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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/waist-to-hip-ratio-predicts-faster-telomere-shortening-than-depression/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Waist-to-hip ratio predicts faster telomere shortening than depression</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 13th 2026, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2025.120865" target="_blank">Journal of Affective Disorders</a></em> has found that depression itself may not directly speed up biological aging. Instead, body fat distribution, particularly around the waist, appears more strongly linked to faster cellular aging.</p>
<p>Depression is common and known to raise the risk of heart disease, diabetes**,** and other age-related illnesses. One possible explanation has been its connection to telomeres, tiny protective caps on DNA that naturally shorten as we age. Shorter telomeres are often viewed as a sign that the body is aging faster at a cellular level.</p>
<p>Previous research has suggested that people with depression tend to have shorter telomeres, but most studies only looked at individuals at a single point in time. This makes it difficult to know whether depression causes faster aging, or whether other factors linked to depression—such as lifestyle or physical health—play a bigger role.</p>
<p>Researchers behind the study sought to clarify this relationship. The team, led by Tsz Yan Wong from King’s College London, analyzed data from 958 women enrolled in the UK-based “TwinsUK” study. Included were 89 identical twin pairs, 215 fraternal twin pairs, and 350 unrelated individuals, ranging from 29 to 83 years old.</p>
<p>The participants had their telomere length measured from blood samples up to four times over roughly six years. The study also included information on depression diagnoses, antidepressant use, lifestyle habits, body measurements, and genetic risk scores for depression and several age-related diseases.</p>
<p>Over the follow-up period, telomeres shortened gradually in most participants, declining by about 1.3 percent per year on average. Women who reported having depression tended to have slightly shorter telomeres, but this link was weak and not statistically strong. Importantly, depression was not associated with faster telomere shortening over time.</p>
<p>Antidepressant use showed a small association with shorter telomere length. The researchers noted this could be “potentially via biological pathways such as increased cellular turnover or metabolic side effects.” However, there was no clear evidence that it sped up the rate of telomere loss.</p>
<p>Genetic risk for depression also showed no meaningful connection with telomere length or how quickly telomeres shortened. “Our study is the first to assess whether genetic risk influences telomere [shortening], providing a novel longitudinal perspective on potential dynamic effects,” Wong and colleagues noted.</p>
<p>Instead, the most notable finding involved body fat distribution. Women with a higher waist-to-hip ratio, which is a measure of central body fat, experienced faster telomere shortening over time. This suggests that carrying more fat around the abdomen may play a larger role in cellular aging than depression itself.</p>
<p>“[Internal body fat] is linked to chronic inflammation and oxidative stress, both of which are suggested mechanisms driving… telomere shortening,” Wong’s team explained.</p>
<p>Other factors often linked to depression, including smoking, alcohol use, physical activity, education level**,** and early-life experiences, showed no clear relationship with telomere length in this study.</p>
<p>The researchers emphasize that the findings suggest depression alone may not directly accelerate biological aging in women, despite its known links to physical illness. Instead, modifiable health factors such as central body fat may be more important targets for improving both physical and mental health outcomes.</p>
<p>However, the study has limitations. It included mostly older White women, so the results may not apply to men or more diverse populations. Depression was self-reported rather than clinically diagnosed, and the observational design cannot prove cause and effect.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2025.120865" target="_blank">Genetic and environmental risk factors for major depression in UK women and their association with telomere length longitudinally</a>,” was authored by Tsz Yan Wong, Alexandra C. Gillett, Leena Habiballa, Rodrigo R.R. Duarte, Ajda Pristavec, Pirro Hysi, Claire J. Steves, Veryan Codd, and Timothy R. Powell.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-research-links-childhood-inactivity-to-depression-in-a-vicious-cycle/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New research links childhood inactivity to depression in a vicious cycle</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 13th 2026, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>New research suggests a bidirectional relationship exists between how much time children spend sitting and their mental health, creating a cycle where inactivity feeds feelings of depression and vice versa. This dynamic appears to extend beyond the individual child, as a child’s mood and inactivity levels can eventually influence their parent’s mental well-being. These results were published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mhpa.2025.100729" target="_blank">Mental Health and Physical Activity</a></em>.</p>
