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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/girls-rarely-experience-the-friend-zone-psychology-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Girls rarely experience the “friend zone,” psychology study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 21st 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2025.106758" target="_blank">Evolution and Human Behavior</a></em> provides evidence that the tendency for young men to mistake friendliness for sexual interest strengthens gradually throughout their teenage years. The research also suggests that when adolescent girls express romantic interest, boys rarely dismiss it as mere friendliness. Together, these findings help explain how romantic misunderstandings develop during adolescence and mirror the dynamics often seen in heterosexual adults.</p>
<p>In evolutionary psychology, a framework called Error Management Theory proposes that adults have built up specific biases to handle the uncertainty of dating. This theory suggests that men tend to overperceive sexual interest so they do not miss out on rare mating opportunities.</p>
<p>Failing to notice a sexual opportunity carries a high reproductive cost for men. On the other hand, women tend to underperceive sexual interest. This underperception bias helps them gently brush off unwanted suitors without causing conflict and protects their social reputation from rumors.</p>
<p>While these patterns are well documented in adults, scientists did not know at what age these psychological adaptations activate. Because adolescents experience puberty and possess reproductive capabilities, they face many of the same social and biological challenges as adults. The researchers wanted to test whether these misperception biases are already functioning by age 16.</p>
<p>They also wanted to track how these psychological patterns change as teenagers mature into young adults at age 19. If these biases appear too early, they could interfere with normal socializing and play. If they appear too late, adolescents might miss out on important social and romantic learning experiences.</p>
<p>“Imagine you’re having a friendly conversation with someone you secretly have a crush on. You naturally hope they’re talking to you not just out of friendliness, but because they might feel something more. But you can’t know for sure—you have to infer their intentions. Are you their crush? Or just their friend?” said Marius Stavang, a PhD student at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology and member of the <a href="https://www.ntnu.no/psykologi/sexual-conflicts-research-group" target="_blank">the Sexual Conflict Research Group</a>.</p>
<p>“This kind of romantic uncertainty is something most people experience at some point. Research on adults shows that men and women tend to make predictable inferential errors in these situations: men often overestimate women’s romantic or sexual interest, while women tend to underestimate men’s interest. However, we didn’t know when these patterns begin to emerge.” </p>
<p>“Do these sex-typical misperception biases already exist in early adolescence, or do they develop later? That was the key gap we wanted to address. Understanding how these misperceptions develop matters because they can lead to awkwardness, disappointment, and in more serious cases, sexual coercion.”</p>
<p>To explore these questions, the scientists analyzed data from 1,290 heterosexual high school students in Norway. The sample included 551 males and 739 females between the ages of 16 and 19. The data was originally gathered as part of the 2013 Health, Sexual Harassment, and Experiences Study in the city of Trondheim.</p>
<p>Students completed surveys in private cubicles or at home during regular school hours. The researchers measured sexual misperception by asking participants about their experiences over the previous 12 months. Specifically, they asked if the students had ever been just friendly to someone of the opposite sex, only to have that person mistake their friendliness for a sexual advance.</p>
<p>This scenario represents being sexually overperceived. They also asked if the students had ever tried to show sexual or romantic interest, only to have the other person assume they were just trying to be nice. This scenario represents being sexually underperceived.</p>
<p>In addition, the participants answered questions about their sociosexuality, which is a person’s willingness to engage in casual sex without a committed relationship. The survey also asked students to rate their own mate value. In evolutionary biology, mate value refers to a person’s overall attractiveness and desirability as a romantic or sexual partner.</p>
<p>The scientists found that the traditional adult pattern of misperception is not fully formed at age 16. Instead, it develops over the course of the late teen years. At age 16, only 7 percent of females reported that males mistook their friendliness for sexual interest.</p>
<p>By age 19, that number grew to 25 percent. Because of this steady increase, females first reported a noticeable male overperception bias at age 17. This suggests that the male tendency to read too much into friendly behavior becomes active in the middle of adolescence.</p>
<p>“We found that the tendency for males to overestimate females’ sexual interest is not fully established by age 16, but appears to strengthen somewhat across middle to late adolescence,” Stavang told PsyPost. “This suggests that the well-known adult pattern—where men interpret women’s friendliness as sexual interest—undergoes developmental change during the teenage years.”</p>
<p>The patterns for underperception looked very different. Across all ages from 16 to 19, a substantial number of males reported that their romantic interest was dismissed as just being nice. About 13 percent of boys experienced this misunderstanding in the past year.</p>
<p>In contrast, only 3 percent of girls reported having their romantic interest mistaken for friendliness. This indicates that the classic experience of being placed in the friend zone is exceptionally rare for teenage girls. The sex difference in underperception is already firmly in place by age 16 and stays relatively consistent through age 19.</p>
<p>“I was surprised that almost no adolescent girls reported that their amorous interest was discounted as just friendliness,” Stavang said. “I had expected this classic experience—often discussed among adult men as the ‘friendzone’—to be more evenly distributed during high school, when dating norms might be less firmly established.”</p>
<p>The researchers also noted an unexpected pattern in how boys were overperceived by girls. The number of boys who had their friendliness mistaken for sexual interest rose from 16 to 18, but then dropped sharply to just 3 percent at age 19. Because so few 19-year-old boys were overperceived, and many were still underperceived, it was at age 19 that boys formally reported a female underperception bias.</p>
<p>Personal traits also influenced how often teenagers were misunderstood. A higher interest in casual sex increased the risk of being overperceived for both boys and girls. For boys, this openness to casual sex also increased their chances of having their actual romantic interest ignored.</p>
<p>Self-perceived mate value played a significant role for boys. Males who rated themselves as highly attractive partners were much more likely to have their friendliness mistaken for sexual interest. Relationship status and whether a teenager had experienced their sexual debut did not appear to affect their risk of being misperceived.</p>
<p>There are a few potential misinterpretations and limitations to keep in mind regarding this study. Because the research relied on teenagers reporting their own experiences, the data might be influenced by memory errors or subjective interpretations of social events. Also, the survey did not ask for the specific ages of the people who misunderstood the participants, meaning the misperceptions could have involved older or younger peers.</p>
<p>The research was conducted in Norway, a country known for high gender equality and open attitudes toward teenage dating. The researchers note that cultural rules surrounding dating might cause these biases to develop differently in more conservative societies. Finally, the study only looked at chronological age rather than physical maturity, which might play a bigger role in how teenagers are perceived by others.</p>
<p>“In adults, speed-dating paradigms have been very useful for studying misperception,” Stavang noted. “Participants can report how interested they think the other person is in them, and that can be directly compared to how interested the other person actually reports being. This provides a relatively objective measure of misperception.”</p>
<p>“If similar designs could be adapted ethically and appropriately for adolescent samples, it would represent a major step forward in understanding how sexual misperception biases develop. Longitudinal designs would also be especially valuable for identifying when and why these biases strengthen.”</p>
<p>“Romantic misunderstandings often arise because people are not fully transparent about their feelings,” Stavang added. “Adolescents may also be learning—by observing adults—that they too should communicate ambiguously when dating.”</p>
<p>“Encouraging clearer and more honest communication about interest and lack of interest could potentially reduce these misperceptions. If we understand how these biases develop, we may also be better equipped to interrupt cycles of misunderstanding before they solidify into adult patterns.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2025.106758" target="_blank">Adolescent development of sexual misperception biases: females increasingly overperceived, males consistently underperceived</a>,” was authored by Marius Stavang, Mons Bendixen, and Leif Edward Ottesen Kennair.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/the-psychology-of-masochism-is-it-a-disorder-or-a-healing-mechanism/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">The psychology of masochism: Is it a disorder or a healing mechanism?</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 21st 2026, 07:00</div>
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<p><p>The concept of masochism often evokes images of whips, chains, and leather. While these elements can certainly be part of the picture, the scientific and historical reality is far more nuanced. At its core, masochism refers to the experience of finding pleasure or gratification in pain, humiliation, or submission. This seeming paradox has puzzled psychologists and neurologists for over a century. How can a sensation designed to warn the body of danger become a source of enjoyment?</p>
