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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/the-biological-roots-of-the-seven-deadly-sins-might-start-in-the-womb/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">The biological roots of the seven deadly sins might start in the womb</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 18th 2026, 09:00</div>
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<p><p><strong><em>PsyPost’s PodWatch highlights interesting clips from recent podcasts related to psychology and neuroscience.</em></strong></p>
<p>On Monday, February 9, the Huberman Lab podcast, hosted by Andrew Huberman, featuring Dr. Kathryn Paige Harden, explored the biological roots of human behavior. Harden is a professor of psychology at the University of Texas at Austin, known for her research on how genetic factors influence social outcomes. The episode focused on how DNA interacts with early brain development to shape complex traits like risk-taking, morality, and antisocial behavior.</p>
<p>At roughly the 20-minute mark, Harden discusses the “seven deadly sins” through the lens of modern science. She explains that behaviors often labeled as sinful, such as aggression, addiction, and promiscuity, share a common genetic foundation. These traits are not located in a single brain area but are influenced by many genes that affect how the brain develops before birth.</p>
<p>Harden notes that these genetic influences peak during the second and third trimesters of pregnancy. They appear to regulate the balance between the brain’s inhibitory system, involving a chemical called GABA, and its excitatory system, involving glutamate. She suggests that conditions like substance use disorders should be viewed as neurodevelopmental issues similar to ADHD, stemming from early differences in brain wiring.</p>
<p>The conversation highlights three personality dimensions that drive risky behavior. These include sensation-seeking, which is a drive for intense experiences, and disinhibition, which is a lack of self-control. The third dimension is antagonism or callousness, characterized by an indifference to the negative consequences one’s actions have on others.</p>
<p>When addressing the role of trauma, Harden describes the relationship between nature and nurture as a woven tapestry. She explains that parents pass down both genetic risks and environmental conditions to their children. This makes it difficult to separate the effects of inherited biology from the impact of a chaotic or traumatic upbringing.</p>
<p>The discussion shifts to the use of polygenic scores, which are tools used to estimate a person’s genetic likelihood for certain outcomes. Harden warns against “genetic essentialism,” or the belief that DNA defines a person’s true identity or destiny. She notes that receiving information about genetic risks can alter how people view themselves and their potential, sometimes leading to a sense of fatalism.</p>
<p>You can listen to the full interview <a href="https://www.hubermanlab.com/episode/how-genes-shape-your-risk-taking-and-morals-kathryn-paige-harden" target="_blank">here</a>.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/ibogaine-appears-to-trigger-an-accelerated-auto-psychotherapy-process-during-ptsd-treatment/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Ibogaine appears to trigger an accelerated “auto-psychotherapy” process during PTSD treatment</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 18th 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s44184-026-00185-7" target="_blank">npj Mental Health Research</a></em> suggests that U.S. Special Operations veterans treated with a combination of magnesium and ibogaine experience a rapid, self-directed form of psychological healing. The findings suggest that the treatment triggers a state of “auto-psychotherapy,” where patients revisit traumatic memories, reframe their life narratives, and feel a physical sense of brain repair.</p>
<p>Ibogaine is a powerful psychoactive substance derived from the root bark of the African shrub <em>Tabernanthe iboga</em>. While it has been used traditionally for centuries in West-Central Africa, it has gained attention in modern medicine for its potential to treat addiction and severe mental health conditions. </p>
<p>However, ibogaine interacts with the heart in ways that can be dangerous. To mitigate these risks, the treatment protocol in this study combined ibogaine with magnesium, a mineral that supports heart health and nervous system stability.</p>
<p>Previous observational studies have indicated that ibogaine <a href="https://www.psypost.org/a-dream-like-psychedelic-might-help-traumatized-veterans-reset-their-brains/" target="_blank">can lead to reductions</a> in symptoms of depression, anxiety, and substance use disorders. Despite these promising clinical outcomes, scientists have not fully understood what the patient actually experiences during the treatment that leads to recovery. </p>
<p>Most prior research focused on numbers and symptom checklists rather than the personal story of the patient. In their new study, the researchers aimed to bridge that gap. They sought to characterize the specific thoughts, emotions, and sensations veterans experienced to see if these subjective effects could explain their rapid recovery.</p>
<p>“A major motivation was the gap between strong clinical improvements being reported and limited understanding of patients’ lived healing processes,” said study author Clayton Olash, a psychiatry resident physician at the Medical University of South Carolina and affiliate researcher at Stanford University’s Brain Stimulation Laboratory. </p>
<p>“There is an active debate about whether psychedelic outcomes are primarily pharmacologic and neurobiological, or whether subjective experience and meaning-making are central to change. We wanted to characterize the lived psychological process in veterans who showed substantial recovery, and examine whether their reports aligned with established therapeutic frameworks.”</p>
<p>The study involved 30 male U.S. Special Operations Veterans. These participants had extensive histories of combat deployments and traumatic brain injuries, often caused by blast exposure. At the start of the study, the majority met the clinical criteria for post-traumatic stress disorder, and many suffered from major depressive disorder or alcohol use disorder. The participants traveled to a specialized clinic in Tijuana, Mexico, to receive the treatment.</p>
<p>The procedure was highly structured. Participants underwent medical screenings and preparatory sessions before the treatment day. On the day of dosing, they received intravenous magnesium to protect the heart. They then took oral ibogaine, with the dosage calculated specifically for their body weight. During the active phase of the drug, which can last many hours, the veterans lay on mats with eyeshades to encourage internal reflection. Medical staff monitored them closely throughout the process.</p>
<p>To capture the subjective nature of the experience, the researchers asked the veterans to answer three open-ended questions shortly after their treatment. The scientists analyzed these written narratives using a method called constructivist grounded theory. This is a research technique where scientists read the text multiple times to identify recurring patterns and group them into broader themes. This allows the data to tell a story rather than forcing it into pre-existing categories.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed that the veterans engaged in a process the scientists described as “accelerated auto-psychotherapy.” This term refers to a condensed, self-guided therapeutic process where the patient achieves deep insights without the immediate direction of a talk therapist. The researchers identified four primary domains of experience that defined this process.</p>
<p>The first domain was characterized as dialogic trauma re-appraisal. Veterans reported that they were able to recall painful or repressed memories with vivid clarity. However, unlike in a flashback where the person feels the original terror, these participants viewed the events with a sense of detachment. Many described an internal dialogue with a “guide” or “teacher” that helped them view their trauma from a new, less self-critical perspective. This allowed them to process events that had haunted them for decades.</p>
<p>“What surprised me most was the depth and consistency of reported psychological reprocessing across participants,” Olash told PsyPost.</p>
<p>The second theme involved an altered sense of self and mystical connectedness. Participants frequently described a dissolution of their ordinary ego or identity. Some reported feeling as though they were a “witness” to their own life, separating their core consciousness from their history and pain. This state often included feelings of awe and a sense of merging with a divine presence or the universe. This shift in perspective appeared to help veterans break free from rigid, negative beliefs about themselves.</p>
