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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/holding-racist-attitudes-predicts-increased-psychological-distress-over-time/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Holding racist attitudes predicts increased psychological distress over time</a>
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<p><p>New research published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.comppsych.2025.152644" target="_blank">Comprehensive Psychiatry</a></em> challenges the common belief that mental illness is a primary driver of racist attitudes. The findings suggest that the relationship actually works in the opposite direction, with prejudiced beliefs predicting an increase in psychological distress over time. The study also highlights social connectedness as a significant factor, indicating that a lack of social connection may fuel both prejudice and mental health struggles.</p>
<p>Psychologists and social scientists have historically sought to understand the roots of extreme prejudice. A frequent explanation in both academic literature and media coverage is that racism is a symptom of poor mental health. This narrative often surfaces after events of mass violence, where the perpetrator’s actions are attributed to psychological instability rather than ideological conviction. For example, counterterrorism strategies frequently list mental health issues as a key risk factor for radicalization.</p>
<p>Tegan Cruwys, a researcher at the School of Medicine and Psychology at The Australian National University, led a team to investigate the validity of this assumption. The researchers argued that attributing racism to mental illness is problematic for several reasons. It has poor predictive power and risks stigmatizing people with mental health disorders who are not prejudiced. </p>
<p>The research team sought to test the reverse possibility. They wanted to see if holding racist views might actually be toxic to the person holding them. They also hypothesized that a third variable, such as social isolation, might be the true cause of both prejudiced attitudes and psychological decline.</p>
<p>To test these ideas, the researchers analyzed data from three separate longitudinal studies conducted in Australia. Longitudinal studies involve surveying the same group of people at multiple points in time. This design allows scientists to observe which changes occur first and provides better evidence for the direction of cause and effect than one-time surveys. Each of the three studies was large, nationally representative, and spanned a period of approximately six months.</p>
<p>The first study took place during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. It included 2,361 adults. The researchers measured racism using an adapted scale that assessed social distancing preferences. Participants were asked how much physical distance they would prefer to keep from members of various ethnic outgroups compared to their own family or friends. They also rated their feelings toward these groups on a “warmth” thermometer. </p>
<p>Psychological distress was measured using a standard clinical tool that assesses symptoms of depression and anxiety. Social connectedness was evaluated by asking participants how often they felt lonely or left out.</p>
<p>The second study was conducted in 2023 leading up to the Australian Indigenous Voice referendum. This was a national vote on whether to recognize Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in the constitution. The sample included 3,860 participants. </p>
<p>In this study, racism was measured by asking participants to rate how they believed Indigenous peoples were treated in Australia. Scores indicating a belief that Indigenous people receive “special treatment” were interpreted as indicative of prejudice. Psychological distress was measured using a five-item screening questionnaire often used to detect mental ill-health in the general population. Social connectedness was operationalized as the level of trust participants placed in institutions such as the government, police, and scientists.</p>
<p>The third study also occurred during the Voice referendum period and included 2,424 non-Indigenous Australians. The team measured attitudes using a specific scale designed to gauge views on Indigenous Australians. Psychological well-being was assessed using a five-item survey from the World Health Organization. In this dataset, social connectedness was defined by how strongly participants identified with various social groups, including their family, neighborhood, and country.</p>
<p>The results from all three studies showed a consistent pattern. When the researchers looked at the data from a single point in time, the link between racism and psychological distress was weak and inconsistent. This lack of a strong immediate connection suggests that simply having a mental health condition does not automatically make a person more likely to hold racist views.</p>
<p>However, the longitudinal analysis revealed a different story. In all three datasets, an increase in racist beliefs consistently preceded and predicted an increase in psychological distress. In the first study, participants whose racist attitudes intensified over the six months were more likely to experience worsening anxiety and depression. In the third study, psychological distress increased markedly over time only among those participants who held higher levels of racist attitudes.</p>
<p>The second study provided a nuanced view of this trend. During the timeframe of the second study, psychological distress was generally declining across the population. However, this improvement was not evenly shared. Participants who reported the lowest levels of racism showed the steepest decline in distress. In contrast, those with the highest levels of racism experienced a much more modest improvement in their mental health.</p>
<p>The researchers also tested the reverse pathway to see if psychological distress predicted a later increase in racism. The evidence for this was mixed. While two of the studies showed some association, it was not consistent across all contexts. In the third study, psychological distress did not predict any change in racist attitudes over time.</p>
<p>A key component of the study was the investigation of social connectedness. The analysis showed that social connection served as a protective factor against both racism and psychological distress. In the first study, participants who felt less socially connected over time saw increases in both racist attitudes and mental health symptoms. </p>
<p>In fact, when the researchers statistically accounted for the role of social connectedness, the direct link between racism and distress often disappeared or weakened. This suggests that the feeling of being excluded or alienated may be a “common cause” that drives people toward both prejudice and poor mental health.</p>
<p>The researchers propose that prejudiced attitudes may be psychologically harmful because they are inherently threatening. Racism often involves viewing other groups as a danger to one’s own safety, culture, or resources. Living with this constant sense of threat can induce a state of hypervigilance and anxiety that erodes mental well-being over time.</p>
<p>These findings have implications for how society addresses both prejudice and mental health. The results challenge the idea that treating mental illness will automatically reduce racism or extremism. Instead, the study suggests that prejudice itself is a risk factor for mental decline. It implies that interventions designed to foster social connection and community inclusion could have a dual benefit. By helping people feel more connected to society, it may be possible to simultaneously improve mental health outcomes and reduce the prevalence of prejudiced attitudes.</p>
<p>There are limitations to this research that should be noted. The measures of racism varied across the three studies to fit the specific social context of the time. This makes it difficult to compare the absolute levels of prejudice between the different samples. Additionally, the study relied on self-reported data, which can be influenced by a participant’s desire to present themselves in a favorable light. The research was conducted in Australia, so the specific social dynamics may differ in other countries or cultural contexts.</p>
<p>It is also important to avoid interpreting these findings as an explanation for violent extremism. The study surveyed the general population rather than radicalized individuals or members of hate groups. While prejudice is a predictor of radicalization, the psychological dynamics of violent offenders may differ from those of the general public.</p>