<p>Recent research suggests the answer lies in a complex interplay of biology, psychology, and social context. Scientists are finding that pain and pleasure share overlapping neural pathways. They also suggest that the context in which pain occurs can fundamentally alter how the brain processes it. To understand masochism, one must look beyond the physical sensation and examine the mind of the person experiencing it.</p>
<h2><strong>The Historical Origins</strong></h2>
<p>The word “masochism” has a literary origin. It was coined in 1883 by the German neurologist Richard von Krafft-Ebing. He derived the term from the name of Leopold von Sacher-Masoch, an Austrian writer. Sacher-Masoch was a nobleman and journalist known for writing romantic stories about life in Galicia. He became famous for his novella <em>Venus in Furs</em>, published in 1869.</p>
<p>The story within <em>Venus in Furs</em> follows a man named Severin von Kusiemski. Severin is so infatuated with a woman named Wanda von Dunajew that he asks to be her slave. He encourages her to treat him in progressively degrading ways. Wanda is initially hesitant but eventually embraces the role of the dominant figure. Severin describes his feelings during these ordeals as “suprasensuality.” The story mirrors the author’s own life, as Sacher-Masoch famously signed a contract with his mistress to become her slave for six months.</p>
<p>Krafft-Ebing used Sacher-Masoch’s name to describe a specific psychopathology. In his book <em>Psychopathia Sexualis</em>, he defined masochism as a condition where an individual is controlled by the idea of being completely subject to the will of another person. He noted that this idea is often colored by lustful feeling. Krafft-Ebing considered this a perversion of sexual life.</p>
<p>Later, Sigmund Freud expanded on these ideas. In his 1905 work <em>Three Papers on Sexual Theory</em>, Freud linked masochism with sadism. Sadism is the derivation of pleasure from inflicting pain on others. Freud argued that sadism and masochism were two sides of the same coin. He suggested that a person who enjoys inflicting pain is also capable of enjoying receiving it. He viewed these tendencies as stemming from psychological development in early childhood.</p>
<h2><strong>Sexual Masochism Disorder</strong></h2>
<p>In modern psychology, the definition has evolved. The <em>Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders</em> (DSM-5) distinguishes between masochistic sexual interests and a mental disorder. Many people enjoy masochistic elements in their sexual lives without meeting the criteria for a disorder.</p>
<p>The DSM-5 defines Sexual Masochism Disorder specifically. To receive this diagnosis, a person must experience recurrent and intense sexual arousal from being humiliated, beaten, bound, or made to suffer. This pattern must persist for at least six months. Most importantly, these urges or behaviors must cause clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other important areas of functioning.</p>
<p>If an individual engages in these behaviors consensually and experiences no distress or dysfunction, they do not have a disorder. This distinction is vital. It separates consensual BDSM practices from pathological conditions. BDSM is an acronym that stands for Bondage and Discipline, Dominance and Submission, and Sadism and Masochism.</p>
<h2><strong>The Neuroscience of Pleasure and Pain</strong></h2>
<p>One of the central questions regarding masochism is how physical pain can translate into pleasure. A paper published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2019.1605328"><em>The Journal of Sex Research</em></a> by Cara R. Dunkley and colleagues at the University of British Columbia proposes a theoretical model for this phenomenon. The researchers argue that pain in a BDSM context is qualitatively different from accidental pain.</p>
<p>Accidental pain, such as stubbing a toe, triggers a threat response. It signals danger and creates suffering. In contrast, masochistic pain is often described as “good pain.” The researchers suggest that this transformation occurs through “top-down processing.” This is a function where the brain interprets sensory data based on expectations, memories, and context.</p>
<p>When a person consents to pain in a safe environment, their brain regulates the sensation. This regulation involves the release of specific neurochemicals. The researchers point to endogenous opioids and endocannabinoids as key players. Endogenous opioids are the body’s natural painkillers, similar to morphine. Endocannabinoids are chemicals produced by the body that interact with the same receptors as cannabis.</p>
<p>These chemicals are often released during intense physical exertion, leading to phenomena like the “runner’s high.” The researchers suggest a similar process occurs during masochistic activities. The physiological stress of the activity triggers a flood of these mood-enhancing chemicals. This can blunt the sharpness of the pain and induce feelings of euphoria or relaxation.</p>
<p>Dunkley and her team also highlight the role of sexual arousal. Research indicates that sexual arousal can act as a powerful analgesic, or pain reliever. Studies have shown that stimulation of the genitals can raise the threshold for pain tolerance significantly. When arousal is present, the brain may suppress negative emotional reactions to pain. This allows the physical sensation to be experienced as intense but not necessarily aversive.</p>
<h2><strong>Altered States of Consciousness</strong></h2>
<p>Beyond the chemical reaction, masochism may serve a psychological function. Dunkley and colleagues discuss the concept of “subspace.” This is a colloquial term used in the BDSM community to describe a trance-like state. It is characterized by feelings of floating, peace, and detachment from reality.</p>
<p>The researchers compare this state to “flow” or mindfulness meditation. During intense sensation, an individual’s focus narrows to the immediate present. This can provide a relief from the burdens of self-awareness. Baumeister, a prominent psychologist, described this as “escaping the self.” For a high-functioning or stressed individual, the forced focus of pain can be a welcome vacation from their daily responsibilities and thoughts.</p>
<p>This state appears to reduce activity in the parts of the brain responsible for executive function and self-monitoring. This phenomenon is known as transient hypofrontality. By shutting down the internal monologue, the individual achieves a state of deep relaxation. This paradox—that stress on the body leads to peace in the mind—is a recurring theme in the study of masochism.</p>
<h2><strong>Benign Masochism in Everyday Life</strong></h2>
<p>Masochism is not limited to the bedroom. A study published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jrp.2023.104429"><em>Journal of Research in Personality</em></a> in 2023 explores the concept of “benign masochism.” This term refers to the tendency to enjoy negative experiences in a safe context. Common examples include eating extremely spicy food, watching tear-jerker movies, or riding terrifying roller coasters.</p>
<p>Karolina Dyduch-Hazar and Vanessa Mitschke led this research. They sought to determine if people with masochistic traits actively seek out unpleasant stimuli. They conducted studies where participants could choose which videos to watch. The videos varied in emotional tone, ranging from happy scenes to disgusting ones, such as a man vomiting.</p>
<p>The researchers found that individuals who scored high on a scale of benign masochism showed a distinct preference. They were more likely to choose and enjoy videos that were highly arousing and negative. While most people preferred positive content, these individuals found pleasure in the intensity of the negative clips.</p>
<p>The researchers suggest that this behavior stems from a desire for sensation. It also involves the realization that the threat is not real. Dyduch-Hazar explains that the joy comes from realizing that one has been “fooled” by their body. The physical reaction is fear or disgust, but the mind knows there is no actual danger. This creates a safe space to experience intense emotions.</p>
<h2><strong>Links to Childhood Trauma</strong></h2>
<p>The relationship between childhood experiences and adult sexual preferences is a subject of ongoing investigation. A study published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sexol.2021.10.004"><em>Sexologies</em></a> in 2022 by Mike Abrams and his colleagues explored the link between childhood abuse and sadomasochism. They surveyed over 1,000 adults about their histories of psychological, physical, and sexual abuse.</p>
<p>The findings indicated a correlation. Participants who reported childhood abuse were more likely to report sadomasochistic tendencies in adulthood. The type of abuse seemed to matter. Sexual abuse was most strongly associated with more extreme forms of sadism and masochism. Psychological abuse was linked to milder forms.</p>
<p>Abrams notes that this relationship is complex. It does not mean that all survivors of abuse will develop these interests. Nor does it mean that all masochists were abused. However, the data suggests that early experiences can shape how individuals eroticize power and pain.</p>
<h2><strong>Healing or Repetition?</strong></h2>
<p>This link to trauma raises a critical question: Is engaging in BDSM a harmful repetition of past abuse, or can it be a form of healing? A 2024 paper in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/0092623x.2024.2332775"><em>Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy</em></a> tackled this difficult issue. Ateret Gewirtz-Meydan and her team reviewed existing literature to understand the mechanisms at play.</p>
<p>They found that for some survivors, BDSM offers a way to reclaim control. This process is sometimes called “rescripting.” In a consensual scene, the survivor calls the shots. They set the boundaries and have the power to stop the action at any moment. This can allow them to revisit traumatic feelings from a position of power rather than helplessness.</p>
<p>This transforms a passive experience of victimization into an active experience of survival and pleasure. The researchers note that BDSM emphasizes explicit consent and negotiation. This framework can help survivors learn to establish and enforce boundaries.</p>