<p>The third theme centered on emotional resolution. The narratives contained frequent descriptions of intense emotional release. Veterans reported finding relief from chronic guilt, shame, and anger. In place of these heavy emotions, they experienced surges of forgiveness and compassion, both for themselves and for the people in their lives. This emotional breakthrough often led to a renewed desire to connect with family and friends.</p>
<p>The final theme was described as embodied healing. A significant number of participants reported physical sensations that they interpreted as their brains being repaired. They used metaphors involving electricity, rewiring, or scrubbing to describe the feeling of their neural pathways resetting. While this was a subjective sensation, it coincided with the veterans reporting improved mental clarity and a reduction in the physical symptoms associated with their brain injuries.</p>
<p>“I also found it remarkable how often participants linked subjective healing experiences to a felt sense of neural restoration, especially when previous work in this same cohort has shown that they <a href="https://www.psypost.org/ibogaine-treatment-linked-to-changes-in-brain-rhythms-and-psychiatric-improvements-in-veterans-with-traumatic-brain-injury/" target="_blank">experienced objective cognitive recovery</a> from symptoms of TBI,” Olash said.</p>
<p>“In practical terms, these were not subtle changes in many cases, participants often described rapid and meaningful improvement in symptoms and functioning. Because this was qualitative work, our goal was depth and mechanism-rich description rather than effect size estimation. So the significance is best understood as clinically meaningful lived change that helps generate testable hypotheses for larger controlled studies.”</p>
<p>These themes suggest that ibogaine functions differently than standard psychiatric medications, which often work by suppressing symptoms. Instead, the substance appears to induce a dream-like state that lowers psychological defenses. This allows the brain to process suppressed information and reorganize its understanding of past trauma. The researchers noted that these experiences align with concepts found in established therapies, such as cognitive behavioral therapy and exposure therapy, but occur at a much faster rate.</p>
<p>“The key takeaway is that, in carefully structured settings, psychedelic treatment can involve deep psychological change and not just temporary intoxication,” Olash told PsyPost. “Participants described shifts in beliefs, emotional processing, trauma-related meaning, and sense of self that mapped onto concepts seen in psychotherapy. At the same time, these are powerful interventions with real risks, so this is not a casual or unsupervised treatment model.”</p>
<p>While the results provide insight into the potential of ibogaine, there are limitations to consider. The study population consisted exclusively of male Special Operations veterans, so the findings may not apply to women or civilians with different types of trauma. The data relied on retrospective accounts written days after the treatment, which can be subject to memory errors. Additionally, the study was open-label and observational, meaning there was no control group receiving a placebo for comparison.</p>
<p>It is also important to note that the researchers who analyzed the data were interpreting subjective narratives, which introduces a degree of potential bias. For instance, the study does not prove that the physical sensation of “brain rewiring” corresponds to actual biological repair.</p>
<p>“These qualitative findings are hypothesis-generating and should not be overgeneralized beyond the population and treatment conditions studied,” Olash said.</p>
<p>The scientists emphasize that ibogaine is a potent substance with serious risks if not administered in a medical setting. Future research aims to combine these narrative accounts with neuroimaging technology. This would allow scientists to see if the subjective feelings of healing map onto observable changes in brain structure and function. The researchers hope that by understanding these mechanisms, they can develop safer and more effective treatments for complex neuropsychiatric disorders.</p>
<p>“My long-term goal is to understand how acute altered states can be translated into durable clinical traits and recovery,” Olash explained. “That includes studying how psychedelic interventions might be paired with mindfulness, psychotherapy, and brain stimulation approaches to improve durability and personalization of outcomes. I am interested in mechanism-focused, clinically grounded research that can inform safer and more effective psychiatric care.”</p>
<p>“I think psychiatry is entering a period where novel interventions may meaningfully expand the treatment landscape for people who have not responded to conventional options. That said, careful screening, medical oversight, and rigorous science are essential. I hope this work encourages thoughtful public discussion and more high-quality research rather than hype.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s44184-026-00185-7" target="_blank">Accelerated recovery using magnesium ibogaine: characterizing the subjective experience of its rapid healing from neuropsychiatric disorders</a>,” was authored by Clayton Olash, Derrick Matthew Buchanan, Randi Brown, Afik Faerman, Kirsten Cherian, George Lin, David Spiegel, James J. Gross and Nolan Williams.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/stanford-researcher-explains-how-beliefs-alter-physical-reality/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Stanford researcher explains how beliefs alter physical reality</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 18th 2026, 07:00</div>
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<p><p><strong><em>PsyPost’s PodWatch highlights interesting clips from recent podcasts related to psychology and neuroscience.</em></strong></p>
<p>On Thursday, November 20, The Psychology Podcast, hosted by Dr. Scott Barry Kaufman, featuring Dr. Alia Crum, explored the science behind the mind-body connection. Dr. Crum is a principal investigator at the Stanford Mind & Body Lab who studies how subjective mindsets can alter objective physiological realities. The episode focused on her groundbreaking experiments regarding the placebo effect, exercise, and the biological impact of our beliefs about food.</p>
<p>At roughly the 8-minute mark, Dr. Crum describes an experiment she conducted with hotel housekeepers to test the placebo effect outside of a clinical setting. She discovered that while these women were physically active during their shifts, they did not believe they exercised enough to be healthy. Once researchers informed the workers that their job met the Surgeon General’s fitness guidelines, the women experienced measurable drops in weight and blood pressure despite not changing their daily behaviors.</p>
<p>The conversation shifts to diet and metabolism around the 10-minute mark, specifically focusing on the hormone ghrelin. This biological chemical signals hunger to the brain and slows down metabolism when the body thinks it needs food. Dr. Crum explained that typically, ghrelin levels drop after a person eats a large meal to signal that the body is full.</p>
<p>To test if the mind could influence this biological process, researchers gave participants identical milkshakes containing roughly 380 calories. One group was told the drink was an indulgent, high-calorie treat, while the other group believed they were drinking a low-calorie, sensible diet shake. The team then measured the ghrelin levels in the participants’ bloodstreams to see how their metabolisms reacted.</p>
<p>The results revealed that those who believed they consumed the high-calorie shake experienced a drop in ghrelin three times greater than the group that believed they drank the diet shake. This indicates that the body’s physical satiety response is driven partly by the mental expectation of how much food was consumed. Dr. Crum noted that thinking a meal is “sensible” or “restricted” might actually keep hunger hormones high and metabolism slow, counteracting the goals of a diet.</p>
<p>You can listen to the full interview <a href="https://scottbarrykaufman.com/podcast/how-mindsets-shape-reality-w-dr-alia-crum/" target="_blank">here</a>.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/psychologists-developed-a-20-minute-tool-to-help-people-reframe-their-depression-as-a-source-of-strength/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Psychologists developed a 20-minute tool to help people reframe their depression as a source of strength</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 18th 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>New research published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672251412492" target="_blank">Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin</a></em> provides evidence that changing how people view their past struggles with depression can improve their ability to achieve life goals. The study suggests that reframing depression as a sign of strength, rather than weakness, boosts self-confidence and tangible goal progress. This psychological shift helped participants make nearly 50 percent more progress on their personal objectives over a two-week period compared to those who did not receive the intervention.</p>