<p>Future research is needed to determine if these patterns hold true for other forms of prejudice, such as sexism or homophobia. The researchers also suggest that future studies should test whether practical interventions that boost social connectedness can effectively interrupt the cycle of prejudice and distress. The study indicates that mental health is not a fixed trait but is responsive to our social attitudes and our sense of belonging.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.comppsych.2025.152644" target="_blank">What goes around comes around? Holding racist attitudes predicts increased psychological distress over time</a>,” was authored by Tegan Cruwys, Olivia Evans, Michael J. Platow, Iain Walker, Katherine J. Reynolds, Christienne Javier, Catherine Haslam, S. Alexander Haslam, and Hema Preya Selvanathan.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/unexpected-study-results-complicate-the-use-of-brain-stimulation-for-anxiety/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Unexpected study results complicate the use of brain stimulation for anxiety</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 9th 2026, 20:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study suggests that a promising noninvasive brain stimulation technique may not function exactly as psychiatrists had hoped for patients with combined depression and anxiety. Researchers found that while electrical stimulation of the brain’s frontal cortex improved mental focus and reaction times, it also unexpectedly heightened sensitivity to potential threats.</p>
<p>These findings indicate that the treatment might wake up the brain’s alertness systems rather than simply calming down fear responses. The results were published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bpsc.2025.10.020" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Biological Psychiatry: Cognitive Neuroscience and Neuroimaging</a></em>.</p>
<p>Major depressive disorder is one of the world’s most persistent public health burdens. It becomes even harder to treat when accompanied by anxiety. This combination is common. Patients with both conditions often experience more severe symptoms and are less likely to respond to standard antidepressants or talk therapy. This resistance to treatment has led scientists to look for biological causes within the brain’s circuitry.</p>
<p>Neuroscientists have identified specific patterns of brain activity in people with anxious depression. Typically, the prefrontal cortex shows lower than average activity. This area sits just behind the forehead. It is responsible for planning, decision-making, and regulating emotions. At the same time, the amygdala often shows hyperactivity. The amygdala is a deep brain structure that acts as the body’s alarm system for danger. In a healthy brain, the prefrontal cortex helps quiet the amygdala when a threat is not real. In anxious depression, this regulatory system often fails.</p>
<p>Researchers have been exploring transcranial direct current stimulation as a way to correct this imbalance. This technique involves placing electrodes on the scalp to deliver a weak electrical current. The goal is to encourage neurons in the prefrontal cortex to fire more readily. Theoretically, boosting the “thinking” part of the brain should help it exert better control over the “feeling” alarm system.</p>
<p>A team led by Tate Poplin and senior author Maria Ironside at the Laureate Institute for Brain Research in Tulsa, Oklahoma, sought to test this theory in a large clinical sample. They recruited 101 adults who were currently experiencing a major depressive episode and high levels of anxiety. The researchers wanted to see if a single session of stimulation could alter the way these patients processed threats.</p>
<p>The study was designed as a double-blind, randomized trial. This is the gold standard for clinical research. The participants were divided into two groups. One group received thirty minutes of active stimulation to the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex. The other group received a sham, or placebo, stimulation. The sham version mimicked the physical sensations of the device but did not deliver the therapeutic current. This ensured that neither the patients nor the staff knew who was receiving the real treatment.</p>
<p>The researchers administered the stimulation while the participants lay inside a magnetic resonance imaging scanner. This allowed the team to observe changes in blood flow within the brain in real time. During the scan, the participants completed a cognitive task. They viewed pictures of faces with fearful or neutral expressions. Letters were superimposed over the faces. The participants had to identify the letters.</p>
<p>This task was designed to measure “attentional load.” Some rounds were easy and required little mental effort. Other rounds were difficult and demanded intense focus. This design allowed the researchers to see how the brain prioritized information. They wanted to know if the stimulation would help the brain ignore the fearful faces and focus on the letters.</p>
<p>After the brain scans, the participants underwent a physical test of their anxiety levels. This involved measuring the startle reflex. The researchers placed sensors on the participants’ faces to detect eye blinks. The participants then listened to bursts of white noise. Sometimes the noise signaled a predictable electric shock. Other times, the shock was unpredictable.</p>
<p>This distinction is important in psychology. Reacting to a known danger is considered fear. Reacting to an unknown or unpredictable threat is considered anxiety. By measuring how hard the participants blinked in anticipation of the shock, the researchers could physically quantify their threat sensitivity.</p>
<p>The findings painted a complex picture of how the stimulation affected the brain. On one hand, the treatment appeared to improve cognitive performance. The group that received active stimulation was more accurate at identifying the letters than the placebo group. They also reacted faster.</p>
<p>The brain scans supported this behavioral improvement. When the task was difficult, the active group showed increased activity in the inferior frontal gyrus and the parietal cortex. These regions are heavily involved in attention and executive control. This suggests the stimulation successfully engaged the brain’s command centers.</p>
<p>However, the results regarding emotional regulation contradicted the team’s original predictions. The researchers hypothesized that the stimulation would reduce the amygdala’s reaction to the fearful faces. Instead, the opposite occurred during the easy version of the task. The amygdala showed greater activation in the active group compared to the placebo group.</p>
<p>The startle test revealed a similar pattern. The researchers found that active stimulation did not calm the participants’ physical reflexes. In fact, it made them jumpier. The active group showed a stronger startle response during the unpredictable threat condition. They also reported feeling higher levels of anxiety during these moments of uncertainty.</p>
<p>Ironside noted the dual nature of these results. “Compared to the sham stimulation, frontal tDCS increased the activation of the bilateral inferior frontal gyrus… when the task was more cognitively demanding and, unexpectedly, increased amygdala… response when the task was less cognitively demanding,” she said.</p>
<p>Ironside also highlighted the physical findings. “We also observed that tDCS increased eyeblink startle response under conditions of unpredictable threat.”</p>
<p>These results suggest that transcranial direct current stimulation does not act as a simple tranquilizer for the brain. Instead, it may function as a general amplifier of arousal and engagement. By boosting the excitability of the frontal cortex, the treatment might make the brain more alert to everything. This includes both the task at hand and potential threats in the environment.</p>
<p>The increase in startle response might reflect a state of heightened vigilance. When the brain is more engaged, it may process all incoming signals more intensely. This interpretation aligns with the improved reaction times on the cognitive task. The participants were “sharper,” but this sharpness came with a cost of increased sensitivity to anxiety-provoking stimuli.</p>
<p>There are several important caveats to consider regarding this study. First, the participants only received a single session of stimulation. Clinical treatments for depression typically involve daily sessions over several weeks. It is possible that the cumulative effect of repeated stimulation is different from the acute effect of a single dose. Long-term changes in brain plasticity might take time to develop.</p>
<p>Second, the environment may have influenced the results. Undergoing a brain scan can be stressful. The MRI machine is loud and confining. For people who already suffer from high anxiety, this environment might have heightened their baseline stress levels. Receiving electrical stimulation in such a high-stress context could have interacted with their anxiety in unique ways.</p>