<p>However, the researchers also warn of risks. The intense power dynamics can trigger retraumatization. If a scene goes wrong or boundaries are ignored, it can replicate the original abuse. Dissociation is another risk factor. Dissociation is a coping mechanism where a person detaches from reality. While some seek this state for relief, it can be harmful if it prevents an individual from processing their emotions or recognizing when they are unsafe.</p>
<p>The researchers conclude that there is no one-size-fits-all answer. For some, BDSM is a powerful therapeutic tool. For others, it may reinforce negative patterns. Clinicians are encouraged to approach the topic without judgment and to understand the specific motivations of the individual.</p>
<p>“It is crucial for clinicians to approach this topic with sensitivity and avoid pathologizing BDSM practices,” Gewirtz-Meydan <a href="https://www.psypost.org/bdsm-among-childhood-abuse-survivors-researchers-weigh-the-benefits-and-risks/">told PsyPost</a>. “Understanding the therapeutic potential of BDSM and fostering open, non-judgmental conversations about it can contribute to destigmatizing and empowering trauma survivors.”</p>
<h2><strong>Masochism and Chronic Pain</strong></h2>
<p>A surprising area of research links sexual masochism with chronic pain conditions. A study published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/ejp.70230"><em>European Journal of Pain</em></a> in 2026 by Annabel Vetterlein and her colleagues investigated this connection. They surveyed a large group of individuals, some of whom identified as BDSM practitioners and some who did not.</p>
<p>The results showed a significantly higher prevalence of chronic pain among the BDSM practitioners. Approximately 47% of the participants with sadomasochistic interests reported living with chronic pain. This is compared to about 29% in the control group. This finding was consistent across both men and women.</p>
<p>The researchers explored why this might be. They found that practitioners of sadomasochism tended to view pain differently than the general population. They were more likely to see pain as a challenge to be overcome rather than a tragedy to be feared. They also scored higher on measures of sensation seeking.</p>
<p>Vetterlein and her team suggest that engaging in masochism might serve as a coping strategy. The experience of acute, voluntary pain during a BDSM scene triggers the release of pain-relieving neurochemicals. This can provide temporary relief from the persistent, involuntary pain of a chronic condition.</p>
<p>This “fighting pain with pain” approach allows the individual to feel a sense of control. Chronic pain often makes people feel helpless. Voluntary pain restores a sense of agency. The researchers also noted that the social aspect of BDSM might play a role. Sharing the experience of pain with a partner can create a sense of belonging and support that is often lacking for chronic pain sufferers.</p>
<h2><strong>Personality Predictors</strong></h2>
<p>The study by Vetterlein also sought to identify what personality traits predict an interest in masochism. They found three main factors. The first was having chronic pain, as mentioned above. The second was “sensation seeking.” This is a personality trait defined by the search for experiences and feelings that are varied, novel, complex, and intense. Sensation seekers are often willing to take physical and social risks for the sake of such experiences.</p>
<p>The third predictor was a specific attitude toward pain. Individuals who viewed pain as a “challenge” were much more likely to have masochistic interests. This attitude frames pain as a test of endurance and strength. It removes the victimhood often associated with suffering and replaces it with a narrative of achievement.</p>
<h2><strong>A Complex Phenomenon</strong></h2>
<p>The scientific understanding of masochism has come a long way since Krafft-Ebing first defined it as a perversion. Today, researchers recognize it as a multifaceted phenomenon. It is not simply a desire to be hurt. It is a complex interaction between the brain’s reward systems, an individual’s psychological history, and their social environment.</p>
<p>Physiologically, it exploits the body’s natural response to stress to create pleasure. Psychologically, it offers a way to alter consciousness, escape self-awareness, and potentially cope with trauma or chronic pain. Socially, it relies on strict codes of consent and trust to transform a threat into a game.</p>
<p>Whether manifested as a sexual preference, a taste for spicy food, or a way to manage past trauma, masochism highlights the adaptability of the human mind. It demonstrates that our experience of reality—and specifically of pain—is not a fixed biological fact. It is a subjective experience that we can shape, reframe, and sometimes even enjoy.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/people-who-engage-in-impulsive-violence-tend-to-have-lower-iq-scores/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">People who engage in impulsive violence tend to have lower IQ scores</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 21st 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent comprehensive review of existing scientific research suggests that individuals who engage in impulsive acts of violence tend to score lower on intelligence tests compared to non-violent individuals. The findings provide evidence that lower intellectual abilities may make it harder for people to resolve conflicts peacefully, though intelligence is just one piece of a complex behavioral puzzle. The research was published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.intell.2025.101969" target="_blank">Intelligence</a></em>.</p>
<p>Scientists from various disciplines have spent decades attempting to understand the underlying factors that drive aggression and violence. While past research provides evidence that lower cognitive abilities are linked to general criminal behavior, the specific relationship between intelligence and violent acts against others has remained less clear. This gap in knowledge prompted researchers to look closer at specific types of aggression.</p>
<p>The researchers conducted the new review to figure out if people who commit violent acts consistently show lower intellectual abilities than those who do not. They also wanted to know if this pattern holds true for different components of intelligence, such as verbal skills and nonverbal problem solving. By clarifying this connection, the scientists hoped to gather information that could help design better rehabilitation programs.</p>
<p>“The main motivation for this study was the absence of a systematic analysis assessing whether violence is truly related to the intelligence quotient (IQ) or whether, on the contrary, it is an independent factor,” explained <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Angel-Romero-Martinez" target="_blank">Ángel Romero-Martínez</a>, a professor of psychobiology at the University of Valencia.</p>
<p>“Although prior research has linked low intelligence to general antisocial behavior, there was a significant lack of specialized systematic reviews focusing exclusively on violence against others. We aimed to resolve the debate over whether low IQ is an inherent characteristic of violent behavior (acting as a facilitator) or merely an incidental variable. By conducting this meta-analysis, we were able to demonstrate that violence—particularly reactive violence—is not independent of cognitive abilities, but is significantly influenced by them.”</p>
<p>To explore this topic, the scientists conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis. This type of research involves gathering all previously published studies on a specific subject and combining their data using statistical tools to find an overall trend. The research team searched three major scientific databases, including PubMed and Scopus, along with exploring reference lists to find studies that measured intelligence and assessed aggressive behavior.</p>
<p>Out of more than 5,000 initially identified articles, the researchers removed duplicates and screened the remaining papers for relevance. They ultimately selected 131 empirical studies that met their strict inclusion criteria. For the statistical analysis, they looked at two main sets of data to evaluate group differences and behavioral associations.</p>
<p>The first part of the analysis compared the intelligence scores of 1,860 violent individuals against a control group of 3,888 non-violent individuals. The second part examined the statistical correlation between intelligence and aggressive behavior across a massive pool of 33,118 participants. These aggressive behaviors included a variety of actions, ranging from general hostility and poor anger control to externalizing behaviors and physical assaults.</p>
<p>The intelligence quotient, commonly known as IQ, is a standardized score used to measure a person’s intellectual abilities, with an average score set at 100. In their analysis, the scientists looked at full IQ scores, as well as verbal and nonverbal scores. Verbal intelligence involves the ability to use and understand language, which is important for communication.</p>
<p>Nonverbal intelligence relates to visual problem solving and abstract reasoning without the use of words. The data showed that violent individuals scored significantly lower on full, verbal, and nonverbal intelligence tests compared to the non-violent control groups. This gap in intelligence scores was particularly large when the violent individuals also suffered from a diagnosed mental or personality disorder.</p>
<p>The findings indicate that these cognitive differences are present regardless of gender. The researchers also noted that differences in socioeconomic status did not seem to explain the gap. Many of the included studies accounted for economic and educational backgrounds, and the intelligence gap remained consistent.</p>
<p>“What was truly surprising was just how clear and robust the relationship turned out to be,” Romero-Martínez told PsyPost. “Beyond finding a general link, the most striking aspect was the consistent relationship across all different types of intelligence (verbal and non-verbal IQ).”</p>
<p>When looking at the broader pool of over 33,000 participants, the scientists found a consistent negative correlation between intelligence and violence. This means that as IQ scores decrease, the tendency to engage in violent behavior tends to increase. The correlation coefficients ranged from negative 0.09 to negative 0.20, pointing to a modest but reliable link between lower intelligence and aggressive tendencies.</p>
<p>The research suggests that this lower intelligence is primarily associated with reactive violence. Reactive violence is defined as an impulsive, emotional outburst of aggression in response to frustration or a perceived threat. It differs from proactive violence, which is planned, calculated, and goal oriented.</p>