<p>Depression is a widespread mental health condition that often hinders a person’s ability to pursue their ambitions, such as career advancement, hobbies, or maintaining relationships. While the biological symptoms of the illness, such as fatigue and lack of motivation, certainly play a major role, the researchers suspected another social factor was at play. </p>
<p>Society often stigmatizes depression, promoting a narrative that paints those who suffer from it as inherently weak or damaged. The scientists hypothesized that this societal label of “weakness” becomes internalized by individuals. This acts as a mental barrier even when they are not currently experiencing severe symptoms.</p>
<p>“Before our study, it was not clear why people who have experienced depression can experience goal pursuit problems even after their depressive symptoms have faded,” said study author Christina A. Bauer of the University of Vienna.</p>
<p>The researchers reasoned that if people believe they are fundamentally flawed because of their depression, they may lack the confidence to strive for their goals. This creates a self-fulfilling prophecy where the fear of weakness leads to actual struggles in achievement. The team wanted to test if flipping this narrative could restore confidence. They aimed to show that the struggle against depression is actually proof of resilience, perseverance, and emotional intelligence.</p>
<p>To test this theory, the researchers conducted three separate experiments involving a total of 748 participants. All participants were adults who had previously been prescribed anti-depressants, indicating they had experienced depression at a clinical level.</p>
<p>In the first experiment, the researchers recruited 158 participants and randomly assigned them to one of two groups. The control group engaged in an active control task where they read factual information about depression from the American Psychiatric Association and reflected on their own experiences. This ensured that any differences found were not simply due to thinking about depression. The second group participated in the “depression-reframing” intervention.</p>
<p>The depression-reframing exercise was a brief session lasting about twenty minutes. Participants read stories from others who described how dealing with depression required strength. These stories highlighted qualities like perseverance and the ability to manage difficult emotions. After reading these examples, participants were asked to write a reflection on how their own battle with depression demonstrated their personal strength. They were also asked to frame this as advice to help others, which is a technique often used to reinforce new ways of thinking.</p>
<p>The results of the first experiment showed that those who completed the reframing exercise reported higher levels of general self-efficacy. In psychology, self-efficacy is a person’s belief in their ability to succeed in specific situations or accomplish a task. Essentially, the participants who viewed their depression as a source of strength felt more capable of handling life’s challenges compared to those in the control group.</p>
<p>The second experiment involved a larger group of 419 participants. This study aimed to replicate the initial findings and see if the boosted confidence applied to specific, real-world goals. After completing the same reframing or control exercises as in the first study, participants identified a specific personal goal they wanted to achieve in the next two weeks. These goals varied widely, ranging from physical self-care, like exercising three times a week, to work-related tasks, like finishing an assignment.</p>
<p>The researchers found that the reframing exercise not only increased general confidence but also boosted commitment to these specific personal goals. To understand why this happened, the researchers analyzed the data further. They found that the exercise changed how participants viewed the compatibility between their illness and their success. </p>
<p>In the control group, 71 percent of participants felt that the strengths needed to achieve their goals did not describe people with depression. In the reframing group, this figure dropped significantly to 52 percent. By seeing depression as compatible with being strong, participants felt more empowered to pursue their objectives.</p>
<p>The final experiment was a longitudinal study, meaning the researchers tracked participants over time to measure actual progress. They recruited 171 individuals who had experienced depression. As in the previous rounds, participants completed either the reframing exercise or the control activity and set a specific goal. The researchers then contacted the participants two weeks later to assess their progress.</p>
<p>The difference between the two groups was substantial. Participants in the control group reported that they had completed about 43 percent of their goal after two weeks. In contrast, those who underwent the depression-reframing exercise reported reaching 64 percent completion. This represents a 49 percent increase in goal progress driven by the brief psychological intervention.</p>
<p>“The size of the reframing-intervention acknowledging strengths of people with depression was as big as moving people from a heavy to a moderate depression,” Bauer told PsyPost. “This highlights the severity of stigma effects of depression – in addition to the effects of depression as a mental disease.”</p>
<p>Additionally, the third experiment explored how participants might handle a relapse. Participants were asked to imagine they were experiencing severe depressive symptoms again. Those who had completed the reframing exercise indicated they would treat themselves with more compassion and respect in such a scenario compared to the control group. This suggests that the intervention might help build resilience against future episodes of illness.</p>
<p>“We show that in addition to the symptoms of depression (e.g., fatigue based on hormonal imbalances), stigmatizing narratives about depression – the idea that people who have experienced depression are weak people – can undermine successful goal pursuit, too,” Bauer explained. “Even when depression is over, people can, based on stigmatizing societal narratives, still think they are weak people, which can undermine their confidence in themselves, and make goal pursuit more difficult.”</p>
<p>“The solution we tested: better acknowledging one’s strength in the face of depression can help. When you or your loved ones experience depression, don’t overlook the strength it often takes to deal with depression – to fight the urge to stay in bed all day, and to continue living one’s life despite all the obstacles depression brings with it. This ‘reframing of depression’ we developed can help people better see their strength and pursue their goals in lifes, as we show.”</p>
<p>While these findings offer a promising avenue for supporting people with depression, there are limitations to consider. The study relied on self-reported measures of goal progress rather than objective observations. It is possible that participants in the intervention group simply felt more optimistic about their progress, though self-reports generally correlate well with actual behavior in psychological research. Future research could benefit from using objective data, such as fitness tracker logs or workplace performance records, to verify these improvements.</p>
<p>Another limitation involves the duration of the effect. The study tracked participants for only two weeks. It remains unclear how long the boost in confidence and goal pursuit lasts without a “booster” session to reinforce the message. The researchers also note that the participants were recruited from online platforms and were mostly from Western countries. It is not yet known if this specific type of reframing would work as effectively in different cultural contexts where the concept of the self and individual achievement might be viewed differently.</p>
<p>The researchers emphasize that this intervention is not a replacement for traditional treatments like therapy or medication. “Of course, treating depression as a disease itself (e.g., through psychotherapy, or medication) remains key,” Bauer noted. “Our intervention approach addressing stigma complements, but does in no way replace these approaches.”</p>
<p>Future research plans to explore if this “strength-based” approach could apply to other stigmatized groups, Bauer said. The researchers suggest that individuals who have survived trauma or who live with chronic physical illnesses might also benefit from reframing their struggles as evidence of their resilience. Recognizing the hidden strength in these experiences could offer a scalable, low-cost way to support mental well-being and personal growth across a variety of populations.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672251412492" target="_blank">Depression-Reframing: Recognizing the Strength in Mental Illness Improves Goal Pursuit Among People Who Have Faced Depression</a>,” was authored by Christina A. Bauer, Gregory M. Walton, Jürgen Hoyer, and Veronika Job.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/larger-left-hippocampus-predicts-better-response-to-antidepressant-escitalopram/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Larger left hippocampus predicts better response to antidepressant escitalopram</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 17th 2026, 20:00</div>