<p>For decades, health experts have recognized that humans spend a large portion of their waking hours in sedentary behaviors. This term refers to any waking behavior characterized by an energy expenditure of 1.5 metabolic equivalents or less while in a sitting, reclining, or lying posture. Common examples include watching television, playing video games while seated, or sitting in a classroom. While the physical health consequences of this inactivity are well documented, the impact on mental health is a growing area of concern.</p>
<p>In recent years, screen time has risen considerably among adolescents. This increase has prompted researchers to question how these behaviors interact with mood disorders such as depression. Most prior studies examining this link have focused on adults. When studies do involve younger populations, they often rely on the participants to report their own activity levels. Self-reported data is frequently inaccurate, as people struggle to recall exactly how many minutes they spent sitting days or weeks ago.</p>
<p>There is also a gap in understanding how these behaviors function within a family unit. Parents and children do not exist in isolation. They form a “dyad,” or a two-person group wherein the behavior and emotions of one person can impact the other. To address these gaps, a team of researchers led by Maria Siwa from the SWPS University in Poland investigated these associations using objective measurement tools. The researchers aimed to see if depression leads to more sitting, or if sitting leads to more depression. They also sought to understand if these effects spill over from child to parent.</p>
<p>The research team recruited 203 parent-child dyads to participate in the study. The children ranged in age from 9 to 15 years old. The parents involved were predominantly mothers, accounting for nearly 87 percent of the adult participants. The study was longitudinal, meaning the researchers tracked the participants over an extended period to observe changes. Data collection occurred at three specific points: the beginning of the study (Time 1), an eight-month follow-up (Time 2), and a 14-month follow-up (Time 3).</p>
<p>To ensure accuracy, the researchers did not rely solely on questionnaires for activity data. Instead, they asked participants to wear accelerometers. These are small devices worn on the hip that measure movement intensity and frequency. Participants wore these devices for six consecutive days during waking hours. This provided a precise, objective record of how much time each parent and child spent being sedentary versus being active.</p>
<p>For the assessment of mental health, the researchers used the Patient Health Questionnaire. This is a standard screening tool used to identify the presence and severity of depressive symptoms. It asks individuals to rate the frequency of specific symptoms over the past two weeks. The study took place in the context of a healthy lifestyle education program. Between the first and second measurement points, all families received education on the health consequences of sedentary behaviors and strategies to interrupt long periods of sitting.</p>
<p>The analysis of the data revealed a reciprocal relationship within the children. Children who spent more time being sedentary at the start of the study displayed higher levels of depressive symptoms eight months later. This supports the theory that physical inactivity can contribute to the development of poor mood. Proposed biological mechanisms for this include changes in inflammation markers or neurobiological pathways that affect how the brain regulates emotion.</p>
<p>However, the reverse was also true. Children who exhibited higher levels of depressive symptoms at the start of the study spent more time being sedentary at the eight-month mark. This suggests a “vicious cycle” where symptoms of depression, such as low energy or withdrawal, lead to less movement. The lack of movement then potentially exacerbates the depressive symptoms. This bidirectional pattern highlights how difficult it can be to break the cycle of inactivity and low mood.</p>
<p>The study also identified an effect that crossed from one person to the other. High levels of depressive symptoms in a child at the start of the study predicted increased sedentary time for that child eight months later. This increase in the child’s sedentary behavior was then linked to higher levels of depressive symptoms in the parent at the 14-month mark.</p>
<p>This “across-person” finding suggests a domino effect within the family. A child’s mental health struggles may lead them to withdraw into sedentary activities. Observing this behavior and potentially feeling ineffective in helping the child change their habits may then take a toll on the parent’s mental health. This aligns with psychological theories regarding parental stress. Parents often feel distress when they perceive their parenting strategies as ineffective, especially when trying to manage a child’s health behaviors.</p>
<p>One particular finding was unexpected. Children who reported lower levels of depressive symptoms at the eight-month mark actually spent more time sitting at the final 14-month check-in. The researchers hypothesize that this might be due to a sense of complacency. If adolescents feel mentally well, they may not feel a pressing need to follow the program’s advice to reduce sitting time. They might associate their current well-being with their current lifestyle, leading to less motivation to become more active.</p>
<p>The researchers controlled for moderate-to-vigorous physical activity in their statistical models. This ensures that the results specifically reflect the impact of sedentary time, rather than just a lack of exercise. Even when accounting for exercise, the links between sitting and depression remained relevant in specific pathways.</p>