<p>The scientists propose that lower intellectual abilities might limit an individual’s mental resources for managing stress. Without strong problem solving or verbal skills, a person may struggle to process frustration and navigate conflicts peacefully. In high stress situations, this cognitive limitation can act as a facilitator for impulsive physical or verbal aggression.</p>
<p>“The most important takeaway is that while our study found a correlation between lower IQ and reactive violence, having a lower IQ does not mean a person will be violent,” Romero-Martínez explained. “It is crucial to understand that intelligence is just one factor within a much more complex problem involving biological, social, and psychological variables. Rather than a direct cause, a lower IQ acts as a facilitator.”</p>
<p>“It may limit an individual’s cognitive resources to manage stress or solve conflicts peacefully, making them more prone to impulsive or reactive aggression. Therefore, these findings should be used not to label individuals, but to improve rehabilitation programs by tailoring them to the specific cognitive needs of each person, helping them develop better non-violent coping strategies.”</p>
<p>“The practical significance of these effects should not be interpreted to blame or stigmatize individuals with lower IQ scores,” Romero-Martínez continued. “Instead, the real value of these findings lies in identifying the therapeutic needs of people involved in violent acts.” </p>
<p>“By understanding that cognitive limitations can act as a barrier to peaceful conflict resolution, we can develop more effective intervention programs tailored to individual needs. These results suggest that rehabilitation should focus on providing specific tools and strategies that match the person’s cognitive profile, ultimately helping them to manage frustration and avoid violent behavior more successfully.”</p>
<p>The study does have some limitations that scientists will need to address in future research. For instance, the original studies included in the review used a wide variety of different intelligence tests, which could introduce inconsistencies into the data. Additionally, the researchers only included studies published in English or Spanish, which might restrict how well the results apply to other global populations.</p>
<p>Moving forward, scientists plan to explore other mental factors that might influence the relationship between intelligence and reactive violence. They aim to study how specific mental processes, such as cognitive flexibility and impulse control, play a role in aggressive outbursts. </p>
<p>“As we gain deeper knowledge and a more nuanced understanding of these contributors, we will be better equipped to develop effective strategies to intervene and prevent this type of behavior,” Romero-Martínez said. “We do not want our work to remain solely on a theoretical level. Our ultimate ambition is for our findings to have a real-world impact. By translating this research into practical tools and evidence-based policies, we aim to provide society with better resources to address the root causes of violence and foster safer environments for everyone.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.intell.2025.101969" target="_blank">Analysis of the intelligence quotient and its contribution to reactive violence: A systematic review and meta-analysis</a>,” was authored by Ángel Romero-Martínez, Carolina Sarrate-Costa, and Luis Moya-Albiol.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/psychologist-explains-why-patience-can-be-transformative/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Psychologist explains why patience can be transformative</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 20th 2026, 22:00</div>
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<p><p><em><strong>PsyPost’s PodWatch highlights interesting clips from recent podcasts related to psychology and neuroscience.</strong></em></p>
<p>On Monday, January 19, 2026, the Hidden Brain podcast, hosted by Shankar Vedantam, featured psychologist Sarah Schnitker. The episode, titled “You 2.0: The Practice of Patience,” challenged the conventional view of patience as a passive trait. Schnitker framed it instead as an active form of emotional regulation that protects mental and physical health.</p>
<p>In the first half of the interview, Vedantam and Schnitker discussed the boundaries of healthy patience. Schnitker explained that virtuous patience occupies a “sweet spot” between the extremes of recklessness and passivity. She noted that true patience often requires courage, citing Martin Luther King Jr.’s approach to civil rights as an example of active waiting rather than resignation.</p>
<p>Research tracking personal goals supported this distinction. Schnitker mentioned a study showing that individuals who balanced patience with courage were able to pursue their objectives effectively. Those who lacked courage often slipped into passivity, failing to make progress despite their willingness to wait.</p>
<p>Later in the episode, the conversation shifted to specific psychological strategies for managing impatience. Schnitker advised against suppressing feelings of frustration, as this often backfires. She suggested that simply acknowledging the emotion and observing it from a third-person perspective can reduce its intensity.</p>
<p>The psychologist also highlighted “cognitive reappraisal,” which involves reframing a situation to find benefits or understand another person’s perspective. Additionally, she discussed how entering “flow states,” such as immersive activities like gaming or cooking, helped people cope with the uncertainty of the COVID-19 pandemic.</p>
<p>Toward the end of the interview, Schnitker explored how a “higher-order purpose” influences the ability to endure difficulty. She detailed a study on adolescents observing Ramadan, which found that fasting for spiritual reasons led to sustained increases in patience. Similar results appeared in research on marathon runners, where training for charity proved more effective for character growth than training for fitness.</p>
<p>The episode concluded with a look at the physical and mental costs of chronic impatience. Schnitker noted that an inability to wait is linked to higher risks of cardiovascular problems and anxiety. She added that impatience is also associated with loneliness and depressive symptoms, likely due to the strain it places on relationships.</p>
<p>You can listen to the full interview <a href="https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/you-2-0-the-practice-of-patience/" target="_blank">here</a>.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/persistent-depression-linked-to-resistance-in-processing-positive-information-about-treatment/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Persistent depression linked to resistance in processing positive information about treatment</a>
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<p><p>A study comparing individuals with persistent depressive disorder to those with episodic major depressive disorder found that those with persistent depression had lower treatment expectations. These individuals also changed their expectations about treatment outcomes less in response to positive reports by other patients. The research was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S0033291725101530"><em>Psychological Medicine</em></a>.</p>
<p>Depression, or major depressive disorder, is a mood disorder characterized by persistent sadness or loss of interest lasting at least two weeks and causing significant impairment in daily functioning. It involves cognitive, emotional, and physical symptoms such as hopelessness, fatigue, sleep disturbances, appetite changes, and difficulty concentrating. Treatment typically involves psychotherapy, pharmacotherapy such as antidepressants, or a combination of both.</p>
<p>However, for many individuals who develop depression, treatment does not result in a remission of symptoms. Furthermore, a substantial share of individuals whose depressive symptoms do go into remission after treatment soon experience a new depressive episode. Overall, in around 20-30% of people who suffer from major depressive disorder, depressive symptoms become chronic, meaning that they persist for at least 2 years. Their condition may then be classified as “persistent depressive disorder” (PDD), as opposed to episodic depression characterized by a depressive episode followed by a remission of symptoms.</p>
<p>Study author Tobias Kube and his colleagues wanted to test two hypotheses. The first was that people with persistent depression adjust their expectations of psychotherapeutic treatment less than people with episodic depression in response to positive information. The second hypothesis was that people with persistent depression alter expectations of future life events less than people with episodic depression.</p>
<p>This study was part of a larger project that examined the role of cognitive immunization in expectation change in depression. Cognitive immunization is a psychological process in which individuals reinterpret or dismiss disconfirming evidence in order to preserve an existing belief or self-schema, thereby preventing belief change despite contradictory information.</p>
<p>Study participants were 156 individuals with major depressive disorder or persistent depressive disorder, recruited from a German university outpatient clinic and several private psychotherapy practices. They received 15 EUR for their participation. Of these individuals, 65.4% met the criteria for episodic major depression, while the remaining 34.6% met the criteria for persistent depressive disorder. Participants’ average age was approximately 35 years, and 67% of them were women.</p>
<p>At the beginning of the study procedure, participants reported their expectations of psychotherapeutic treatments (using the Milwaukee Psychotherapy Expectation Questionnaire) as well as their expectations of future life events (the Future Event Questionnaire). Next, they watched videos of four patients (played by amateur actors). These characters first reported on their symptoms, but then reported on how psychotherapy helped them overcome their problems.</p>
<p>Participants were randomly assigned to one of four experimental conditions that differed in the instructions they received for watching the videos. One group was told to focus on the similarities between themselves and the person in the video. Study authors hypothesized that this would make it difficult for these participants to disregard positive information about psychotherapy voiced by persons in the videos. </p>