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<p><p>A study of individuals suffering from moderate to severe depression in Japan found that those with larger volumes of the left hippocampus region of the brain and greater leftward laterality were more likely to respond to treatment with escitalopram (i.e., to experience a reduction in depression symptoms). Also, the volume of the right hippocampus and the right hippocampal head of these individuals increased more in response to this medication. The paper was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41398-025-03796-4"><em>Translational Psychiatry</em></a>.</p>
<p>Major depressive disorder is a common mental health condition characterized by persistent low mood and loss of interest or pleasure in daily activities. It goes beyond normal sadness and significantly interferes with functioning at work, school, and in relationships. Core symptoms include depressed mood, anhedonia, fatigue, and feelings of worthlessness or excessive guilt. Many individuals also experience changes in sleep, appetite, concentration, and psychomotor activity.</p>
<p>Despite the large number of people worldwide suffering from depression, treatments for depression are still lacking. Studies indicate that at least 30% of people suffering from depression do not experience a remission of symptoms after completing two antidepressant treatment protocols, reclassifying their condition into treatment-resistant depression. Other studies indicate that less than 10% of individuals seeking help for depression receive an effective treatment.</p>
<p>Because of this, research into ways to make anti-depression treatments more effective is a topic of great scientific interest. One of the paths these researchers take is looking into ways to identify individuals who will respond to standard treatments for depression and those who will not.</p>
<p>Study author Toshiharu Kamishikiryo and his colleagues explore the relationship between the structural characteristics of the brain, their changes, and escitalopram treatment for depression. Escitalopram is a medication from the group of selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors that is commonly used to treat depression (i.e., major depressive disorder).</p>
<p>It is known that this medication promotes the creation of new neurons (neurogenesis) in the dentate gyrus of the hippocampus region of the brain, thereby altering its structure. Study authors wanted to see whether these changes are associated with the response to treatment (i.e., with a reduction of depressive symptoms as a result of taking escitalopram).</p>
<p>Study participants were 107 individuals suffering from moderate to severe depression. 52% of them were women. Their average age was 42 years and it ranged between 25 and 73 years. They were treated with escitalopram because of their depressive symptoms.</p>
<p>The participants completed magnetic resonance imaging of their brains at two time points. The first imaging was done, on average, 7-8 days after they started escitalopram treatment. The second imaging was completed after 55 days of treatment, on average. However, only 71 participants or 66% of them participated in the second data collection.</p>
<p>At these two time points, study participants also completed assessments of depression symptoms (HRSD-17 and HRSD-6). If the score at the second timepoint was reduced at least 50% compared to the start of the study, study participants were considered responders i.e., it was considered that they responded to treatment. Non-responders were participants whose reduction in score was lower than 50%.</p>
<p>Results showed that around 50% of participants responded to escitalopram treatment. 34% of participants achieved remission (i.e., the symptoms were minimal). Responders did not differ from non-responders in parameters such as body mass index and age.</p>
<p>Looking at brain area volume, responders had larger left hippocampal volume and greater leftward laterality (i.e. their left hippocampus was larger than the right) at the start of the study compared to non-responders. Also, the right hippocampus and right hippocampal head volume increased more in responders than in non-responders, and their laterality changed in response to escitalopram treatment. These changes were larger in individuals who experienced a stronger reduction of depressive symptoms.</p>
<p>“This study is the first to demonstrate that increases in the volume and changes in the laterality of the right total hippocampus and right hippocampal head are involved in the treatment response to escitalopram. The response to escitalopram treatment cannot be explained fully by hippocampal volume changes alone, but it is likely that volume changes in the right hippocampus and its head play an important role in improving depressive symptoms,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the neural correlates of depressive symptoms. However, it should be noted that the design of this study does not allow any definitive causal inferences to be derived from the results. Additionally, the study had a very large attrition rate leaving room for survivorship bias to have affected the results.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41398-025-03796-4">Relationship between hippocampal volume and treatment response before and after escitalopram administration in patients with depression,</a>” was authored by Toshiharu Kamishikiryo, Eri Itai, Yuki Mitsuyama, Yoshikazu Masuda, Osamu Yamamoto, Tatsuji Tamura, Hiroaki Jitsuiki, Akio Mantani, Norio Yokota, and Go Okada.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/an-ai-analyzed-wine-reviews-and-found-a-surprising-link-to-personality/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">An AI analyzed wine reviews and found a surprising link to personality</a>
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<p><p>Your choice of a heavy Cabernet Sauvignon over a light Pinot Grigio might reveal more about your psyche than your palate. New research suggests that specific personality traits, such as openness and extraversion, are reliable predictors of a consumer’s preference for alcohol strength in wine. These findings appeared in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jopy.70034" target="_blank">Journal of Personality</a></em>.</p>
<p>Psychologists utilize a framework known as the Big Five to categorize human personality. This model divides character into five distinct dimensions. These are openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism. Openness measures a person’s desire for new experiences and intellectual curiosity. Conscientiousness tracks discipline and organization. Extraversion involves sociability and enthusiasm. Agreeableness reflects a tendency toward cooperation and social harmony. Finally, neuroticism gauges emotional instability and sensitivity to stress.</p>
<p>Marketers and scientists have previously studied how these traits influence general shopping habits. However, few studies have looked at how personality dictates the specific chemical properties of the products we buy. In the world of wine, alcohol content is a primary characteristic. It is measured as Alcohol by Volume, or ABV. This percentage does more than determine how quickly a drinker becomes intoxicated. It also changes the texture, body, and intensity of the flavor profile.</p>
<p>Xi Wang, a researcher at the School of Culture and Creativity at Beijing Normal-Hong Kong Baptist University, led the investigation. Wang and colleagues sought to understand if the psychological makeup of a consumer drives them toward bolder, higher-alcohol wines or lighter, lower-alcohol options. They aimed to move beyond simple demographics. The team wanted to see if the words consumers use could unlock the secrets of their sensory preferences.</p>
<p>To achieve this, the researchers turned to the massive amount of data available on e-commerce platforms. They focused on textual reviews left by verified buyers. The team collected 9,917 reviews from a major online wine retailer. These reviews spanned nearly a decade of consumer activity. The dataset included the text of the review and the specific technical details of the wine purchased, including its ABV.</p>
<p>The researchers needed a way to translate these thousands of written reviews into psychological profiles. They employed a form of artificial intelligence known as Natural Language Processing. Specifically, they used a model called BERT. This stands for Bidirectional Encoder Representations from Transformers. This tool is designed to understand the nuances and context of human language.</p>
<p>Before analyzing the wine reviews, the team had to teach the AI how to recognize personality traits. They trained the model using a separate dataset called the “myPersonality” project. This project contains thousands of social media status updates linked to verified personality scores. By analyzing these updates, the AI learned which words and sentence structures correlate with specific traits. For example, it learned how an extravert writes compared to a neurotic individual.</p>