<p>The researchers also noted that the demographics of the study leaned heavily toward women. While this reflects the higher prevalence of depression and anxiety in women, it means the results might not fully generalize to men.</p>
<p>Despite the unexpected increase in threat sensitivity, the authors believe the findings offer a path forward. The clear improvement in task engagement and frontal brain activity is a positive signal. It suggests that the stimulation is effectively reaching the target brain regions and altering their function.</p>
<p>The failure to reduce anxiety might be due to the passive nature of the treatment. In this study, participants received stimulation while resting or doing a simple task. The researchers suggest that future trials should explore “context-dependent” stimulation.</p>
<p>This approach would involve pairing the brain stimulation with active therapy. For example, if a patient is undergoing exposure therapy to face their fears, the stimulation might help them engage more fully with the therapeutic exercises. If the stimulation boosts the brain’s ability to focus and learn, it could act as a catalyst for psychological interventions.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bpsc.2025.10.020" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Frontal Cortex Stimulation Modulates Attentional Circuits and Increases Anxiety-Potentiated Startle in Anxious Depression</a>,” was authored by Tate Poplin, Rayus Kuplicki, Ebony A. Walker, Kyle Goldman, Cheldyn Ramsey, Nicholas Balderston, Robin L. Aupperle, Martin P. Paulus, and Maria Ironside.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/psychology-shows-why-using-ai-for-valentines-day-could-be-disastrous/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Psychology shows why using AI for Valentine’s Day could be disastrous</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 9th 2026, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>As Valentine’s Day approaches, finding the perfect words to express your feelings for that special someone can seem like a daunting task – so much so that you may feel tempted to ask ChatGPT for an assist.</p>
<p>After all, within seconds it can dash off a well-written, romantic message. Even a short, personalized limerick or poem is no sweat.</p>
<p>But before you copy and paste that AI-generated love note, you might want to consider how it could make you feel about yourself.</p>
<p>We research the intersection of consumer behavior and technology, and we’ve been studying how people feel after using generative AI to write heartfelt messages. It turns out that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/cb.70057">there’s a psychological cost</a> to using the technology as your personal ghostwriter.</p>
<h2>The rise of the AI ghostwriter</h2>
<p>Generative AI has transformed how many people communicate. From <a href="https://www.deloittedigital.com/us/en/insights/research/genai-human-marketing-operations.html">drafting work emails to composing social media posts</a>, these tools have become everyday writing assistants. So it’s no wonder some people are turning to them for more personal matters, too.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.wsj.com/style/ai-wedding-vows-gpt-ce8f8e91">Wedding vows</a>, birthday wishes, thank you notes and even Valentine’s Day messages are increasingly being outsourced to algorithms.</p>
<p>The technology is certainly capable. Chatbots can craft emotionally resonant responses <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2024.114720">that sound genuinely heartfelt</a>.</p>
<p>But there’s a catch: When you present these words as your own, something doesn’t sit right.</p>
<h2>When convenience breeds guilt</h2>
<p>We conducted five experiments with hundreds of participants, asking them to imagine using generative AI to write various emotional messages to loved ones. Across every scenario we tested – from appreciation emails to birthday cards to love letters – we found the same pattern: People felt guilty when they used generative AI to write these messages compared to when they wrote the messages themselves.</p>
<p>When you copy an AI-generated message and sign your name to it, you’re essentially taking credit for words you didn’t write.</p>
<p>This creates what we call a “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/cb.70057">source-credit discrepancy</a>,” which is a gap between who actually created the message and who appears to have created it. You can see these discrepancies in other contexts, whether it’s celebrity social media posts written by public relations teams or political speeches composed by professional speechwriters.</p>
<p>When you use AI, even though you might tell yourself you’re just being efficient, you can probably recognize, deep down, that you’re misleading the recipient about the personal effort and thought that went into the message.</p>
<h2>The transparency test</h2>
<p>To better understand this guilt, we compared AI-generated messages to other scenarios. When people bought greeting cards with preprinted messages, they felt no guilt at all. This is because greeting cards are transparently not written by you. Greeting cards carry no deception: Everyone understands you selected the card and that you didn’t write it yourself.</p>
<p>We also tested another scenario: having a friend secretly write the message for you. This produced just as much guilt as using generative AI. Whether the ghostwriter is human or an artificial intelligence tool doesn’t matter. What matters most is the dishonesty.</p>
<p>There were some boundaries, however. We found that guilt decreased when messages were never delivered and when recipients were mere acquaintances rather than close friends.</p>
<p>These findings confirm that the guilt stems from violating expectations of honesty in relationships where emotional authenticity matters most.</p>
<p>Somewhat relatedly, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2024.114984">research</a> has found that people react more negatively when they learn a company used AI instead of a human to write a message to them.</p>
<p>But the backlash was strongest when audiences expected personal effort – a boss expressing sympathy after a tragedy, or a note sent to all staff members celebrating a colleague’s recovery from a health scare. It was far weaker for purely factual or instructional notes, such as announcing routine personnel changes or providing basic business updates.</p>
<h2>What this means for your Valentine’s Day</h2>
<p>So, what should you do about that looming Valentine’s Day message? Our research suggests that the human hand behind a meaningful message can help both the writer and the recipient feel better.</p>
<p>This doesn’t mean you can’t use generative AI as a brainstorming partner rather than a ghostwriter. Let it help you overcome writer’s block or suggest ideas, but make the final message truly yours. Edit, personalize and add details that only you would know. The key is co-creation, not complete delegation.</p>
<p>Generative AI is a powerful tool, but it’s also created a raft of ethical dilemmas, whether it’s <a href="https://guides.lib.jmu.edu/AI-in-education/ethics">in the classroom</a> or <a href="https://www.pollackpeacebuilding.com/blog/how-ai-is-transforming-the-conflict-resolution-industry/">in romantic relationships</a>. As these technologies become more integrated into everyday life, people will need to decide where to draw the line between helpful assistance and emotional outsourcing.</p>
<p>This Valentine’s Day, your heart and your conscience might thank you for keeping your message genuinely your own.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/271805/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
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<p>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/whether-its-valentines-day-notes-or-emails-to-loved-ones-using-ai-to-write-leaves-people-feeling-crummy-about-themselves-271805">original article</a>.</p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/why-some-brain-cells-resist-the-toxic-proteins-linked-to-alzheimers-disease/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Why some brain cells resist the toxic proteins linked to Alzheimer’s disease</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 9th 2026, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study has identified specific cellular machinery that helps brain cells dispose of toxic proteins associated with Alzheimer’s disease. By screening thousands of genes in lab-grown human neurons, researchers discovered a protein complex that acts as a disposal system and a separate mechanism linking cellular stress to the formation of harmful protein fragments. These findings, published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2025.12.038" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Cell</a></em>, offer potential new targets for treating neurodegenerative conditions.</p>