<p>There are caveats to consider when interpreting these results. The sample consisted largely of families with higher education levels and average or above-average economic status. This limits how well the findings apply to the general population or to families facing economic hardship. Additionally, the study was conducted in Poland, and cultural factors regarding parenting and leisure time could influence the results.</p>
<p>Another limitation is the nature of the device used. While accelerometers are excellent for measuring stillness versus movement, they cannot distinguish between different types of sedentary behavior. They cannot tell the difference between sitting while doing homework, reading a book, or mindlessly scrolling through social media. Different types of sedentary behavior might have different psychological impacts.</p>
<p>The study also focused on a community sample rather than a clinical one. Most participants reported mild to moderate symptoms rather than severe clinical depression. The associations might look different in a population with diagnosed major depressive disorder. Furthermore, while the study found links over time, the observed effects were relatively small. Many other factors likely contribute to both depression and sedentary behavior that were not measured in this specific analysis.</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, the implications for public health are clear. Interventions aimed at improving youth mental health should not ignore physical behavior. Conversely, programs designed to get kids moving should address mental health barriers. The findings support the use of family-based interventions. Treating the child in isolation may miss the important dynamic where the child’s behavior impacts the parent’s well-being.</p>
<p>Future research should investigate the specific mechanisms that drive these connections. For example, it would be beneficial to study whether parental beliefs about their own efficacy mediate the link between a child’s inactivity and the parent’s mood. Researchers should also look at different types of sedentary behavior to see if screen time is more harmful than other forms of sitting. Understanding these nuances could lead to better guidance for families trying to navigate the complex relationship between physical habits and emotional health.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mhpa.2025.100729" target="_blank">Associations between depressive symptoms and sedentary behaviors in parent-child Dyads: Longitudinal effects within- and across- person</a>,” was authored by Maria Siwa, Dominika Wietrzykowska, Zofia Szczuka, Ewa Kulis, Monika Boberska, Anna Banik, Hanna Zaleskiewicz, Paulina Krzywicka, Nina Knoll, Anita DeLongis, Bärbel Knäuper, and Aleksandra Luszczynska.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/feelings-of-entrapment-and-powerlessness-link-job-uncertainty-to-suicidality/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Feelings of entrapment and powerlessness link job uncertainty to suicidality</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 13th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A qualitative study in Scotland examined the links between financial instability, employment insecurity, and suicidality. Results indicated that financial stressors create a cycle of unmet basic needs, powerlessness, and social isolation. Job precarity and lack of support further exacerbate these relationships, contributing to suicidal ideation. The research was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/07481187.2025.2598324"><em>Death Studies</em></a>.</p>
<p>Suicide is the act of intentionally causing one’s own death. World Health Organization statistics indicate that 700,000 people die by suicide every year worldwide, making it a significant global public health issue. Although major religions have historically condemned suicide, contemporary public health and psychological perspectives view it as a preventable outcome arising from complex interactions rather than a moral failing. Suicide rarely has a single cause; instead, it reflects the intersection of personal, relational, community, and societal factors.</p>
<p>Economic instability, job insecurity, and financial distress are consistently linked to higher suicide risk, with those in insecure employment disproportionately affected. Evidence from the U.K. and Scotland shows particularly high vulnerability among working-age adults, even as poverty increasingly affects households where someone is employed. </p>
<p>Precarious work conditions—such as low income, unpredictable hours, limited rights, and low job autonomy—contribute to chronic stress and poorer mental health. Furthermore, stigma surrounding financial hardship and job insecurity can deter help-seeking, increasing isolation and risk.</p>
<p>Study author Nicola Cogan and her colleagues wanted to explore how insecure employment and financial instability are perceived to contribute toward suicidal thoughts and behaviors among adults living in Scotland. They also sought to identify risk and protective factors associated with the mental health impacts of economic insecurity and offer policy recommendations for improving mental health support for people facing economic precarity.</p>
<p>The study included 24 individuals from Scotland who reported being paid less than the living wage or below the minimum income standard, were on zero-hours contracts, working in the gig economy, were job-seeking long term, or had experience with Universal Credit (the UK’s main welfare benefit system). Sixteen participants were men. The participants’ average age was 30 years. On average, participants reported that their last suicidal thoughts or behaviors occurred more than six months prior. Individuals who were currently suicidal were not included in the study.</p>