<p>Once the AI was trained, the researchers applied it to the wine reviews. The model read the consumers’ feedback and assigned scores for each of the Big Five traits. The team then used a statistical method called beta regression to look for patterns. They checked for connections between the inferred personality scores and the alcohol percentage of the wines those people reviewed. They controlled for factors like price, wine type, and flavor to ensure the results were specific to personality.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed distinct patterns in how different people select wine. Consumers who scored high in openness showed a clear preference for wines with higher alcohol content. High-alcohol wines often have a richer body and more intense viscosity. This creates a complex sensory experience. The researchers suggest that people with high openness seek out this complexity. They are naturally inclined toward novel and stimulating sensations.</p>
<p>A similar trend appeared for individuals high in agreeableness. These consumers also gravitated toward wines with higher ABV. The drivers here appear to be social rather than purely sensory. Agreeable individuals value social harmony and often adhere to group norms. High-alcohol wines are frequently perceived as being of higher quality or prestige. These consumers may select such wines to align with perceived social standards or to gain approval in group settings.</p>
<p>The results for extraversion were unexpected. One might assume that sociable, sensation-seeking extraverts would want the strongest drink. The data showed the opposite. Higher extraversion scores were linked to a preference for wines with lower alcohol content. The authors propose a functional explanation for this behavior. Extraverts thrive on social interaction. They often wish to extend their time socializing. Drinking lower-alcohol wine allows them to consume more over a longer period without becoming overly intoxicated. It is a strategy to maintain social stamina.</p>
<p>Neuroticism also showed a negative association with alcohol strength. Consumers who scored high on this trait tended to buy wines with lower ABV. Neuroticism is characterized by anxiety and emotional sensitivity. Stronger alcohol can amplify loss of control or lead to negative emotional spirals. These individuals likely choose lighter wines as a form of self-protection. They may be avoiding the physiological risks associated with heavy intoxication.</p>
<p>The trait of conscientiousness stood apart from the others. The researchers found no statistical connection between this trait and alcohol preference. Conscientious people are typically disciplined and health-conscious. This might lead them to choose lower alcohol for health reasons. However, they are also quality-oriented and goal-driven. This might lead them to choose high-alcohol wines for their perceived sophistication. These competing motivations likely cancel each other out.</p>
<p>The study does have limitations. The data relied on consumers who take the time to write online reviews. These individuals may not represent the average wine drinker perfectly. Their writing style might differ from the general population. Additionally, the personality scores were inferred by AI rather than measured by direct psychological testing. While the model was accurate, it is an estimation.</p>
<p>Future research could expand on these methods. Scientists could investigate if these personality patterns hold true for other beverages like coffee or craft beer. They could also explore how these preferences change across different cultures. The study focused on a Western e-commerce environment. Cultural norms regarding alcohol and personality expression vary globally.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jopy.70034" target="_blank">From Personality to Pour: How Consumer Traits Shape Wine Preferences and Alcohol Choices</a>,” was authored by Xi Wang, Jie Zheng, and Yiqi Wang.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/inattention-symptoms-linked-to-lower-cognitive-performance-in-older-adults/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Inattention symptoms linked to lower cognitive performance in older adults</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 17th 2026, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder is frequently stereotyped as a condition affecting school-aged children who cannot sit still in class. However, symptoms of this neurodevelopmental disorder often persist well into adulthood and later life. </p>
<p>A new study indicates that symptoms of inattention are linked to lower performance on memory and mental processing tasks in older adults. This association appears to remain consistent regardless of whether an individual is in their late fifties or their early eighties. The findings were published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/10870547251394080" target="_blank">Journal of Attention Disorders</a></em>.</p>
<p>Marrium Mansoor, a researcher at Virginia Tech, led the investigation to bridge a gap in current medical understanding. Most existing literature focuses on the cognitive impacts of the disorder in children or young adults. When researchers do study cognition in older populations, the focus typically shifts almost exclusively to dementia or mild cognitive impairment. </p>
<p>This leaves a blind spot regarding how Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) manifests in seniors. Mansoor and her colleagues sought to determine if the specific cognitive deficits seen in younger patients are also present in the aging population of the United States.</p>
<p>The research team aimed to disentangle specific ADHD symptoms from general aging or other mental health conditions. They were particularly interested in two distinct categories of symptoms. The first category is inattention, characterized by difficulty focusing or sustaining attention. The second is hyperactivity and impulsivity, characterized by restlessness or acting without thinking. The researchers also wanted to verify if depression was actually the root cause of cognitive issues, rather than ADHD itself.</p>
<p>To investigate these questions, the team utilized data from the Health and Retirement Study. This is a large-scale, longitudinal project that surveys a representative slice of the American population over the age of 50. The researchers selected a sample of approximately 1,300 adults for their analysis. The data for this specific study was collected during the 2016 wave of the survey.</p>
<p>The participants were divided into three specific age bands to allow for detailed comparison. The first group consisted of middle-aged adults between 55 and 64 years old. The second group, labeled “young-old,” included those between 65 and 74. The final group, the “middle-old,” ranged from 75 to 84 years of age.</p>
<p>Participants completed a self-report questionnaire to assess their ADHD symptoms. This tool, known as the Adult ADHD Self-Report Scale, asks individuals to rate how often they experience specific problems. For example, it asks about trouble wrapping up the final details of a project or difficulty keeping appointments. The researchers assessed depression using a separate standard scale.</p>
<p>Cognitive performance was measured using a battery of tests designed to evaluate different mental functions. One such test is known as “Serial 7s.” In this assessment, participants are asked to start at the number 100 and subtract the number seven repeatedly. This task requires strong working memory and sustained attention. It forces the brain to hold a number in mind while performing a calculation.</p>
<p>Another test involved “Immediate Recall.” The interviewer read a list of 10 random words to the participant. The participant then had to repeat as many words as they could remember, in any order. This measures episodic memory, which is the ability to recall specific events or information recently learned. A “Delayed Recall” test asked participants to remember those same words after a five-minute interval.</p>
<p>The researchers also used a “Number Series” test. This involves showing the participant a sequence of numbers with one missing. The participant must identify the pattern and fill in the blank. This tests fluid intelligence, or the ability to reason and solve new problems independent of previously acquired knowledge.</p>
<p>The study revealed a clear statistical link between inattention and specific cognitive struggles. Participants who reported higher levels of inattention symptoms performed worse on the Serial 7s task. They also scored lower on the Immediate Recall test. This suggests that the inability to focus attention directly hampers the brain’s ability to process numbers and encode new memories.</p>
<p>The researchers used statistical modeling to determine if these associations changed as people got older. They compared the strength of the relationship between symptoms and cognitive scores across the three age groups. They found that the “constrained model” provided the best fit for the data. In statistical terms, this means the relationship between inattention and cognitive performance did not vary by age. The negative impact of inattention on memory and processing was just as strong for an 84-year-old as it was for a 55-year-old.</p>