<p>Another group was told to focus on the differences between themselves and the people in the video, hopefully making it easier for patients to engage in cognitive immunization and disregard the experiences of the person in the video. The third group was told to focus on the physical appearance of the people in the videos (a control condition). Finally, the fourth group did not receive any instructions before watching the videos.</p>
<p>After watching the videos, participants completed assessments of expectations of psychotherapeutic treatments and future life events again. They also completed an assessment of cognitive immunization (the Cognitive Immunization Against Other People’s Experiences scale), a 7-item assessment examining whether they interpreted the videos negatively, and a brief assessment of recall of video contents. Participants’ depressive symptoms were assessed using the Beck’s Depression Inventory – II.</p>
<p>Results showed that participants with persistent depression had, at the start, less positive expectations about the outcome of psychotherapy than people with episodic depression. After watching the videos, participants with persistent depression adjusted their expectations of psychotherapy much less than people with episodic depression. This difference was particularly pronounced in the group that was given instructions meant to promote cognitive immunization (focusing on differences).</p>
<p> However, contrary to the second hypothesis, the two groups did not differ in how they changed their expectations regarding future life events. Additionally, participants with episodic and persistent depression did not differ in their average level of cognitive immunization scores.</p>
<p>“The results indicate that people with persistent depression have difficulty adjusting their treatment expectations in response to positive information on psychotherapy. This may be a risk factor for poor treatment outcome. The results regarding cognitive immunization suggest that for people with persistent depression, slight doubts about the value of information on the positive effects of psychotherapy may be sufficient to prevent them from integrating this information,” study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of cognitive functioning specificities of individuals with depression. However, the study did not include a healthy control group. Therefore, it remains unknown whether and how much the observed effects are specific for depression and dissimilar to what would be observable in healthy individuals as well.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S0033291725101530">Differences between persistent and episodic depression in processing novel positive information,</a>” was authored by Tobias Kube, Edith Rapo, Mimi Houben, Thomas Gärtner, Eva-Lotta Brakemeier, Julia Anna Glombiewski, and Winfried Rief.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/mct-oil-may-boost-brain-power-in-young-adults-study-suggests/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">MCT oil may boost brain power in young adults, study suggests</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 20th 2026, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.physbeh.2025.115212" target="_blank">Physiology & Behavior</a></em> has found that medium‑chain triglyceride oil can sharpen certain aspects of thinking in young adults, both immediately after a single dose and after a month of daily use.</p>
<p>Medium‑chain triglyceride oil has long been studied for its potential to support brain health in older adults and people with neurological conditions. However, the cognitive enhancing capabilities in healthy young people have remained an open question.</p>
<p>The brain relies heavily on energy, and medium‑chain triglycerides are known for their ability to quickly increase ketone bodies, an alternative fuel source that the brain can use when glucose is low. This metabolic advantage has made medium‑chain triglycerides a popular topic in nutrition and neuroscience research.</p>
<p>Led by I Wayan Yuuki from Ritsumeikan University in Japan, the researchers sought to discover whether the benefits of medium‑chain triglyceride oil extend to young adults who do not have cognitive impairments.</p>
<p>To investigate, Yuuki and colleagues conducted a randomized controlled trial involving 36 healthy young adults (20 males, 16 females), with an average age of 21 years old. Participants were assigned to consume either 12 grams of medium‑chain triglyceride oil or olive oil, which served as the long‑chain triglyceride comparison. The study included two phases: an acute test and a 4‑week daily supplementation period.</p>
<p>In the acute phase, participants completed a series of cognitive tests, consumed their assigned oil mixed with oatmeal, and repeated the tests 75 minutes later.</p>
<p>The researchers found that medium‑chain triglyceride oil did not improve short‑term memory or working memory in the immediate timeframe. However, it did significantly enhance inhibitory control compared to the long-chain triglyceride oil, the mental process that helps people resist distractions and suppress automatic responses. This improvement was measured using the reverse-Stroop task, a classic test of cognitive control whereby individuals must name the word rather than the color that the word is printed in.</p>
<p>“The mechanisms underlying the acute effect of medium‑chain triglyceride on the inhibitory control process remain unknown,” Yuuki and colleagues noted. They hypothesized that “increased ketone body metabolism [in the brain] via increased circulating levels of ketone bodies” may play a role.</p>
<p>The long‑term phase told a different story. After four weeks of daily medium‑chain triglyceride intake, participants showed no improvement in memory or inhibitory control compared to the olive‑oil group.</p>
<p>However, the participants did perform better on a demanding working‑memory task compared to the long-chain triglyceride oil, responding more quickly and consistently during the 2‑back test. The 2-back test involves participants watching a series of images appear one by one and pressing a button whenever the current image matched the one shown two steps earlier. This suggests that regular medium‑chain triglyceride consumption may strengthen the brain’s ability to hold and manipulate information, even if it does not produce immediate changes in this area.</p>
<p>Yuuki’s team concluded, “to the best of our knowledge, this study is the first to demonstrate that, compared to long-chain triglyceride intervention with the same macronutrients, a 4-week daily medium‑chain triglyceride regimen is an effective strategy for improving information processing speed and performance stability in complex working memory, though not in easy working memory, among young adults.”</p>
<p>However, the researchers note that the study has limitations. For instance, participants were told to maintain their usual lifestyle habits, including usual diet, physical activity levels, and sleep quality, during the testing period—but these factors were not measured.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.physbeh.2025.115212" target="_blank">Both a single dose and a 4-week daily regimen of medium-chain triglycerides boost certain aspects of cognitive function in young adults: A randomized controlled trial</a>,” was authored by I Wayan Yuuki, Kento Dora, Teppei Matsumura, Kazushi Fukuzawa, Yoshino Murakami, Kaito Hashimoto, Hayato Tsukamoto, and Takeshi Hashimoto.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/ai-art-fails-to-trigger-the-same-empathy-as-human-works/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">AI art fails to trigger the same empathy as human works</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 20th 2026, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>For centuries, philosophers and psychologists have argued that art does more than please the eye. It serves as a bridge between minds, allowing viewers to step into the experiences of others and develop a shared sense of humanity. A new series of experiments suggests that this bridge may be broken when the artist is a machine. </p>
<p>Researchers found that when people believe a work of art was created by artificial intelligence, they feel less awe. This reduced emotional response leads to a decrease in empathy for the subjects depicted in the work. The findings were published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2025.104840" target="_blank">Journal of Experimental Social Psychology</a></em>.</p>
<p>The study explores a psychological chain reaction that begins with the creator’s identity. Art is traditionally viewed as a deeply human act of expression. When we engage with a painting or a poem, we are not just processing visual or linguistic information. We are often attempting to understand the intent and perspective of another person. This process can trigger a sense of awe. Awe is an emotion we feel when we encounter something vast that challenges our current understanding of the world. Psychological theory suggests that awe diminishes our focus on the self and encourages us to feel connected to others.</p>
<p>Artificial intelligence has rapidly entered the creative sphere. Algorithms can now generate paintings, poetry, and music that mimic human styles with high fidelity. Michael W. White, a researcher at Columbia Business School, and his colleague Rebecca Ponce de Leon sought to understand if these AI-generated works function the same way human art does. They wanted to know if the knowledge of an artwork’s origin changes the emotional payoff for the viewer. They hypothesized that without a human mind behind the curtain, the sense of awe would evaporate. Without awe, the subsequent feelings of empathy might fail to materialize.</p>
<p>To test this, the researchers conducted five separate experiments involving over 1,500 participants. The first study took place in the real world rather than a laboratory. Research assistants recruited patrons at two major art museums in a large Northeastern city. These patrons viewed paintings depicting human suffering, such as miners, garment workers, or survivors of natural disasters.</p>
<p>The researchers used a deceptive experimental design to isolate the effect of the label. All the images shown were actually generated by AI. However, half the participants were told the art was created by a human artist named Jamie Kendricks. The other half were told the art was created by an artificial intelligence program. Participants then rated their empathy for the suffering people depicted in the images. The results showed a clear divide. Patrons who believed they were looking at AI art reported lower levels of empathy than those who thought they were viewing human art.</p>