<p>The protein tau normally functions to stabilize the internal skeleton of nerve cells. In diseases such as Alzheimer’s and frontotemporal dementia, this protein collapses into sticky clumps that injure and eventually kill the cell. This process does not affect all neurons equally, as some brain cells succumb quickly while their neighbors survive for years. Understanding the molecular differences between these vulnerable and resilient cells is a primary goal for neuroscientists.</p>
<p>Avi Samelson, an assistant professor of Neurology at UCLA Health, led this investigation while working at the University of California, San Francisco. He collaborated with a team including senior author Martin Kampmann. They sought to uncover the genetic instructions that determine whether a neuron clears tau away or allows it to accumulate.</p>
<p>“We wanted to understand why some neurons are vulnerable to tau accumulation while others are more resilient,” says Samelson. “By systematically screening nearly every gene in the human genome, we found both expected pathways and completely unexpected ones that control tau levels in neurons.”</p>
<p>The research team began by creating human neurons from induced pluripotent stem cells. These cells were engineered to carry a genetic mutation known to cause a hereditary form of dementia, ensuring the cells would naturally develop tau abnormalities. The team then employed a gene-editing technology called CRISPR interference. This tool allowed them to systematically switch off roughly 20,000 genes, one at a time, to observe which ones influenced tau levels.</p>
<p>This exhaustive screening process identified a protein complex involving the gene CUL5 as a primary regulator of tau. The researchers found that this complex functions as a tagging system. It attaches a molecular label called ubiquitin to specific sections of the tau protein.</p>
<p>The attachment of ubiquitin serves as a signal to the cell’s waste disposal machinery. This machinery, known as the proteasome, recognizes the tag and destroys the marked tau protein. The study revealed that CUL5 works in tandem with an adaptor protein called SOCS4 to physically grab the tau molecule.</p>
<p>To verify the relevance of this finding to human health, the team analyzed data from donated human brain tissue. They examined gene expression patterns in neurons from patients who had died with Alzheimer’s disease. A distinct pattern emerged regarding this disposal system.</p>
<p>Neurons from patients with Alzheimer’s disease that expressed higher levels of CUL5 were more likely to survive the disease process. This correlation suggests that a robust disposal system may protect specific brain cells from degeneration. Cells with lower levels of these components appeared to be more vulnerable to death.</p>
<p>The study also revealed a connection between the cell’s energy production and tau toxicity. The initial screen indicated that genes involved in mitochondrial function were necessary for keeping tau levels in check. Mitochondria are the power plants of the cell, and their failure often leads to cellular stress.</p>
<p>When the researchers inhibited the mitochondria in their lab-grown neurons, the cells experienced a rise in reactive oxygen species. These are unstable molecules that can damage cellular components. This state of oxidative stress impaired the function of the proteasome.</p>
<p>Instead of fully degrading tau, the malfunctioning disposal machinery only partially processed the protein. This resulted in the production of a specific tau fragment approximately 25 kilodaltons in size. This fragment was not randomly generated but appeared consistently when the cells were under stress.</p>
<p>“This tau fragment appears to be generated when cells experience oxidative stress, which is common in aging and neurodegeneration,” says Samelson. “We found that this stress reduces the efficiency of the proteasome, the cell’s protein recycling machine, causing it to improperly process tau.”</p>
<p>This specific fragment appears to be biologically active. It resembles a biomarker found in the spinal fluid of Alzheimer’s patients, suggesting it might be released from stressed neurons into the surrounding fluid. The researchers confirmed that the stressed neurons secreted this fragment into their culture media.</p>
<p>Experiments in test tubes showed that the presence of this fragment altered how other tau proteins bonded together. The fragment caused tau to form straighter, stiffer structures compared to the tangles typically seen in disease. This suggests that the fragment is not merely a byproduct but an active participant in the aggregation process.</p>
<p>The discovery highlights the duality of the proteasome’s role. Under normal conditions, aided by CUL5, it helps clear tau and maintain cell health. Under stress, however, it can malfunction and produce fragments that may worsen the disease.</p>
<p>The findings provide a potential explanation for why aging is the biggest risk factor for neurodegeneration. As we age, mitochondrial function often declines, and oxidative stress increases. This environment could promote the generation of these toxic fragments over time.</p>
<p>There are limitations to the current findings that must be considered. The neurons used in these experiments were grown in a dish and resemble fetal brain cells more than the mature cells found in an aging adult brain. They also lack the complex environment of a living brain, which includes support cells and blood vessels.</p>
<p>Additionally, the study relied on antibodies to detect tau clumps. These tools do not always provide a complete picture of the protein’s three-dimensional shape. The researchers focused on specific types of tau aggregates, and other forms may interact differently with the CUL5 system.</p>
<p>Future work will need to determine if these mechanisms operate similarly in animal models of dementia. Samelson and his colleagues aim to explore whether enhancing the CUL5 system could serve as a therapeutic strategy. They are also investigating ways to protect the proteasome from oxidative stress to prevent the formation of toxic fragments.</p>
<p>“What makes this study particularly valuable is that we used human neurons carrying an actual disease-causing mutation,” says Samelson. “These cells naturally have differences in tau processing, giving us confidence that the mechanisms we identified are relevant to human disease.”</p>
<p>This research underscores the complexity of protein quality control in the brain. It suggests that reinforcing the brain’s natural ability to tag and clear proteins could offer a new avenue for medicine. Simultaneously, protecting the energy systems of the cell might prevent the creation of seeds that start the aggregation process.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2025.12.038" target="_blank" rel="noopener">CRISPR screens in iPSC-derived neurons reveal principles of tau proteostasis</a>,” was authored by Avi J. Samelson, Nabeela Ariqat, Justin McKetney, Gita Rohanitazangi, Celeste Parra Bravo, Rudra S. Bose, Kyle J. Travaglini, Victor L. Lam, Darrin Goodness, Thomas Ta, Gary Dixon, Emily Marzette, Julianne Jin, Ruilin Tian, Eric Tse, Romany Abskharon, Henry S. Pan, Emma C. Carroll, Rosalie E. Lawrence, Jason E. Gestwicki, Jessica E. Rexach, David S. Eisenberg, Nicholas M. Kanaan, Daniel R. Southworth, John D. Gross, Li Gan, Danielle L. Swaney, and Martin Kampmann.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/study-finds-associations-between-gut-microbiota-composition-and-autism/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Study finds associations between gut microbiota composition and autism</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 9th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A study conducted in Taiwan found that autistic individuals tend to show differences in gut microbiota composition compared to both non-autistic individuals and their siblings without autism. More specifically, the autistic group showed distinct differences in the beta diversity of their gut microbiota. Individuals with more <em>Anaerostipes</em> bacteria exhibited significantly less social impairment and internalizing problems. The paper was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41398-025-03768-8"><em>Translational Psychiatry</em></a>.</p>
<p>The gut microbiota is the complex community of microorganisms, mainly bacteria, that live in the human gastrointestinal tract. These microorganisms play a crucial role in digestion, metabolism, immune function, and protection against pathogens.</p>
<p>They also communicate with the central nervous system through a bidirectional communication pathway called the microbiota-gut-brain axis. Signals between the brain and the gut microbiota travel via multiple physiological paths, including the vagus nerve, immune system biochemicals, and microbial metabolites such as short-chain fatty acids.</p>