<p>The findings regarding hyperactivity and impulsivity were less consistent. In some initial statistical models, high hyperactivity scores seemed linked to worse performance on delayed memory tasks for the oldest group. However, in the final, most accurate model, this connection was not statistically significant. This reinforces the idea that inattention is the primary driver of cognitive difficulties in this context.</p>
<p>A critical aspect of this study was its treatment of depression. Previous research conducted in Australia and the Netherlands suggested that depression might be the real reason older adults with ADHD symptoms struggle cognitively. Depression often causes lack of focus and memory issues. However, Mansoor and her team found that the link between inattention and poor cognition remained even when they accounted for depressive symptoms.</p>
<p>The authors suggest these results have practical applications for doctors and geriatric specialists. Older adults reporting memory problems are often evaluated for dementia. This study implies that some of these patients might be dealing with undiagnosed or unmanaged ADHD. Interventions that focus on memory strategies, such as the “method of loci” or other mnemonic devices, could be beneficial.</p>
<p>There are limitations to this research that require consideration. The study relied on self-reported symptoms rather than clinical diagnoses made by a psychiatrist. Older adults might over-report or under-report their symptoms based on their perception of what is normal aging. Additionally, the study excluded people with a diagnosis of dementia or Alzheimer’s disease.</p>
<p>Another potential limitation is a concept called survival bias. The authors note that individuals with severe ADHD often have lower life expectancies due to accidents or comorbid health issues. As a result, the “middle-old” group in this study might represent a healthier subset of the population. Those with the most severe impairments may have passed away before reaching that age bracket.</p>
<p>The study also used cross-sectional data, meaning it looked at one specific point in time. It did not track the same individuals over decades to see how their specific cognitive trajectory changed. Future research would benefit from following individuals from middle age into late adulthood. This would help clarify if ADHD symptoms accelerate cognitive decline or simply lower the baseline of performance.</p>
<p>The researchers emphasize that cultural context matters. The difference between their findings and European or Australian studies suggests that the environment plays a role. Different healthcare systems and diagnostic norms may influence how these symptoms present in older populations.</p>
<p>Mansoor and her colleagues conclude that clinical awareness is vital. ADHD is not a condition that simply disappears after retirement. As the population ages, distinguishing between neurodevelopmental symptoms and neurodegenerative disease will become a key challenge for healthcare providers.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/10870547251394080" target="_blank">Self-Reported ADHD Symptoms and Cognitive Performance in a National Sample of US Older Adults</a>,” was authored by Marrium Mansoor, Rosanna Breaux, Tae-Ho Lee, and Benjamin Katz.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/trump-support-in-2024-linked-to-white-americans-perception-of-falling-to-the-bottom-of-the-racial-hierarchy/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Trump support in 2024 linked to White Americans’ perception of falling to the bottom of the racial hierarchy</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 17th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.56296/aip00046" target="_blank">Advances in Psychology</a></em> sheds light on the psychological factors that influenced voting behavior in the 2024 U.S. presidential election. The findings suggest that White Americans who perceive themselves as ranking at the bottom of the racial economic hierarchy—specifically those who feel tied with Black Americans—were the most likely to support Donald Trump. These individuals also expressed the strongest opposition to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives.</p>
<p>The United States currently exhibits a significant racial wealth gap. Economic statistics consistently show that the average White family holds considerably more wealth than the average Black or Hispanic family. Despite this objective reality, previous polling indicates that many White Americans feel as though they are personally falling behind in terms of their status. Psychological theories regarding “relative deprivation” suggest that people evaluate their well-being by comparing themselves to others rather than by looking at their resources in isolation.</p>
<p>The authors of the new research aimed to understand how these subjective comparisons influence political attitudes. Specifically, they investigated where non-Hispanic White individuals think they stand compared to their own, and other, racial groups. Previous research identified a phenomenon known as “last place aversion,” where people fear being at the very bottom of a social hierarchy.</p>
<p>“This line of research was motivated by recent political trends among some White Americans, including support for DEI bans, alignment with alt-right ideology, and endorsement of political violence in pursuit of political goals (e.g., January 6th),” explained study authors Erin Cooley and Jazmin Brown-Iannuzzi, associate professors of psychology at Colgate University and the University of Virginia, respectively. “Many of these attitudes are not only extreme but also anti-democratic, raising questions about how such views can coexist with identities centered on being ‘most American’ (e.g., White nationalist belief systems).”</p>
<p>For their study, the researchers recruited a representative sample of 506 non-Hispanic White Americans. They utilized a quota system to ensure the group accurately reflected the U.S. population in terms of age, gender, education, and geographic region. The study employed a longitudinal design, collecting data in five distinct waves from early September 2024 through the days immediately following the November presidential election.</p>
<p>The primary tool used to assess status was a measure called the “Perceived Self-Group Hierarchy,” developed by the study authors. Participants viewed a diagram representing a status ladder based on money, education, and job prestige. They were asked to place markers representing themselves, White people, Black people, Asian people, and Hispanic people onto this ladder. If participants wanted to indicate no difference among racial groups, they could place all icons in the same spot.</p>
<p>Using a statistical technique called Latent Profile Analysis, the researchers identified distinct subgroups based on how they viewed the social hierarchy. One group, comprising about 15% of the sample, fit a “last place (tied)” profile. These individuals perceived themselves as ranking below White, Asian, and Hispanic Americans. Notably, they viewed themselves as tied for the bottom position with Black Americans. In this profile, the participants also perceived the entire hierarchy as a “tight race,” meaning they felt the gaps between racial groups were relatively small.</p>
<p>The researchers found a consistent link between this “last place” profile and specific political views. White Americans who fit this profile reported the highest levels of support for Donald Trump throughout the campaign season. They also expressed the strongest intention to vote for him. When surveyed the day after the election, this group was the most likely to report having cast their ballot for Trump.</p>
<p>Beyond voting choices, this group showed the strongest opposition to DEI programs, favoring policies that would ban such initiatives in universities. Additionally, they showed higher alignment with alt-right ideologies, agreeing more frequently with statements such as “White people are generally under attack in the U.S.” and “The government threatens my personal rights.”</p>
<p>Importantly, the researchers found that these attitudes were not driven by actual poverty. The researchers controlled for objective indicators of socioeconomic status, such as income and education levels. They found that belonging to the “last place” profile predicted Trump support and anti-DEI attitudes regardless of how much money or education the participant actually had.</p>
<p>“We originally hypothesized that we would observe a subset of non-Hispanic, White Americans who feel ‘last place.’ That said, we expected this profile to be more likely among working class individuals,” Cooley told PsyPost. “However, perceiving oneself to be ‘last place’ was not associated with the lowest objective income nor the lowest objective education among the White Americans in our samples.”</p>
<p>According to Cooley, because these individuals are not objectively the lowest in status, the findings suggest that “racialized perceptions—rather than objective socioeconomic position—are reliably associated with the political outcomes examined here.”</p>