<p>Participants took part in semi-structured interviews focusing on the interplay between employment status, financial instability, and experiences of suicidal ideation or behavior. They received a £20 voucher for their participation. The researchers transcribed the interviews and conducted reflexive thematic analysis with the goal of identifying the key themes within the narratives.</p>
<p>Analysis of the interviews identified six key themes. The first theme was the “struggle to meet basic needs and the vicious cycle.” When participants experienced financial instability, it created a struggle to meet basic needs like food, housing, and healthcare. This battle degraded their mental health. Diminished mental health, in turn, reduced their ability to improve their financial situation, creating a vicious cycle.</p>
<p>The second theme was “feeling trapped and powerless.” Participants reported that feelings of entrapment intersected with suicidal thoughts and behaviors, as they struggled to envision any escape from the situation. Theme three was the “stigma of financial instability.” Feeling financially unstable negatively impacted participants’ self-worth and self-esteem, making them feel inadequate and helpless. Theme four was “thinking about suicide and acting on such thoughts.” During these times, many of them imagined suicide to be the only way out of their struggles.</p>
<p>The fifth theme was the “need for hope and support from supportive others.” For many participants, hope and support from friends, family, and other individuals fostered resilience and prevented them from acting on suicidal thoughts.</p>
<p>The sixth theme was “active help-seeking and gaining a sense of control.” For many participants, actively seeking help was a turning point in managing the intersecting challenges of financial instability and mental health distress. This enabled them to regain a sense of control over their circumstances.</p>
<p>“Reflexive thematic analysis identified key themes, highlighting how financial stressors create a cycle of unmet basic needs, powerlessness, and social isolation, which exacerbates suicidal distress. Workplace conditions including job precarity and lack of support, further intensified these experiences, while protective factors included supportive relationships and proactive help-seeking,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the mental health effects of financial instability. However, the study deliberately excluded prospective participants currently experiencing suicidality. Because of this, it did not fully capture the perspectives of individuals at the highest risk of suicide. Additionally, the collected data were based on the recall of past hardships, leaving room for recall and reporting biases to have affected the results.</p>
<p>The paper, “’<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/07481187.2025.2598324">It feels like the world is falling on your head’: Exploring the link between financial instability, employment insecurity, and suicidality,</a>” was authored by Nicola Cogan, Susan Rasmussen, Kirsten Russell, Dan Heap, Heather Archbold, Lucy Milligan, Scott Thomson, Spence Whittaker, Dave Morris, and Danielle Rowley.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/no-association-found-between-covid-19-shots-during-pregnancy-and-autism-or-behavioral-issues/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">No association found between COVID-19 shots during pregnancy and autism or behavioral issues</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 13th 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>Recent research provides new evidence regarding the safety of COVID-19 vaccinations during pregnancy. The study, <a href="https://obgyn.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/pmf2.70150" target="_blank">presented</a> at the Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine (SMFM) 2026 Pregnancy Meeting, indicates that receiving an mRNA vaccine while pregnant does not negatively impact a toddler’s brain development. The findings suggest that children born to vaccinated mothers show no difference in reaching developmental milestones compared to those born to unvaccinated mothers.</p>
<p>The question of vaccine safety during pregnancy has been a primary concern for expectant parents since the introduction of COVID-19 immunizations. Messenger RNA, or mRNA, vaccines function by introducing a genetic sequence that instructs the body’s cells to produce a specific protein. This protein triggers the immune system to create antibodies against the virus. </p>
<p>While health organizations have recommended these vaccines to prevent severe maternal illness, data regarding the longer-term effects on infants has been accumulating slowly. Parents often worry that the immune activation in the mother could theoretically alter the delicate process of fetal brain formation.</p>
<p>To address these specific concerns, a team of researchers investigated the neurodevelopmental outcomes of children aged 18 to 30 months. The study was led by George R. Saade from Eastern Virginia Medical School at Old Dominion University and Brenna L. Hughes from Duke University School of Medicine. They conducted this work as part of the Maternal-Fetal Medicine Units Network. This network is a collaboration of research centers funded by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development.</p>
<p>The researchers designed a prospective observational study. This type of study follows a group of participants over time to observe outcomes rather than intervening or experimenting on them. The team identified women who had received at least one dose of an mRNA SARS-CoV-2 vaccine. To be included in the exposed group, the mothers must have received the vaccine either during their pregnancy or within the 30 days prior to becoming pregnant.</p>