<p>Research shows that, through the microbiota-gut-brain axis, gut microbiota can influence brain development, stress reactivity, and emotional regulation. Differences in gut microbiota composition have been associated with psychological characteristics such as anxiety, depression, stress sensitivity, and cognitive functioning.</p>
<p>Experimental studies suggest that altering the gut microbiota through diet, probiotics, or antibiotics can lead to changes in mood and behavior. Early-life microbiota development appears particularly important for later psychological outcomes.</p>
<p>Study author Jung-Chi Chang and his colleagues wanted to investigate the associations between gut microbiota composition and autism features. They also wanted to compare microbial profiles between autistic individuals, their non-autistic siblings, and unrelated non-autistic individuals. The study authors hypothesized that gut microbiota diversity would differ between these three groups and that the gut microbiota composition of autistic individuals and their siblings would show unique features compared to non-autistic individuals.</p>
<p>The study included 239 autistic individuals, 102 non-autistic biological siblings of these individuals, and 81 unrelated non-autistic children and young adults from Taiwan. The average age of the autistic participants and their siblings was approximately 12 years, while the average age of the unrelated non-autistic participants was approximately 14. In general, participants’ ages ranged between 4 and 25 years.</p>
<p>Autistic participants were required to have a clinical diagnosis of autism. This diagnosis was confirmed through interviews conducted by the authors (using the Autism Diagnostic Interview-Revised and the Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule). Non-autistic participants were required to have no diagnosis of psychiatric disorders or neurological or systemic medical conditions.</p>
<p>The study authors obtained information about participants’ autism-related behaviors and emotional and behavioral issues from their caregivers (using the Social Responsiveness Scale and the Child Behavior Checklist). Study participants provided fecal samples, allowing the authors to analyze the composition of their gut microbiota. Participants and their parents also reported any gastrointestinal symptoms the participants had experienced in the past 4 weeks.</p>
<p>Results showed that, compared to unrelated non-autistic participants, siblings of autistic individuals had higher alpha diversity, while autistic participants had a different beta diversity in their gut microbiota.</p>
<p>Alpha diversity of gut microbiota refers to the diversity of microbial species within a single individual or sample, reflecting the richness and evenness of the community. Beta diversity of gut microbiota reflects differences in microbial composition between individuals or samples, indicating how distinct their microbial communities are from one another.</p>
<p>Unrelated non-autistic participants had a higher relative abundance of <em>Blautia</em>, <em>Eubacterium hallii group</em>, <em>Anaerostipes</em>, <em>Erysipelotrichaceae UCG 003</em>, <em>Parasutterella</em>, and <em>Ruminococcaceae UCG 013</em> at the genus level compared to autistic participants and their siblings. The family <em>Prevotellaceae</em> and genera <em>Agathobacter</em> microbes were more abundant in siblings of autistic participants compared to both autistic participants and unrelated non-autistic participants. Individuals with more <em>Anaerostipes</em> bacteria tended to have significantly less social impairment and internalizing problems.</p>
<p>“Our study reveals unique microbial compositions in the ASD [autism spectrum disorder] and SIB [siblings] groups and a relationship between behavior patterns and microbial composition. These findings suggest the potential of microbial interventions for autistic individuals that warrant further exploration,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the links between gut microbiota composition and psychological processes and characteristics. However, it should be noted that the cross-sectional design of this study does not allow for causal inferences to be derived from the results.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41398-025-03768-8">Identifying gut microbiota composition disparities in autistic individuals and their unaffected siblings: correlations with clinical characteristics,</a>” was authored by Jung-Chi Chang, Yu-Chieh Chen, Hai-Ti Lin, Yan-Lin Chen, and Susan Shur-Fen Gau.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/peri-orgasmic-phenomena-women-report-diverse-symptoms-ranging-from-laughter-to-foot-pain/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Peri-orgasmic phenomena: Women report diverse symptoms ranging from laughter to foot pain</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 9th 2026, 13:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent survey investigation indicates that many women experience unexpected physical and emotional reactions during sexual climax, ranging from uncontrollable laughter to foot pain. These occurrences, known as peri-orgasmic phenomena, appear to be diverse and often happen inconsistently rather than with every orgasmic experience. The findings were published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/15409996251405048" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Journal of Women’s Health</a>.</em></p>
<p>Medical understanding of the female orgasm typically focuses on standard physiological release and emotional satisfaction. Physiologically, an orgasm is generally defined as a brief episode of physical release that responds to sexual stimulation. Emotionally, it is usually perceived as a subjective peak of reaction to that stimulation. However, anecdotal reports and isolated case studies have historically hinted at a broader range of experiences that fall outside this expected norm.</p>
<p>Existing medical literature on these unusual symptoms is limited and relies heavily on individual patient reports rather than broader data collection. The authors of this new paper sought to categorize these unique physical and emotional symptoms more systematically. They aimed to determine which specific symptoms women experience and how frequently these sensations occur. Additionally, the team wanted to identify the context in which these phenomena are most likely to manifest, such as during partnered sex or solo masturbation.</p>
<p>“My co-author had written a paper on this topic. Before conducting this survey, occurrences of peri-orgasmic symptoms during orgasm were only acknowledged in the medical literature as rare case reports,” said <a href="https://www.drstreicher.com/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Lauren F. Streicher</a>, a professor of obstetrics and gynecology at the Feinberg School of Medicine at Northwestern University.</p>
<p>To gather information, the authors created a short educational video explaining peri-orgasmic phenomena. They posted this content on various social media platforms to recruit individuals who identified with having these experiences. The video defined the phenomena as weird physical or emotional occurrences, such as ear pain or crying, that happen specifically during an orgasm. Viewers who recognized these symptoms in their own lives were invited to participate in an anonymous online survey.</p>
<p>The questionnaire consisted of six items designed to capture demographic data and specific details about orgasmic reactions. A total of 3,800 individuals viewed the recruitment video during the study period. From this audience, 86 women aged 18 and older completed the survey to report their personal experiences. The researchers collected data regarding the types of symptoms, their consistency, and the sexual scenarios in which they appeared.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed that emotional reactions were the most commonly reported type of peri-orgasmic phenomenon. Eighty-eight percent of the respondents indicated they experienced emotional symptoms during climax. Among these emotional responses, crying was the most prevalent, affecting 63 percent of the participants. This finding aligns with existing concepts of postcoital dysphoria, although the prevalence in this specific sample was notable.</p>
<p>Forty-three percent of the women reported feelings of sadness or an urge to cry even during a positive sexual experience. An equal number of women, 43 percent, reported laughing during orgasm. This high rate of laughter contrasts with the scarcity of such reports in previous medical journals. A small minority, comprising 4 percent of the group, reported experiencing hallucinations during the event.</p>
<p>Physical symptoms were also widely represented in the survey results. Sixty-one percent of respondents reported bodily sensations unrelated to standard sexual physiology. The most frequent physical complaint was headache, which was noted by 33 percent of the women. These headaches varied in description, but their association with the moment of climax was clear.</p>
