory University, led an investigation to explore these physical pathways.</p>
<p>Thapa and a team of colleagues set out to determine if microbes could physically move from the digestive system directly into the brain. To test their ideas, the researchers used a specialized breed of laboratory mice that are prone to developing liver issues and gut bacterial changes. They fed these mice a high-fat, high-carbohydrate food called a Paigen diet for nine days.</p>
<p>The research team then analyzed the fecal matter and intestinal tissue of the mice. They observed that the high-fat diet changed the bacterial makeup in the intestines, enriching bacteria like Staphylococcus while reducing beneficial bacteria like Lactobacillus. Alongside these bacterial changes, the high-fat diet caused the intestinal lining of the mice to weaken and leak.</p>
<p>To see if bacteria escaped the digestive tract, the researchers examined various organs, including the lungs, heart, kidneys, and blood. They found no bacteria in the blood or most other systemic organs. They did, however, discover small numbers of live bacteria within the brains of the mice fed the high-fat diet.</p>
<p>The researchers then used genetic sequencing to compare the bacteria found in the brain with those in the intestines. They discovered that the genetic codes matched almost perfectly, indicating the bacteria in the brain originated in the gut. Because they found no bacteria in the blood, the team needed to find the alternative route the microbes took to reach the brain.</p>
<p>They turned their attention to the vagus nerve, a long nerve pathway connecting the brainstem to the heart, lungs, and digestive organs. When the researchers tested the cervical branches of the vagus nerve in the mice, they found the exact same types of bacteria. To test if this nerve was the physical pathway, they performed a surgical procedure to sever the right cervical vagus nerve in some mice.</p>
<p>Because cutting the nerve on both sides of the body would be fatal, they only severed it on one side. These surgically altered mice had vastly lower levels of bacteria in their brains compared to mice with intact nerves. The researchers then wanted to know if the type of bacteria in the gut determined what ended up in the brain.</p>
<p>They gave a new group of mice a blend of common antibiotics to kill off their existing gut bacteria. They then introduced a specific, genetically modified strain of Enterobacter bacteria into the digestive tracts of these mice. This genetically modified strain contained a unique DNA barcode not found in nature.</p>
<p>After feeding these mice the high-fat diet to induce a leaky gut, the researchers searched the brain tissue for this specific bacterial DNA. Using highly sensitive laboratory techniques to copy and amplify the genetic material, they successfully detected the unique DNA barcode in the brain tissue. This proved that the specific bacteria placed in the gut had traveled directly to the brain.</p>
<p>To confirm the blood was truly free of bacteria, the researchers tested the blood for specific antimicrobial proteins. These proteins naturally spike when the immune system detects an infection in the bloodstream. The levels of these proteins remained completely normal, providing further evidence that the microbes did not use the circulatory system to travel.</p>
<p>To ensure these results were not limited to one specific mouse breed, they repeated the experiments using standard laboratory mice. When standard mice ate the high-fat diet, they also developed intestinal leakage and harbored gut bacteria in their brains. The team observed that bacteria appeared in the vagus nerve before showing up in the brain, supporting the idea of a transit route.</p>
<p>The researchers also tested whether this physical movement of bacteria was a permanent condition. They took mice that had been eating the high-fat diet and returned them to standard laboratory food. After returning to a normal diet, the intestinal lining of the mice healed and the leakage stopped.</p>
<p>Subsequently, the researchers could no longer detect bacteria in the brains of these mice. This indicated that the presence of bacteria in the brain is a reversible state, driven by the health of the gut lining.</p>
<p>The team then expanded their scope to look at mice engineered to mimic human neurological conditions. They examined mouse models designed to replicate Alzheimer’s disease, Parkinson’s disease, and autism spectrum disorder. Even when eating a normal diet, these particular mice exhibited weakened intestinal linings.</p>
<p>When the researchers examined the brains and vagus nerves of these diseased mice, they found gut bacteria present. Just like in the diet experiments, these mice had no bacteria in their bloodstreams. The blood-brain barrier, a protective filter separating the brain from the circulatory system, remained completely intact in all the tested animals.</p>
<p>This reinforced the idea that the microbes were bypassing the bloodstream entirely and using the nerves as a highway. The results suggested that a leaky gut might be a common feature allowing bacterial movement in these specific neurological conditions. The researchers took extreme precautions to ensure their samples were not contaminated during the collection process.</p>
<p>They performed all work in sterile environments and collected brain tissue before touching the digestive organs. They also confirmed that germ-free mice, which are raised in sterile bubbles without any natural bacteria, had no microbes in their brains. When the team gave these germ-free mice a single strain of bacteria and a normal diet, the microbes stayed in the gut.</p>
<p>The bacteria only traveled to the brain when the germ-free mice were fed the high-fat diet that caused intestinal leakage. This proved that their isolation methods were clean and that a weakened gut lining was absolutely required for the bacteria to relocate. To fully understand the link between gut leakage and the brain, the team also gave mice a chemical that aggressively destroys the intestinal lining.</p>
<p>Only at the absolute highest doses of this chemical did bacteria finally spill over into the bloodstream. This demonstrated that the moderate gut leakage caused by the high-fat diet was enough to send bacteria up the nerve, but not severe enough to cause a full-blown blood infection.</p>
<p>The study does have a few limitations that warrant further investigation by the scientific community. The research relied entirely on animal models, so it remains unknown if this exact physical transit of bacteria happens in humans. The number of bacterial cells found in the brain tissue was quite low, generally numbering in the hundreds.</p>
<p>Any differences in the exact amount of bacteria found in the brain across the different mouse models were not statistically significant, but the presence of the bacteria was consistent. The researchers have not yet been able to capture visual images of the bacteria inside the brain or the vagus nerve. The specific diet used to induce the leaky gut in the mice is an extreme formulation containing high levels of fat and specific acids.</p>
<p>This diet differs from typical human eating habits, though Western diets can also cause intestinal issues. It is not yet clear exactly where the bacteria reside once they reach the brain. Scientists also need to determine which specific brain cells come into contact with these translocated microbes.</p>
<p>Future research will focus on whether all types of gut bacteria have the ability to travel along the vagus nerve or if only certain species can make the journey. Investigators will also look into how long bacteria can survive in the brain after the intestinal lining heals. Understanding these pathways could eventually lead to new medical treatments.</p>
<p>If doctors can target the digestive system to prevent bacteria from escaping, they might be able to alter the course of some neurological conditions. “One of the biggest translational aspects of this study is that it suggests that the development of neurological conditions may be initiated in the gut,” said David S. Weiss, a corresponding author of the study. He noted that, “This may shift the focus of new interventions for brain conditions, with the gut as the new target of the therapy.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pbio.3003652" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Translocation of bacteria from the gut to the brain in mice</a>,” was authored by Manoj Thapa, Anuradha Kumari, Chui-Yoke Chin, Jacob E. Choby, Elahe Akbari, Bikash Bogati, Fengzhi Jin, Elise Furr, Daniel M. Chopyk, Nitya Koduri, Andrew Pahnke, Theodore L. Burns, Elizabeth J. Elrod, Eileen M. Burd, David S. Weiss, and Arash Grakoui.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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