<p>The research team compared these women to a control group of mothers who did not receive the vaccine during that same period. To ensure the comparison was scientifically valid, the researchers used a technique called matching. Each vaccinated mother was paired with an unvaccinated mother who shared key characteristics.</p>
<p>These characteristics included the specific medical site where they delivered the baby and the date of the delivery. They also matched participants based on their insurance status and their race. This matching process is essential in observational research. It helps rule out other variables, such as access to healthcare or socioeconomic status, which could independently influence a child’s development.</p>
<p>The study applied strict exclusion criteria to isolate the effect of the vaccine. The researchers did not include women who delivered their babies before 37 weeks of gestation. This decision was necessary because preterm birth is a known cause of developmental delays. Including premature infants could have obscured the results. The team also excluded multifetal pregnancies, such as twins or triplets, and children born with major congenital malformations.</p>
<p>Ultimately, the study analyzed 217 matched pairs, resulting in a total of 434 children. The primary tool used to measure development was the Ages and Stages Questionnaire, Third Edition, often referred to as the ASQ-3. This is a standardized screening tool widely used in pediatrics. It relies on parents to observe and report their child’s abilities in five distinct developmental areas.</p>
<p>The first area is communication, which looks at how a child understands language and speaks. The second is gross motor skills, involving large movements like walking or jumping. The third is fine motor skills, which involves smaller movements like using fingers to pick up tiny objects. The fourth is problem-solving, and the fifth is personal-social interaction, covering how the child plays and interacts with others.</p>
<p>The researchers analyzed the data by looking for statistical equivalence. They established a specific margin of 10 points on the ASQ-3 scale. If the difference between the average scores of the vaccinated and unvaccinated groups was less than 10 points, the outcomes were considered practically identical.</p>
<p>The results demonstrated that the neurodevelopmental outcomes were indeed equivalent. The median total ASQ-3 score for the vaccinated group was 255. The median score for the unvaccinated group was 260. After adjusting for other factors, the difference was calculated to be -3.4 points. This falls well within the 10-point margin of equivalence, meaning there was no meaningful difference in development between the two groups.</p>
<p>Beyond the general developmental scores, the researchers utilized several secondary screening tools to check for specific conditions. They employed the Modified Checklist for Autism in Toddlers to assess the risk of autism spectrum disorder. The findings showed no statistical difference in risk levels.</p>
<p>Approximately 5 percent of the children in the vaccinated group screened positive for potential autism risk. This was comparable to the 6 percent observed in the unvaccinated group. These percentages suggest that vaccination status did not influence the likelihood of an autism diagnosis.</p>
<p>The team also used the Child Behavior Checklist. This tool evaluates various behavioral and emotional challenges. It looks at internalizing behaviors, such as anxiety, withdrawal, or sadness. It also examines externalizing behaviors, such as aggression or rule-breaking.</p>
<p>The scores for both internalizing and externalizing behaviors were nearly identical between the two groups. For example, 93 percent of children in the vaccinated group fell within the normal range for total behavioral problems. This was the exact same percentage found in the unvaccinated group.</p>
<p>Finally, the researchers assessed temperament using the Early Childhood Behavior Questionnaire. This measures traits such as “surgency,” which relates to positive emotional reactivity and high energy. It also measures “effortful control,” which is the ability to focus attention and inhibit impulses. Across all these psychological domains, the study found no association between maternal vaccination and negative outcomes.</p>
<p>The demographics of the two groups were largely similar due to the matching process. However, one difference remained. Mothers in the vaccinated group were more likely to be nulliparous. This is a medical term indicating that the woman had never given birth before the pregnancy in question.</p>
<p>Additionally, the children in the vaccinated group were slightly younger at the time of the assessment. Their median age was 25.4 months, compared to 25.9 months for the unvaccinated group. The researchers used statistical models to adjust for these slight variations. Even after these adjustments, the conclusion remained that the developmental outcomes were equivalent.</p>
<p>“Neurodevelopment outcomes in children born to mothers who received the COVID-19 vaccine during or shortly before pregnancy did not differ from those born to mothers who did not receive the vaccine,” said Saade.</p>
<p>While the findings are positive, there are context and limitations to consider. The study was observational, meaning it cannot prove causation as definitively as a randomized controlled trial. However, randomized trials are rarely feasible for widely recommended vaccines due to ethical considerations.</p>