<p>Muscle weakness occurred in 24 percent of the cases reported in the study. This sensation is clinically referred to as cataplexy when it occurs in patients with narcolepsy. However, in this sample, it appeared as an isolated symptom associated with sexual release. Foot pain or tingling was another notable physical symptom, affecting 19 percent of the participants.</p>
<p>Less common physical reactions included facial pain or tingling, which was reported by 6 percent of the group. Sneezing was observed in 4 percent of the respondents. Yawning occurred in 3 percent of the cases. Ear pain or other ear sensations and nosebleeds were each reported by 2 percent of the women.</p>
<p>The data showed that these symptoms often overlap within the same individual. Fifty-two percent of the women experienced more than one type of symptom. Twenty-one percent of the respondents reported having both physical and emotional reactions. Some women reported clusters of symptoms, such as crying and laughing together or headaches accompanied by crying.</p>
<p>Regarding consistency, the study found that these phenomena do not necessarily happen every time a person reaches climax. Sixty-nine percent of the participants stated that they experienced these symptoms only sometimes. In contrast, 17 percent reported that the symptoms occurred consistently with every orgasm. This variability suggests a multifaceted nature to these responses.</p>
<p>The researchers also examined whether the method of sexual stimulation influenced the likelihood of these events. The majority of respondents, 51 percent, experienced these symptoms exclusively during sexual activity with a partner. Only 9 percent reported symptoms specifically during masturbation. The use of a vibrator was associated with these symptoms in 14 percent of the cases.</p>
<p>“The findings from this survey indicate that, although the precise prevalence is still unknown, such phenomena are not as rare as previously believed,” Streicher told PsyPost. “The survey also broadens our understanding of symptom types and prevalence, highlighting both emotional and physical manifestations. Notably, this is the first survey to discover that individuals are more likely to experience these symptoms during partnered sexual activity compared to masturbation. This observation suggests a possible emotional component to the etiology, even though the underlying cause remains unknown.”</p>
<p>The researchers postulate that the presence of a partner may evoke more complex psychological and physiological responses. This might hint at the involvement of an emotional component in triggering these phenomena. A heightened emotional state during sexual activity with a partner may potentially activate different neurophysiological pathways. Solo sexual activity might not trigger these same pathways to the same extent.</p>
<p>The study discusses potential biological mechanisms for some of these physical symptoms. Regarding headaches, the authors note that the hypothalamus is intensely stimulated during orgasm. This brain region is also involved in certain types of cluster headaches. It is possible that the modulation of circuits around the hypothalamus during climax plays a role in generating or relieving head pain.</p>
<p>The reports of foot pain are analyzed through the lens of neuroanatomy. The researchers reference theories suggesting that the somatosensory-evoked potentials of the foot and female genitalia are in close proximity in the brain. It is hypothesized that this closeness could lead to “cross-wiring” or referred sensations. Previous case studies have documented women feeling orgasmic sensations in their feet, which supports this neurological theory.</p>
<p>The high prevalence of laughing reported in this sample stands out against the backdrop of existing medical literature. Previous scientific publications have rarely documented laughter as a direct response to orgasm. This survey provides evidence that laughing may be a more common peri-orgasmic phenomenon than clinical case reports have previously suggested. The authors note that the etiologies behind this laughter, as well as the feelings of sadness, remain medically unknown.</p>
<p>But as with all research, there are limitations. The sample size was relatively small, with only 86 women responding out of thousands of viewers. This low response rate makes it difficult to estimate the actual prevalence of these phenomena in the general population. The recruitment method via social media may have introduced selection bias.</p>
<p>The respondents were predominantly older, with a significant portion over the age of 45. This age skew reflects the specific demographic that follows the primary author on social media platforms. The results may not fully represent the experiences of younger women. Additionally, the data relies entirely on self-reporting, which depends on the participants’ memory and interpretation of their symptoms.</p>
<p>Future investigations would benefit from larger and more diverse sample groups to validate these preliminary numbers. Researchers suggest that understanding the underlying physiological mechanisms requires more rigorous clinical study. Detailed physiological monitoring during sexual activity could provide objective data to support these self-reports. Further research could also explore why these symptoms appear more frequently with partners than during solo acts.</p>
<p>The researchers emphasize that recognizing these symptoms is a step toward normalizing the experience for women. “If they experience one of these phenomena, it should not be interpreted as an indication of underlying psychological or physical pathology,” Streicher said.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/15409996251405048" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Emotional and Physical Symptoms in Women with Peri-Orgasmic Phenomena</a>,” was authored by Lauren F. Streicher and James A. Simon.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/evolutionary-motives-of-fear-and-coercion-shape-political-views-on-wealth-redistribution/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Evolutionary motives of fear and coercion shape political views on wealth redistribution</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 9th 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>Recent psychological research suggests that political views on wealth redistribution are driven by deep-seated evolutionary motives rather than just economic logic. New evidence indicates that the fear of conflict and a desire for equal outcomes are powerful predictors of support for government transfer payments. These findings imply that social policies are often supported as a way to appease potential aggressors or to enforce group conformity.</p>
<p><strong>The Role of Egalitarianism and Coercion</strong></p>
<p>Researchers Chien-An Lin and Timothy C. Bates of the University of Edinburgh sought to expand the understanding of why individuals support economic redistribution. Their work builds upon the “three-person two-situation” model. This evolutionary framework previously identified three primary motives: self-interest, compassion for the needy, and malicious envy toward the wealthy.</p>
<p>In a study published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2024.112684" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Personality and Individual Differences</a></em> in 2024, they aimed to determine if a specific preference for equal outcomes could explain support for redistribution better than existing models. They also investigated whether the willingness to use force to achieve these outcomes played a role.</p>
<p>Lin and Bates conducted two separate investigations to test their hypotheses. In Study 1, they recruited 403 participants from the United Kingdom using the Prolific Academic platform. The sample was representative of the UK population regarding ethnicity and gender.</p>
<p>The researchers measured attitudes using several established psychological scales. They assessed support for economic redistribution and the three traditional motives of self-interest, compassion, and envy. They also introduced measures for “Egalitarian Fairness” and “Instrumental Harm.”</p>
<p>Egalitarian Fairness was defined as a motive to divide resources so that no individual wishes to switch their share with another. Instrumental Harm assessed the belief that the ends justify the means, even if it requires harming innocent people. Additionally, the researchers developed a new scale to measure “Support for Coercive Redistribution.”</p>
<p>This new scale included items assessing willingness to punish those who question redistribution. It also asked about using force to reveal hidden wealth. The results of Study 1 provided evidence that Egalitarian Fairness predicts support for redistribution independently of other motives.</p>