<p>The second study aimed to ensure that the quality of the art was not the deciding factor. This time, the researchers used paintings actually created by human artists. They again manipulated the labels. Some participants were told the human-made art was the work of AI. The pattern held firm. Even when looking at human-created work, the mere belief that it came from a machine reduced the empathy participants felt for the subjects. This confirmed that the bias stems from the viewer’s beliefs about the creator, not the aesthetic properties of the image itself.</p>
<p>In the third study, the team expanded their scope to literary art. Participants read poems about love, nature, or family. The researchers also introduced a specific measure for awe. They asked participants how much wonder or amazement they felt. The data revealed that people experienced less awe when they attributed the poetry to a computer program. Statistical analysis showed that this lack of awe was responsible for the drop in empathy.</p>
<p>The fourth study moved back to a field setting to see if these feelings influenced behavior. The researchers set up a station in the lobby of a large office building. Passersby viewed a painting of disaster survivors. Afterward, they were given the opportunity to donate part of their compensation to charity. Participants who believed the painting was AI-generated reported less awe and empathy. Consequently, they were less likely to donate any money compared to those who believed a human painted the image.</p>
<p>The final study dug deeper into why AI art fails to elicit awe. The researchers measured two specific components of awe: perceived vastness and the need for accommodation. Vastness refers to the sense that something is larger than the self or ordinary experience. Need for accommodation is the feeling that a new experience challenges one’s existing mental structures. Participants viewed a painting of tsunami survivors. Those who thought it was AI-generated rated the work as less vast. They also felt less need to mentally accommodate the work. This lack of cognitive challenge stifled the experience of awe, which in turn suppressed empathy.</p>
<p>These findings align with a growing body of evidence regarding human reactions to AI creativity. A separate meta-analysis authored by Alwin de Rooij and published in <em>Psychology of Aesthetics, Creativity, and the Arts</em> examined nearly 200 effect sizes from various studies. De Rooij found that knowing an image is AI-generated negatively <a href="https://www.psypost.org/bias-against-ai-art-is-so-deep-it-changes-how-viewers-perceive-color-and-brightness/" target="_blank">impacts how people process the work</a>. This bias affects deep interpretation and even changes how viewers perceive basic visual features like color and brightness.</p>
<p>Similarly, a study authored by Kobe Millet and colleagues in <em>Computers in Human Behavior</em> found that people perceive AI art as less creative. Millet’s team<a href="https://www.psypost.org/artworks-are-perceived-as-less-creative-and-aesthetically-valuable-if-they-are-labeled-as-ai-made/" target="_blank"> identified “anthropocentric creativity beliefs”</a> as a driving factor. This is the conviction that creativity is a uniquely human trait. People who hold this belief strongly are more likely to downgrade their appreciation of AI art. They experience less awe when viewing it. White and Ponce de Leon’s work builds on this by showing that the deficit in awe has social consequences. It stops the art from functioning as a tool for moral and emotional connection.</p>
<p>There are limitations to the current research. The studies primarily used art depicting suffering or serious subjects to measure empathy. It is unclear if the same blunting effect would apply to art meant to evoke joy or whimsy. Additionally, attitudes toward AI are shifting rapidly. As younger generations grow up with generative tools, they may not harbor the same biases against machine creation. Their capacity for awe in the face of algorithmic output might differ from the current norm.</p>
<p>Future research could investigate whether different types of art, such as music or film, suffer the same penalty. It could also examine if collaborative works, labeled as human-AI partnerships, manage to preserve the emotional impact. For now, the data suggests a hidden cost to the automation of creativity. We may gain efficiency in generating images, but we risk losing the profound connection that comes from witnessing another human’s expression.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2025.104840" target="_blank">Less “awe”-some art: How AI diminishes the empathic power of the arts</a>,” was authored by Michael W. White and Rebecca Ponce de Leon.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-research-highlights-the-enduring-distinctiveness-of-marriage/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New research highlights the enduring distinctiveness of marriage</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 20th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>New research suggests that when given the option between marriage and domestic partnership, same-sex couples in the United States overwhelmingly choose marriage. The findings indicate that marriage retains a distinct and powerful status due to its legal benefits, social clarity, and perceived level of commitment. This study was published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jomf.70054" target="_blank">Journal of Marriage and Family</a></em>.</p>
<p>Social scientists have debated the status of marriage in American society for decades. One prominent theory, known as deinstitutionalization, suggests that the social norms and rules surrounding marriage are weakening. This theory posits that marriage is becoming less distinct from cohabitation, or living together without being married. For same-sex couples, this question has been particularly complex. Historically excluded from marriage, many couples relied on alternatives like domestic partnerships to secure legal recognition.</p>
<p>Domestic partnerships are legal relationships available in some jurisdictions that grant couples some of the rights and responsibilities of marriage. Before marriage equality was established federally, debates occurred within the gay rights movement regarding the value of marriage. </p>
<p>Some activists argued for assimilation into the tradition of marriage. Others advocated for domestic partnerships as a way to reject what they viewed as a patriarchal or overly traditional institution. The researchers aimed to understand if same-sex couples viewed these two forms of union as equivalent or if they preferred one over the other when both were legally available.</p>
<p>“The percentage of American adults who are married has been steadily declining in recent decades. One question we need to ask ourselves is: is the institution of marriage in decline or perhaps even dying?” explained study author <a href="https://web.stanford.edu/~mrosenfe/" target="_blank">Michael J. Rosenfeld</a>, a professor of sociology at Stanford University.</p>
<p>“One way to think about the question is to ask: what are the alternatives to marriage? Domestic partnership laws in some states, California as an example, were designed to offer the same rights and benefits as marriage. So when given the choice between marriage and domestic partnership, what did couples choose and why?”</p>
<p>For their study, the researchers utilized two primary sources of data. The first was an administrative dataset from the California Secretary of State. This included records of all domestic partnerships filed in California from January 2000 to November 2020. The researchers identified same-sex couples within this data by analyzing the first names of the partners. They used a database from the Social Security Administration to determine the probability of a name being male or female.</p>
<p>Couples were categorized as same-sex if both names had a greater than 95 percent probability of belonging to the same gender. This process identified 48,310 same-sex domestic partnerships. The researchers then compared these registrations with data on same-sex marriages from the American Community Survey. This allowed them to track how the uptake of domestic partnerships changed after same-sex marriage became legal in California in late June 2013.</p>
<p>The second data source was the 2022 “How Couples Meet and Stay Together” survey. This is a nationally representative survey of adults in the United States. The sample included 92 individuals currently in same-sex relationships. These participants were asked explicitly whether they would prefer to be married or in a domestic partnership. They were also asked to write open-ended responses explaining the reasons for their preference.</p>
<p>The analysis of the California administrative data showed a dramatic shift in behavior following the legalization of same-sex marriage. In the years prior to 2013, thousands of same-sex couples registered as domestic partners. However, immediately after the Supreme Court decision that allowed same-sex marriage in California, new domestic partnership registrations dropped significantly.</p>
<p>In the second half of 2013, same-sex couples in California chose marriage over domestic partnership at a ratio of more than 22 to 1. This preference persisted over time. Even years later, between 2016 and 2018, new same-sex marriages outnumbered new domestic partnerships by a ratio of about 13 to 1. This suggests that for the vast majority of couples, domestic partnership was a temporary substitute rather than a preferred alternative.</p>
<p>The national survey results supported the findings from the California administrative data. Among the respondents in same-sex relationships, the preference for marriage was dominant. About three times as many respondents preferred marriage compared to those who preferred domestic partnership.</p>
<p>When asked to explain their reasoning, participants provided clear distinctions between the two institutions. The most common reason for preferring marriage was practical and legal. Respondents noted that marriage offers federal benefits and tax advantages that domestic partnerships do not. They also highlighted portability, which refers to the ability of their legal status to be recognized in other states or countries. Domestic partnerships often lack this recognition outside the jurisdiction where they are performed.</p>