<p>Another factor is the reliance on parent-reported data. Tools like the ASQ-3 depend on the accuracy of the parents’ observations, which can introduce some subjectivity. Furthermore, the study followed children only up to 30 months of age. Some subtle neurodevelopmental issues may not manifest until children are older and face the demands of school.</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, the rigorous matching and the use of multiple standardized screening tools provide a high level of confidence in the results for the toddler age group. The study fills a knowledge gap regarding the safety of mRNA technology for the next generation.</p>
<p>“This study, conducted through a rigorous scientific process in an NIH clinical trials network, demonstrates reassuring findings regarding the long-term health of children whose mothers received COVID-19 vaccination during pregnancy,” said Hughes.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://obgyn.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/pmf2.70150" target="_blank">Association Between SARS-CoV-2 Vaccine in Pregnancy and Child Neurodevelopment at 18–30 Months</a>,” was authored by George R. Saade and Brenna L. Hughes, and will be published in the February 2026 issue of PREGNANCY.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/your-attachment-style-predicts-which-activities-boost-romantic-satisfaction/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Your attachment style predicts which activities boost romantic satisfaction</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 13th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>New research provides evidence that the best way to spend time with a romantic partner depends on their specific emotional needs. A study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/19485506251411438" target="_blank">Social Psychological and Personality Science</a></em> suggests that people with avoidant attachment styles feel more satisfied when engaging in novel and exciting activities, while those with anxious attachment styles benefit more from familiar and comfortable shared experiences. </p>
<p>Psychological science identifies attachment insecurity as a significant barrier to relationship satisfaction. Individuals high in attachment avoidance often fear intimacy and prioritize independence, while those high in attachment anxiety fear abandonment and frequently seek reassurance. </p>
<p>Previous studies have shown that partners can mitigate these insecurities by adjusting their behavior, such as offering autonomy to avoidant partners or reassurance to anxious ones. However, less is known about how specific types of shared leisure activities function in this dynamic.</p>
<p>“This study was motivated by two main gaps. One was a gap in the attachment literature. Although attachment insecurity reliably predicts lower relationship satisfaction, these effects can be buffered, and most prior work has focused on partner behaviors. We wanted to know whether shared, everyday experiences could play a similar role,” said study author Amy Muise, a professor and York Research Chair in the Department of Psychology and director of <a href="https://www.amymuise.com" target="_blank">the Sexual Health and Relationships (SHaRe) Lab</a> at York University.</p>
<p>“We were also interested in testing the idea that novelty and excitement are universally good for relationships. Instead, we asked whether different types of shared experiences are more or less beneficial depending on people’s attachment-related needs.”</p>
<p>To explore these dynamics, the scientists conducted a meta-analysis across three separate daily diary studies. The total sample consisted of 390 couples from Canada and the United States. Participants were required to be in a committed relationship and living together or seeing each other frequently. The average relationship length varied slightly by study but ranged generally from seven to eight years.</p>
<p>For a period of 21 days, each partner independently completed nightly surveys. They reported their daily relationship satisfaction and the types of activities they shared with their partner that day. The researchers measured two distinct types of shared experiences. “Novel and exciting” experiences were defined as activities that felt new, challenging, or expanding, such as learning a skill or trying a new restaurant.</p>
<p>“Familiar and comfortable” experiences involved routine, calming, and predictable activities. Examples included watching a favorite TV show, cooking a standard meal together, or simply relaxing at home. The participants also rated their levels of attachment avoidance and anxiety at the beginning of the study. This design allowed the researchers to track how fluctuations in daily activities related to fluctuations in relationship satisfaction.</p>
<p>The data revealed that, in general, both types of shared experiences were linked to higher daily relationship satisfaction. “The effects are modest in size, which is typical for daily experience research because they reflect within-person changes in everyday life,” Muise told PsyPost. “These are not dramatic shifts in relationship quality, but small day-to-day effects that may accumulate over time.”</p>
<p>“Overall, both novel and familiar shared experiences were linked to greater relationship satisfaction, but the effect of familiar, comfortable experiences was larger (roughly two to three times larger) than novel, experiences overall.”</p>
<p>Importantly, the benefits differed depending on a person’s attachment style. For individuals high in attachment avoidance, engaging in novel and exciting activities provided a specific benefit.</p>