<p>The researchers also examined whether these feelings intensified as the election drew closer. They hypothesized that political campaigning might heighten status anxieties. However, the data showed that the relationship between profile membership and political support was stable over the three months. The link between feeling “last place” and supporting Trump was just as strong in September as it was in November.</p>
<p>“Although the effects are modest at the individual level—as is typical in political psychology—the consistency of the pattern across large samples with census-based quotas suggests meaningful practical significance,” Cooley noted. “When a psychologically distinct subgroup consistently emerges and is reliably associated with support for certain policies and votes cast in a presidential election, even small effects can matter at the population level.”</p>
<p>As with all research, there are limitations to consider. The design was correlational, which means it cannot prove that feeling “last place” causes someone to vote a certain way. It is possible that the relationship works in the opposite direction. Engaging with certain political media or movements could cultivate or intensify feelings of being left behind.</p>
<p>“One potential misinterpretation is that political outcomes are driven simply by feelings of falling behind other White Americans,” Cooley noted. “Indeed, across these studies, and others, we find that many White Americans perceive themselves as falling behind the perceived high status of ‘White Americans.'”</p>
<p>“However, when used as a predictor on its own, this perception of falling behind White people in particular does not predict political outcomes. Instead, it is the full pattern of how individuals perceive their own status relative to both other White Americans and Asian, Hispanic, and Black Americans that is predictive of alt-right tendencies, support for President Trump, and support for DEI bans.”</p>
<p>For future inquiries, the scientists plan to use mixed-methods research. This would involve interviewing participants to understand the personal life experiences that lead a White American to feel they are tied for last place in the economic hierarchy. Qualitative interviews could reveal the narratives and specific life events that shape these statistical profiles.</p>
<p>“At present, we have a limited understanding of the factors and life experiences that shape perceptions of personal status within the perceived racial economic hierarchy, particularly ‘last place’ perceptions,” Cooley said. “As a next step, we are moving toward mixed-methods approaches that combine quantitative analyses of racialized status perception profiles with structured follow-up interviews of participants—such as those classified into the “last place” profile based on their responses.”</p>
<p>Another limitation is the focus solely on non-Hispanic White Americans. The researchers chose this focus because of the group’s historically advantaged position in the U.S. racial hierarchy. However, this limits the ability to generalize the findings to other racial or ethnic groups. The dynamics of status perception likely operate differently for Black, Hispanic, or Asian Americans. Some initial data suggests that Hispanic Americans may be more likely to see themselves as “first place” than “last place,” presenting an interesting contrast to non-Hispanic White Americans’ status perceptions captured in the work reviewed here. </p>
<p>“Among Hispanic Americans, rather than a subset who feel ‘last place,’ we consistently observe a subset of Hispanic Americans who perceive themselves as close to, or tied for, ‘first place,’ and it is this subset of Hispanic Americans who are most supportive of alt-right ideology, President Trump, and DEI bans,” Cooley told PsyPost.</p>
<p>“Interestingly, Hispanic Americans who also identify as White are most likely to fall into these ‘first place’ profiles. We are currently testing competing theoretical explanations for these divergent patterns between non-Hispanic and Hispanic White Americans using additional mixed-methods research.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.56296/aip00046" target="_blank">White Americans’ feelings of being ‘last place’ are associated with anti-DEI attitudes, Trump support, and Trump vote during the 2024 U.S. presidential election</a>,” was authored by Alisa Kukharkin, Fiona Barber, Erin Cooley, Nava Caluori, Xanni Brown, Anshita Singh, William Cipolli, and Jazmin L. Brown-Iannuzzi.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/alcohol-drinking-habits-predict-long-term-anxiety-differently-across-age-groups/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Alcohol drinking habits predict long-term anxiety differently across age groups</a>
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<p><p>A recent study published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.addbeh.2026.108594" target="_blank">Addictive Behaviors</a></em> provides evidence that the relationship between alcohol use and future anxiety depends significantly on a person’s age and how they consume alcohol. The findings indicate that while consuming larger amounts of alcohol per occasion predicts slightly higher anxiety levels in most adults, drinking more frequently but in smaller amounts is linked to slightly lower anxiety in older populations.</p>
<p>Scientific literature has established a robust link between alcohol consumption and physical health issues, such as liver disease and cardiovascular problems. However, the connection between drinking and psychological conditions, particularly anxiety, is much less understood. Existing evidence often appears contradictory. Some past inquiries found that alcohol use leads to increased anxiety, while others found no link or even a decrease in symptoms.</p>
<p>A potential reason for these mixed results is that previous work often combined different drinking habits into broad categories, such as “heavy” versus “low volume” consumption. This approach misses the nuance between drinking a small amount often versus drinking a large amount at once. The researchers aimed to separate these behaviors to see if the frequency of drinking and the quantity consumed predict anxiety differently. They also sought to determine if these patterns vary based on demographic factors like sex, age, and income level.</p>
<p>“It’s really strange how little is done on the long-term impacts of alcohol on anxiety given all the research on alcohol which is out there. It helps us understand if alcohol is a good means of self-medicating anxiety or whether it actually induces anxiety over time,” said study author <a href="https://simondaquino.com.au/" target="_blank">Simon D’Aquino</a>, a clinical psychologist.</p>
<p>To investigate this, the researchers analyzed data from the Household, Income, and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) survey. This is a large, nationally representative study that tracks the same individuals over many years. The final sample included 21,405 Australian adults who provided data between 2006 and 2021. This longitudinal design allowed the scientists to look at how behaviors in one year influenced mental health in the following year.</p>
<p>The survey measured anxiety using the Kessler-10 anxiety subscale. This is a widely used screening tool that asks participants how often they felt nervous, restless, or hopeless in the past four weeks. Alcohol patterns were assessed by asking participants two specific questions. First, they reported how many days per week they drank alcohol, which established the frequency. Second, they reported how many standard drinks they usually consumed on those days, which established the quantity. A standard drink was defined as containing 10 grams of alcohol.</p>
<p>The researchers used complex statistical models to examine the data. They looked at whether a person’s drinking habits in a given year could predict their anxiety levels one year later. These models accounted for individual differences and adjusted for other variables. The analysis included up to eight pairs of year-to-year data per participant, providing a comprehensive view of changes over time.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed that the relationship between alcohol and anxiety is generally small but statistically significant. Age emerged as a key factor influencing this dynamic, while sex and income did not significantly change the outcome. This means that men and women, as well as rich and poor, showed similar patterns, but young adults and older adults did not.</p>
<p>“I was surprised the relationship varies with age and not gender. I thought women would be susceptible to stronger effects due to lower blood volume, but it might suggest the mechanisms here are not biological.”</p>
<p>For adults aged 51 and older, drinking more frequently was associated with a slight decrease in anxiety scores one year later. This finding aligns with some previous studies on older populations. However, for this same age group, consuming larger quantities of alcohol on a single occasion was linked to increased anxiety. This suggests a divergence in outcomes based on drinking style for older adults.</p>
<p>A different pattern appeared for adults between the ages of 26 and 50. In this group, drinking larger amounts per sitting predicted higher anxiety. This provides evidence that heavier drinking sessions may have negative long-term impacts on mental well-being for mid-life adults. Unlike the older group, the frequency of drinking showed no significant association with anxiety for those aged 26 to 50.</p>