<p>Beyond legal rights, the social and symbolic nature of marriage played a major role. Many participants described marriage as signifying a higher level of commitment than domestic partnership. They viewed domestic partnership as a “marriage-lite” option or a status that implied a less serious bond. Respondents also noted that marriage is a term that is immediately understood by families, friends, and coworkers. This social intelligibility allows couples to communicate the nature of their relationship without needing to explain complex legal terms.</p>
<p>A minority of respondents did prefer domestic partnership. Their reasons often aligned with the theories of those who critique traditional marriage. Some viewed marriage as having too much historical baggage or religious connotation. Others preferred domestic partnership specifically because it felt like a lower level of commitment. This aligns with the idea of a “menu of options,” where couples can choose the legal status that best fits the intensity of their relationship.</p>
<p>The researchers concluded that marriage remains a highly resilient institution. Rather than fading in importance, the distinctiveness of marriage appears to have been reinforced by the fight for marriage equality. Same-sex couples, having studied the institution from the outside for years, appear acutely aware of the specific advantages marriage provides.</p>
<p>“My findings show that same-sex couples overwhelmingly chose marriage over domestic partnership, even though many in the gay rights movement predicted that same-sex couples might prefer the newer and less traditional option of domestic partnership,” Rosenfeld told PsyPost. “Marriage is a durable and flexible institution that is thousands of years old and is not going away.”</p>
<p>As with any study, there are some limitations. California was unique in offering a domestic partnership system that granted nearly all state-level rights of marriage. Most other states did not offer such a robust alternative, making direct comparisons difficult in other regions. Additionally, the number of same-sex couples in the 2022 survey was relatively small, which limits the ability to generalize the survey findings to the entire population with high precision.</p>
<p>Future research could examine how these preferences shift for younger generations who have grown up in a world where marriage equality is the norm. It remains to be seen if the specific legal and cultural distinctions between marriage and other forms of union will continue to hold the same weight as the political context evolves.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jomf.70054" target="_blank">What Happened to the Marriage Alternatives? Same-Sex Couples in the United States and the Distinctiveness of Marriage</a>,” was authored by Michael J. Rosenfeld and Alisa Feldman.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/genetic-analysis-reveals-shared-biology-between-testosterone-and-depression/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Genetic analysis reveals shared biology between testosterone and depression</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 20th 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>Recent research has identified a substantial genetic overlap between the risk of developing major depressive disorder and the biological regulation of testosterone levels. The analysis suggests that the hereditary factors influencing total testosterone and a specific protein that transports sex hormones share a negative correlation with the genetic risk for depression. These findings were published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s12888-025-07096-5" target="_blank">BMC Psychiatry</a></em>.</p>
<p>Depression is a pervasive mental health condition marked by persistent sadness and a loss of interest in daily activities. While environmental and psychological stressors play a role in its development, biological factors are also primary drivers. Researchers have observed that depression occurs roughly twice as often in women as in men. This disparity has led scientists to suspect that sex hormones may influence the disorder. Testosterone is one of the primary sex hormones in humans. It affects various aspects of physical and mental health.</p>
<p>Previous observational studies have attempted to link testosterone levels to depression, but the results have been inconsistent. Some data suggest that low testosterone in men correlates with depressive symptoms. Other studies indicate that high testosterone in premenopausal women is associated with depression. This contradiction makes it difficult to determine if the hormone causes the mood disorder or if the two simply co-occur due to other factors.</p>
<p>To address this uncertainty, researchers are increasingly looking at the genetic blueprints that dictate both hormone levels and depression risk. By examining DNA, scientists can bypass the fluctuations of daily hormone levels to see if the underlying biological architecture is shared. Wen Lu, a researcher at The First Affiliated Hospital of Xi’an Jiaotong University in China, served as the first author on a study investigating this genetic connection. The correspondence for the study was addressed to Jian Yang, a researcher at the same institution.</p>
<p>The team focused on three specific traits related to testosterone. The first trait was total testosterone, which refers to the aggregate amount of the hormone in the blood. The second trait was sex hormone-binding globulin, or SHBG. This is a protein that latches onto testosterone and transports it throughout the body. When testosterone is bound to SHBG, the body cannot immediately use it. The third trait was bioavailable testosterone. This represents the fraction of the hormone that is either free-floating or loosely bound, making it easily accessible for the body’s tissues to use.</p>
<p>The researchers utilized data from genome-wide association studies to conduct their analysis. A genome-wide association study involves scanning the genomes of many people to find genetic variations associated with a particular disease or trait. For the depression data, Lu and colleagues used a massive dataset from the Psychiatric Genomics Consortium. This dataset included genetic information from hundreds of thousands of individuals of European ancestry. For the testosterone and SHBG data, they accessed the UK Biobank, a similarly large biomedical database.</p>
<p>The team employed a statistical method known as linkage disequilibrium score regression to estimate genetic correlations. This technique allows researchers to determine if the genetic variants associated with one trait correlate with the variants associated with another. They also used a method called MiXeR. This tool helps estimate the total number of genetic variants shared between two traits, regardless of whether the correlation is positive or negative.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed a negative genetic correlation between major depressive disorder and total testosterone. This means that the genetic variants associated with higher levels of total testosterone tend to be associated with a lower risk of depression. A similar negative correlation appeared between depression and SHBG. However, the researchers found a negligible genetic correlation between depression and bioavailable testosterone. This lack of connection for the bioavailable form was unexpected given the other results.</p>
<p>Beyond simple correlations, the study uncovered an extensive polygenic overlap. The term polygenic refers to a trait that is influenced by many different genes rather than just one. The researchers estimated that approximately 49 percent of the genetic variants that influence total testosterone also influence the risk of major depressive disorder. For SHBG, roughly 32 percent of the variants overlapped with depression risk. This suggests that the biological pathways regulating these hormones are deeply intertwined with the pathways involved in mood regulation.</p>
<p>To identify the specific locations on the genome responsible for this overlap, the team used a statistical framework called the conjunctional false discovery rate. This method identified a range of 28 to 79 genomic loci shared between depression and the testosterone traits. A genomic locus is a specific fixed position on a chromosome where a particular gene or genetic marker is located.</p>
<p>One specific locus stood out in the analysis. A gene known as NT5C2 was simultaneously associated with total testosterone, SHBG, and major depressive disorder. NT5C2 encodes an enzyme that helps maintain the balance of nucleotides within cells. Nucleotides are the basic building blocks of DNA and RNA. Previous research has linked this gene to other psychiatric conditions, such as schizophrenia. Its presence here suggests it may play a broad role in brain function and mental health.</p>
<p>The researchers also performed a functional annotation to understand what these shared genes actually do in the body. They looked at the biological pathways where these genes are most active. A biological pathway is a series of actions among molecules in a cell that leads to a certain product or change. The analysis showed that the genes shared by depression and testosterone traits were predominantly enriched in immune-related pathways.</p>
<p>This connection to the immune system aligns with existing theories about depression. Scientists have long noted that people with depression often exhibit signs of inflammation and immune system activation. Glucocorticoids are steroid hormones that regulate immune responses. They are released by the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis, or HPA axis. The HPA axis is the body’s primary stress response system.</p>
<p>The study authors propose that the HPA axis acts as a bridge between testosterone regulation and depression. Long-term stress can dysregulate the HPA axis. This dysregulation leads to abnormal release of glucocorticoids. Testosterone acts as a negative feedback inhibitor for this system. This means testosterone helps tell the HPA axis to calm down. If the genetic factors regulating testosterone are faulty, the HPA axis may remain overactive. An overactive HPA axis is a known contributor to the development of depressive symptoms.</p>
<p>There are limitations to this study that require consideration. The genetic data used in the analysis came primarily from populations of European ancestry. Genetic associations found in one ancestral group do not always translate perfectly to others. The findings may not fully apply to populations in Asia, Africa, or other regions.</p>
<p>Another limitation involves the complexity of age and sex differences. The relationship between testosterone and mood can change as people age. It also differs fundamentally between males and females. The current genetic analysis pooled data in a way that makes it difficult to parse these specific demographic nuances.</p>