<p>On days when avoidant individuals reported more novelty and excitement than usual, the typical link between their avoidant style and lower relationship satisfaction was weakened. The researchers found that these exciting activities increased perceptions of “relational reward.” This means the avoidant partners felt a sense of intimacy and connection that did not feel threatening or smothering. Familiar and comfortable activities did not provide this same buffering effect for avoidant individuals.</p>
<p>In contrast, individuals high in attachment anxiety derived the most benefit from familiar and comfortable experiences. On days marked by high levels of familiarity and comfort, the usual association between attachment anxiety and lower relationship satisfaction disappeared entirely. The study suggests that these low-stakes, comforting interactions help reduce negative emotions for anxiously attached people.</p>
<p>Novel and exciting activities did not consistently buffer the relationship satisfaction of anxiously attached individuals. The researchers noted that while novelty is generally positive, it does not address the specific need for security that defines attachment anxiety. The calming nature of routine appears to be the key ingredient for soothing these specific fears.</p>
<p>“One thing that surprised us was how familiar and comfortable activities seemed to help people who are more anxiously attached,” Muise said. “We expected these experiences to work by lowering worries about rejection or judgment, but that wasn’t what we found. Instead, they seemed to help by lowering people’s overall negative mood.”</p>
<p>“This made us think more carefully about what comfort and routine might actually be doing emotionally. It’s possible that for people higher in attachment anxiety, familiar and comfortable time together helps them feel more secure, and that sense of security is what supports relationship satisfaction. We weren’t able to test that directly in this study, but it’s an important direction for future work.”</p>
<p>The researchers also examined how one person’s attachment style affected their partner’s satisfaction. The results showed that when a person had a highly avoidant partner, they reported higher satisfaction on days they shared novel and exciting experiences. Conversely, when a person had a highly anxious partner, they reported higher satisfaction on days filled with familiar and comfortable activities. This indicates that tailoring activities benefits both the insecure individual and their romantic partner.</p>
<p>“The main takeaway is that there is no single ‘right’ way to spend time together that works for all couples,” Muise explained. “What matters is whether shared experiences align with people’s emotional needs. For people who are more avoidantly attached, doing something novel or exciting together (something that feels new and fun rather than overtly intimate) can make the relationship feel more rewarding and satisfying.” </p>
<p>“For people who are more anxiously attached, familiar and comfortable time together seems especially important for maintaining satisfaction. These findings suggest that tailoring shared time, rather than maximizing novelty or excitement per se, may be a more effective way to support relationship well-being.”</p>
<p>While the findings offer practical insights, the study has certain limitations. The research relied on daily diary entries, which are correlational. This means that while the researchers can observe a link between specific activities and higher satisfaction, they cannot definitively prove that the activities caused the satisfaction. It is possible that feeling satisfied makes a couple more likely to engage in fun or comfortable activities.</p>
<p>“Another potential misinterpretation is that novelty is ‘bad’ for anxiously attached people or that comfort is ‘bad’ for avoidantly attached people,” Muise clarified. “That is not what we found. Both types of experiences were generally associated with higher satisfaction; the difference lies in when they are most helpful for buffering insecurity, not whether they are beneficial at all.”</p>
<p>Future research is needed to determine if these daily buffering effects lead to long-term improvements in attachment security. The scientists also hope to investigate who initiates these activities and whether the motivation behind them impacts their effectiveness. For now, the data suggests that checking in on a partner’s emotional needs might be the best guide for planning the next date night.</p>
<p>“One long-term goal is to understand whether these day-to-day buffering effects can lead to longer-term changes in attachment security,” Muise said. “If repeatedly engaging in the ‘right’ kinds of shared experiences could that have implications for how attachment insecurity evolves over time?”</p>
<p>“Another direction is to examine how these experiences are initiated. Who suggests the activity, and whether it feels voluntary or pressured, might matter, for whether certain experiences are associated with satisfaction.”</p>
<p>“One thing I really appreciate about this study is that it allowed us to look at both partners’ experiences,” Muise added. “The partner effects suggest that tailoring shared experiences doesn’t only benefit the person who is more insecure, it is also associated with how their partner feels about the relationship. Overall, engaging in shared experiences that was aligned with one partner’s attachment needs, has benefits for both partners.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/19485506251411438" target="_blank">Novel and Exciting or Tried and True? Tailoring Shared Relationship Experiences to Insecurely Attached Partners</a>,” was authored by Kristina M. Schrage, Emily A. Impett, Mustafa Anil Topal, Cheryl Harasymchuk, and Amy Muise.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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