<p>For the youngest group, those aged 18 to 25, the researchers found no significant link between drinking habits and future anxiety. This lack of association might be due to the social context of drinking in early adulthood. Heavy episodic drinking is often more normative and socially accepted in this age bracket. It is possible that the negative psychological effects of alcohol take longer to manifest or are masked by the social nature of drinking during these formative years.</p>
<p>“There aren’t large effects of alcohol on your long term anxiety, but drinking heavily to manage anxiety or other moods will likely make the mood worse,” D’Aquino told PsyPOst. “I think it also highlights that alcohol can have a constructive psychosocial role in our lives too if consumed in small volumes (i.e. a single standard drink each day).”</p>
<p>The researchers propose several explanations for why frequent, low-quantity drinking might be linked to lower anxiety in older adults. It is possible that for this demographic, having a drink is often tied to social activities. As people age, they are at higher risk for loneliness and social isolation. If frequent drinking occurs in the context of socializing with friends or family, the benefits of social connection could be what buffers against anxiety, rather than the alcohol itself.</p>
<p>On the other hand, the finding that larger quantities per occasion predict higher anxiety across most of adulthood supports the idea of a reciprocal relationship. Heavier drinking can disrupt brain chemistry and sleep patterns, which may worsen anxiety symptoms over time. This creates a cycle where anxiety might increase, potentially leading to more drinking, though this specific study only looked at alcohol predicting future anxiety.</p>
<p>But it is important to note that this study is observational. This means it cannot prove that alcohol causes changes in anxiety levels. There may be other unmeasured factors at play. For instance, nicotine use often overlaps with alcohol consumption and is known to affect anxiety, but it was not included in this specific analysis. </p>
<p>“It’s important to note this doesn’t demonstrate that alcohol causes changes in anxiety,” D’Aquino explained. “It’s very possible there are indirect routes through which alcohol consumption affects anxiety such as changes in social environment.”</p>
<p>Future research should aim to replicate these findings in other countries to see if the results hold true outside of the Australian context. The researchers also suggest investigating the mechanisms behind why frequent, low-dose drinking seems protective for older adults. Clarifying whether this is due to biological factors or social benefits would help refine public health guidelines. </p>
<p>“I have more research coming out soon to help explain why older people tend to experience anxiety reductions with more frequent drinking,” D’Aquino said. “I have a suspicion that it helps older people socially bond at a time of life when loneliness typically increases.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.addbeh.2026.108594" target="_blank">Alcohol consumption patterns and Long-Term Anxiety: The influence of Sex, Age, and income</a>,” was authored by Simon D’Aquino, Benjamin Riordan, Megan Cook, and Sarah Callinan.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/what-brain-waves-tell-us-about-the-link-between-exercise-and-mood/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">What brain waves tell us about the link between exercise and mood</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 17th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A study in Germany found that a 30-minute session of moderate-intensity physical exercise reduced rumination in depressed individuals compared to sitting. The reduction was visible in both electroencephalographic recordings and self-reports. The research was published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2025.120829"><em>Journal of Affective Disorders</em></a><em>.</em></p>
<p>Depression is a mental health condition characterized by persistent low mood, loss of interest or pleasure, and impairments in emotional, cognitive, and physical functioning. It affects how people think, feel, and behave, interfering with daily life, work, and relationships. Common symptoms include sadness, fatigue, sleep and appetite disturbances, reduced concentration, and feelings of worthlessness or hopelessness.</p>
<p>One of the core cognitive symptoms of depression is rumination. Rumination is a cognitive process that involves repetitive and passive focus on one’s distress and its possible causes and consequences. However, rather than leading to problem solving, rumination tends to amplify negative mood and prolong depressive episodes without resolving the problem.</p>
<p>People who ruminate typically dwell on past failures, perceived flaws, or unanswered “why” questions about their suffering. This repetitive thinking can increase emotional distress and make it harder to disengage from negative thoughts. Rumination is also associated with impaired concentration and reduced motivation, further limiting adaptive coping. Research shows that higher levels of rumination predict greater severity and longer duration of depressive symptoms.</p>
<p>Study author Jana Welkerling and her colleagues explored the effects acute physical exercise has on ruminative thoughts. They wanted to examine the Distraction Hypothesis about rumination. This hypothesis proposes that rumination maintains or worsens depressed mood because it prevents engagement in distracting, rewarding, or problem-solving activities that could otherwise reduce negative affect. The researchers wanted to see whether exercise would shift participants from a ruminative to a distractive state and how this change develops.</p>
<p>The study participants were 24 individuals suffering from moderate or severe depression. Seventeen of them were women. Participants’ average age was 25 years.</p>
<p>Participants first underwent a diagnostic procedure (the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-5) and completed assessments of depression symptoms (the Beck Depression Inventory II) and the tendency to ruminate (the Perseverative Thinking Questionnaire). They also completed medical examinations to confirm eligibility for physical exercise.</p>
<p>A week later, they completed two protocols to induce rumination and distraction in three consecutive sessions. The researchers took electroencephalography (EEG) recordings of participants’ brain activity during these sessions, allowing them to develop ways to estimate the probability that the person is engaged in rumination or distraction from EEG recordings.</p>
<p>In the third week, each participant completed two different experimental conditions. In both sessions, participants were first told to focus their attention on the symptoms of their depression. This was done with the aim to induce rumination. They then either completed a 30-minute moderate intensity physical exercise session (the exercise condition) or spent the 30 minutes sitting (the control condition). During these sessions, participants rated their rumination at 4.5-minute intervals and the researchers took EEG recordings of their brain activity.</p>
<p>Results showed that self-reported rumination decreased continuously during the physical exercise session. During the first five minutes of both the exercise and sitting sessions, self-reported rumination did not differ between the two conditions. However, from the 10th minute, rumination started decreasing significantly in the exercise condition (compared to the sitting condition).</p>
<p>Looking at EEG data in a subsample of participants for whom the decoding was successful, the estimated probability that the person was ruminating was lower in the exercise condition than in the sedentary condition. This happened because the estimated probability that the person is ruminating fell to a lower level already in the first minutes of the exercise session.</p>
<p>“This study demonstrated that a single bout of moderate-intensity physical exercise reduces self-reported and EEG-decoded rumination in individuals with moderate or severe depression, providing evidence that physical exercise reduces rumination in favor of distraction, as predicted by the Distraction-Hypothesis,” the authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific knowledge about the psychological effects of exercise. However, it should be noted that the study was conducted on a very small group of young people. Effects on other demographic groups might differ. It also remains unclear how long the reduction in rumination lasts.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2025.120829">Single bout of exercise reduces self-reported and decoded rumination in favor of distraction in patients with major depression,</a>” was authored by Jana Welkerling, Andreas Niess, Patrick Schneeweiss, Gorden Sudeck, Tim Rohe, and Sebastian Wolf.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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