<p>The data indicated that this fairness motive accounts for unique variance in political views. It operates alongside self-interest, compassion, and envy.</p>
<p>The study also revealed a connection between Instrumental Harm and the willingness to use coercion. Individuals who scored high on Instrumental Harm were more likely to support forcible redistribution. Malicious envy also predicted this support for coercion. The researchers found that compassion did not reduce the support for coercive measures.</p>
<p>To validate these findings, Lin and Bates conducted Study 2 with a fresh sample of 402 UK participants. This replication aimed to confirm the initial results and test for discriminant validity against other forms of fairness. They measured “Procedural Fairness” and “Distributional Fairness” to see if they yielded different results.</p>
<p>The second study confirmed the findings of the first. Egalitarian Fairness reliably increased support for redistribution. The motive for coercion was again predicted by Instrumental Harm, envy, and self-interest.</p>
<p>The study showed that Procedural Fairness had no significant link to redistribution support. This suggests that the desire for redistribution is specifically about outcomes rather than the rules of the game. The final motivational model accounted for over 40% of the variance in support for redistribution.</p>
<p><strong>Fear of Violent Dispossession</strong></p>
<p>Following this line of inquiry, Bates and Daniel Sznycer of Oklahoma State University investigated a different evolutionary driver: fear. They proposed that support for redistribution might stem from a “Bismarckian” strategy of appeasement. This theory suggests people give up resources to avoid the greater cost of being attacked or robbed.</p>
<p>Otto von Bismarck is a 19th-century German Chancellor credited with establishing the first modern welfare state. Bismarck was a conservative leader who implemented social protections such as health insurance and pensions, yet his primary motivation was not compassion. He intended these reforms to undermine the appeal of radical socialist movements.</p>
<p>Their paper, titled “Bismarckian welfare revisited,” was published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2025.106754" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Evolution and Human Behavior</a></em>. The researchers argued that the human mind evolved to navigate asymmetric conflicts. In this view, appeasement is a biological adaptation to avoid injury when facing a desperate or formidable opponent.</p>
<p>They hypothesized that a “Fear of Violent Dispossession” would predict support for progressive taxation. This fear arises when individuals perceive that others value their resources more highly than they do. It leads to a strategy of ceding resources to preempt violence.</p>
<p>Sznycer and Bates conducted three studies to test this hypothesis. Study 1 involved 303 participants from the UK. They developed a “Fear of Violent Dispossession” scale with items such as “I worry that economic hardship could lead to violence directed at people like me.”</p>
<p>The results showed a strong positive association between this specific fear and support for redistribution. The effect remained significant even when controlling for compassion, envy, and self-interest. This suggests that fear acts as a distinct pathway to political support for welfare.</p>
<p>Study 2 sought to replicate these findings in a different cultural context. The researchers recruited a nationally representative sample of 804 participants from the United States. This study included controls for political orientation and party support.</p>
<p>The data from the US sample mirrored the UK findings. Fear of Violent Dispossession was a strong predictor of support for redistribution. This association held true regardless of whether the participant identified as liberal or conservative.</p>
<p>Study 3 was a pre-registered replication using another representative US sample of 804 participants. This study included a measure of “Coercive Egalitarianism” to see if the fear motive remained robust. The results confirmed the previous patterns.</p>
<p>The analysis indicated that fear of dispossession predicts redistribution support over and above coercive egalitarianism. It also outperformed the motive of proportionality. The researchers concluded that appeasement is a key psychological mechanism underlying modern welfare views.</p>
<p><strong>Fear and Broader Progressive Policies</strong></p>
<p>In a related single-author paper published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2025.113592" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Personality and Individual Differences</a></em>, Bates extended this framework. He investigated whether this fear of dispossession explains support for broader progressive policies beyond taxation. These policies included affirmative action, diversity quotas, and support for social justice movements.</p>
<p>Bates theorized that “progressive policy” acts as a broad mechanism for transferring power and control. He hypothesized that the same fear driving economic redistribution would drive support for these social regulations. He also looked at the motive of self-interest in relation to these policies.</p>
<p>Study 1 in this paper involved 502 US participants. The sample was representative regarding age, sex, and political party. Bates developed a “Support for Progressive Policy” scale covering issues like DEI training, decolonization, and boardroom diversity.</p>
<p>The results demonstrated that these diverse policy preferences form a single, coherent psychological construct. As predicted, Fear of Violent Dispossession predicted support for these progressive policies. Individuals who feared losing what they have were more likely to support regulations that transfer influence to others.</p>
<p>The study also found a strong link between self-interest and progressive policy support. Participants who expected their own economic situation to improve under these policies were much more likely to support them. This suggests a dual motivation of fear and personal gain.</p>
<p>Bates also tested a hypothesis regarding appeasement of powerful groups. He asked participants about their willingness to yield to strong adversaries, such as foreign powers or cartels. The data showed that Fear of Violent Dispossession predicted a general tendency to appease strong groups.</p>
<p>Study 2 was a pre-registered replication with 500 US participants. It aimed to confirm the findings while controlling for socioeconomic status. The results were consistent with the first study.</p>
<p>Fear of Violent Dispossession remained a robust predictor of support for progressive policy. The study found that this fear motivates individuals to cede resources to both the needy and the powerful. It challenges the idea that progressive views are solely driven by compassion or moral ideals.</p>
<p><strong>Limitations and Future Directions</strong></p>
<p>These three papers provide a new perspective on political psychology, but they have limitations. The data in all studies were correlational. This means researchers cannot definitively claim that fear causes the policy support, only that they are linked.</p>
<p>The measures relied on self-reports. Participants might answer in ways they believe are socially acceptable. Future research should use experimental designs to induce fear or compassion to see if policy views change in real-time.</p>
<p>Another limitation is the reliance on Western samples from the UK and US. It is unknown if these motives operate identically in non-Western cultures. Cultural norms regarding fear and sharing might influence these biological drives.</p>
<p>Future studies could investigate how these motives interact with dark personality traits. Research could look at whether individuals high in Machiavellianism exploit this fear in others to advance their own interests. Additionally, further work is needed to distinguish this specific fear of dispossession from general anxiety.</p>
<p>The findings suggest that political debates are shaped by ancient mechanisms of survival. Recognizing the roles of fear, envy, and coercion may help explain why political polarization is so persistent. It appears that economic and social policies are often viewed through the lens of potential conflict.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2024.112684" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Support for redistribution is shaped by motives of egalitarian division and coercive redistribution</a>,” was authored by Chien-An Lin and Timothy C. Bates.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2025.113592" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Fear of violent dispossession motivates support for progressive policy</a>,” was authored by Timothy C. Bates.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2025.106754" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bismarckian welfare revisited: Fear of being violently dispossessed motivates support for redistribution</a>,” was authored by Daniel Sznycer and Timothy C. Bates.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/scientists-ultra-processed-foods-are-engineered-to-hijack-your-brain-and-should-be-treated-like-big-tobacco/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Scientists: Ultra-processed foods are engineered to hijack your brain and should be treated like Big Tobacco</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 9th 2026, 11:00</div>