<p>The study also focused on genetic predisposition rather than real-time hormone levels. While genetics provide a blueprint, environmental factors heavily influence actual hormone levels and mental health status. Knowing that a genetic correlation exists does not predict with certainty who will develop depression based on their hormonal genetics.</p>
<p>Future research will need to explore the biological mechanisms of the identified genes. The discovery of the NT5C2 gene’s involvement provides a concrete target for laboratory experiments. Scientists must determine exactly how this gene influences both hormone transport and mood regulation in brain cells.</p>
<p>The findings also open new avenues for understanding why some patients do not respond to standard antidepressants. Current treatments primarily target neurotransmitters like serotonin. If a subset of depression cases is driven more by hormonal and immune dysregulation, different treatment strategies might be necessary.</p>
<p>This research reinforces the idea that mental health disorders are systemic issues involving the whole body. The separation between “brain” disorders and “hormonal” disorders is becoming increasingly blurred. By mapping the shared genetic architecture, scientists are slowly assembling a more complete picture of human physiology.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s12888-025-07096-5" target="_blank">Exploring the shared genetic architecture between testosterone traits and major depressive disorder</a>,” was authored by Wen Lu, Xiaoyan He, Huan Peng, Pu Lei, Jing Liu, Yuanyuan Ding, Bin Yan, Xiancang Ma, and Jian Yang.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/artificial-sweeteners-spark-more-intense-brain-activity-than-real-sugar/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Artificial sweeteners spark more intense brain activity than real sugar</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 20th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>Your brain may be able to tell the difference between a diet soda and a regular sugary drink, even if they taste exactly the same to you. New research suggests that artificial sweeteners trigger distinct and more intense electrical activity in the brain compared to natural sugar, even when the sweetness levels are identical. These findings were published recently in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.3390/foods14142460" target="_blank">Foods</a></em>.</p>
<p>The human desire for sweet foods is innate and powerful. This evolutionary drive has led to a modern health crisis characterized by excessive sugar consumption. In response, the food industry has developed numerous sugar substitutes. These additives promise the sensory pleasure of sweetness without the caloric cost. </p>
<p>While these products are popular, scientists are still working to understand how the human body and brain react to them. Most research focuses on how these sweeteners affect metabolism or appetite hormones. Less is known about how the brain processes the actual sensation of tasting them.</p>
<p>Sensory perception is usually measured in two ways. The first is explicit measurement, which involves asking a person to describe what they are tasting. This method relies on the participant’s ability to articulate their experience. It can be unreliable because people have different vocabularies and subjective baselines for sweetness. The second method is implicit measurement. This approach looks at physiological data that the participant cannot control. It offers a window into the body’s automatic reactions.</p>
<p>Xiaolei Wang and a team of researchers from Zhejiang University in China chose to use implicit measurement for this investigation. They utilized electroencephalography, commonly known as EEG. An EEG is a non-invasive test that records electrical patterns in the brain. It involves placing a cap with small metal discs called electrodes on a person’s scalp. These electrodes detect the tiny electrical charges that result from the activity of brain cells. This technology allows scientists to observe brain activity with millisecond-level precision.</p>
<p>The researchers recruited 30 healthy university students for the experiment. All participants were right-handed and between the ages of 18 and 30. They had no history of smoking or alcohol consumption that might dull their sense of taste. Two participants were later excluded from the data because of excessive movement or eye blinking, which creates noise in the EEG signal. This left a final group of 28 participants.</p>
<p>The study aimed to answer two specific questions regarding sweetness. First, the team wanted to see how the brain reacts to different amounts of the same sweetener. Second, they wanted to see if the brain reacts differently to chemically distinct sweeteners that have been balanced to taste equally sweet. This condition is known as being “iso-sweet.”</p>
<p>To test the first question, the researchers prepared solutions of sucrose, which is common table sugar. They created four different concentrations: 1%, 3%, 5%, and 7%. Sucrose served as the baseline for natural sweetness.</p>
<p>To test the second question, the researchers selected three popular non-nutritive sweeteners. Non-nutritive sweeteners are substances that provide sweetness but few or no calories. The team used erythritol, sucralose, and stevioside. They carefully adjusted the concentration of these three solutions so that human tasters would perceive them as having the same sweetness intensity as the 7% sucrose solution.</p>
<p>The experiment took place in a quiet, temperature-controlled laboratory. Participants sat wearing the EEG caps and followed a strict “sip and hold” protocol. For each trial, the participant rinsed their mouth with water. They then received a 5 milliliter sample of a sweet solution. They held the liquid in their mouths without swallowing for five seconds. After this period, they spat the sample out and rinsed again. There was a 60-second rest period between each taste test to allow the brain signals to return to a neutral baseline.</p>
<p>The results regarding the concentration of sugar were unexpected. One might assume that a stronger concentration of sugar would produce a stronger electrical signal in the brain. The data showed the opposite effect. The 1% sucrose solution elicited a stronger EEG signal than the 5% or 7% solutions.</p>
<p>The researchers propose that this decrease in signal strength may be due to neural adaptation. When a stimulus becomes too strong, the brain sometimes dampens its response to avoid being overwhelmed. This is a phenomenon often seen in sensory processing, where the system becomes saturated. The brain essentially turns down the volume on the incoming “loud” taste signal.</p>
<p>The results regarding the different types of sweeteners were equally revealing. All three non-nutritive sweeteners produced stronger brain responses than the 7% sucrose solution they were designed to mimic. Even though a person might say the stevioside solution tasted just as sweet as the sugar solution, their brain activity told a different story.</p>
<p>Stevioside elicited the most robust neural response of all the substances tested. Erythritol caused the second strongest reaction. Sucralose also triggered a response that was statistically distinct from sugar. This indicates that the brain can differentiate between the chemical nature of sweeteners. It perceives them as different stimuli even if the conscious mind perceives the same level of sweetness.</p>
<p>The researchers also analyzed specific types of brain waves. They looked at alpha waves, which are typically associated with wakeful relaxation. They also analyzed delta waves. The non-nutritive sweeteners caused a surge in power in both these frequency bands. This suggests that artificial sweeteners might engage more neural resources than natural sugar.</p>
<p>The study also mapped where this activity was happening in the brain. The most active areas were the frontal and parietal-occipital regions. The frontal region is often involved in emotional regulation and decision-making. The parietal-occipital region, located toward the back of the head, is heavily involved in processing sensory information.</p>
<p>The timing of the brain’s reaction also varied by sweetener. The response to stevioside began early and remained strong throughout the tasting period. In contrast, the responses to erythritol and sucralose peaked and then faded relatively quickly. The response to natural sugar was slower to start and weaker overall.</p>
<p>These findings suggest that artificial sweeteners stimulate the brain in a way that is fundamentally different from sugar. The increased electrical activity might reflect the brain trying to process a chemical structure that does not perfectly match the biological expectation of “sweet energy.” The mismatch between the sweet taste and the lack of calories is a known area of interest in nutrition science.</p>
<p>There are limitations to this study that affect how the results should be interpreted. The sample size was relatively small. The participants were all young university students, so the results may not apply to older adults or children. Additionally, the participants did not swallow the solutions. Swallowing engages additional sensory receptors in the throat and digestive system that contribute to the overall experience of eating.</p>
<p>The researchers note that this technology could have practical applications. Food scientists could use EEG to objectively measure how consumers respond to new products. This would reduce the reliance on subjective taste tests. Understanding the neural “fingerprint” of different sweeteners could help companies design low-sugar foods that mimic the brain response of real sugar more closely.</p>
<p>Future research will likely explore these differences further. Scientists may look at how these brain responses correlate with feelings of satisfaction or cravings. They might also investigate if the brain learns to process these sweeteners differently over time with regular consumption. For now, the study provides evidence that to the human brain, sugar is not just a taste. It is a specific chemical signal that substitutes have yet to perfectly replicate.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.3390/foods14142460" target="_blank">EEG-Based Analysis of Neural Responses to Sweeteners: Effects of Type and Concentration</a>,” was authored by Xiaolei Wang, Guangnan Wang, and Donghong Liu.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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