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<p><p>A new comprehensive analysis suggests that ultra-processed foods should no longer be viewed simply as food. Instead, a team of researchers argues these products function more like industrially produced addictive substances. The review, published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-0009.70066" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Milbank Quarterly</a></em>, draws parallels between the modern food industry and the tobacco industry of the 20th century. The authors propose that manufacturers use sophisticated engineering to create compulsive consumption patterns.</p>
<p>This perspective challenges the traditional view that overeating is solely a failure of individual willpower. It implies that the products themselves are designed to override the body’s natural signals. The analysis synthesizes evidence from addiction science, nutrition, and public health history. It outlines how ultra-processed foods hijack the brain’s reward systems in ways that mirror the effects of nicotine.</p>
<p>The authors of the review focus on the transformation of raw ingredients into highly potent delivery systems. Tobacco leaves in their natural state are not inherently addictive enough to cause a public health crisis. It was the industrial engineering of the cigarette that turned nicotine into a global epidemic. Similarly, ingredients like corn, wheat, and beets are not addictive in their natural forms.</p>
<p>The paper contends that the processing of these foods creates a new class of substances. These products are optimized for speed, dose, and sensory appeal. The researchers identified five key metrics where the food industry appears to replicate the strategies of Big Tobacco. These include dose optimization, speed of delivery, hedonic engineering, environmental ubiquity, and deceptive reformulation.</p>
<p>Dose optimization refers to the precise calibration of rewarding ingredients. Tobacco companies spent decades breeding plants and blending leaves to achieve a nicotine level that was stimulating but not aversive. Modern cigarettes typically contain a standardized nicotine content that maximizes reinforcement. The food industry employs a similar strategy with salt, sugar, and fat.</p>
<p>Natural foods rarely contain high levels of both carbohydrates and fats. A fruit is high in sugar but low in fat, while a nut is high in fat but low in sugar. Ultra-processed foods often combine these macronutrients in specific ratios that do not exist in nature. This combination creates a supra-additive effect on the brain’s reward system. The result is a dopamine response that significantly exceeds what natural foods can elicit.</p>
<p>The second strategy involves the speed of delivery. The addictive potential of a substance is often linked to how quickly it reaches the brain. Tobacco companies used chemicals like ammonia to freebase nicotine, which allowed it to reach the brain within seconds of inhalation. This rapid onset strengthens the association between the behavior and the reward.</p>
<p>Food manufacturers achieve a similar effect by stripping the food matrix. They remove fiber, water, and protein, which normally slow down digestion. The resulting products are soft, easily chewed, and rapidly absorbed. This causes quick spikes in blood sugar and dopamine. The review suggests that these foods are essentially “predigested” to maximize their psychoactive velocity.</p>
<p>Hedonic engineering is the third area of focus. This involves the manipulation of sensory inputs to keep consumers wanting more. Cigarettes were engineered with menthol and other additives to reduce harshness and make the smoke easier to inhale. This allowed for deeper consumption and greater nicotine intake.</p>
<p>In the food supply, this takes the form of “bliss points” and specific flavor profiles. Manufacturers use additives to create flavor bursts that fade quickly. This phenomenon, known as a short hang time, prevents the flavor from lingering. A lingering flavor might signal satiety to the brain. By ensuring the flavor disappears rapidly, the product encourages the consumer to take another bite immediately.</p>
<p>The authors also highlight the concept of environmental ubiquity. In the mid-20th century, cigarettes were available in vending machines, hospitals, and checkout lines. This constant availability normalized smoking and triggered cravings through frequent visual cues. A similar landscape now exists for ultra-processed foods. They are sold in gas stations, pharmacies, and schools.</p>
<p>The widespread availability of these products erodes the traditional boundaries of meal times. It creates a culture of constant, frictionless consumption. The review notes that this ubiquity shifts the burden of resistance entirely onto the individual. It becomes difficult to maintain moderate consumption when environmental cues constantly encourage intake.</p>
<p>The final parallel involves deceptive reformulation, often called “health washing.” As public awareness of smoking harms grew, tobacco companies introduced “light” and “low-tar” cigarettes. These products were marketed as safer alternatives. However, they did not reduce the risk of disease or addiction. They largely served to keep health-conscious consumers in the market.</p>
<p>The food industry utilizes similar tactics with labels like “low-fat,” “reduced sugar,” or “vitamin-fortified.” These reformulations often maintain the addictive structure of the product while creating a halo of health. The addition of synthetic vitamins or fiber to a sugary snack does not negate the metabolic impact of the refined ingredients. These tactics may delay effective regulation by giving the appearance of corporate responsibility.</p>
<p>“Some ultra-processed foods have crossed a line,” said author Ashley Gearhardt, PhD, Clinical Science Area Chair and Professor of Psychology at the University of Michigan. “Products like soda, sweets, and fast food are engineered less like food and more like cigarettes—optimized for craving, rapid intake, and repeated use. That level of harm demands regulatory action aimed at industry design and marketing, not individual willpower.”</p>
<p>The implications of this engineered addiction extend well beyond obesity and metabolic disease. A growing body of independent research now links ultra-processed foods to significant mental and neurological harms. These findings support the Milbank review’s contention that these products biologically manipulate the consumer.</p>
<p>One study published in <em>npj Metabolic Health and Disease</em> suggests that these foods <a href="https://www.psypost.org/neuroscience-ultra-processed-foods-linked-to-changes-in-brain-regions-that-control-eating-behavior-study-finds/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">may physically alter brain structure</a>. Researchers utilized data from the UK Biobank to analyze brain scans of over 30,000 people. They found that higher consumption of ultra-processed foods was associated with increased cellular density in the hypothalamus. This brain region is central to the regulation of appetite and metabolism.</p>
<p>The same study observed reduced integrity in the brain’s reward centers, including the nucleus accumbens. These changes were partly mediated by inflammation and body fat. However, some structural differences persisted even after accounting for these factors. This suggests that the additives or nutrient profiles of these foods may have a direct impact on neural tissue.</p>
<p>Further evidence of neurological impact comes from a study in <em>Neurology</em>. This research followed over 30,000 adults to assess the risk of stroke and cognitive impairment. The analysis found that a 10 percent increase in ultra-processed food intake correlated with a 16 percent <a href="https://www.psypost.org/ultra-processed-foods-linked-to-higher-risk-of-stroke-and-cognitive-decline/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">higher risk of cognitive impairment</a>. It also was linked to an 8 percent higher risk of stroke.</p>
<p>This association held true regardless of whether the participants followed healthy dietary patterns like the Mediterranean or DASH diets. This indicates that the processing level of the food matters as much as the nutrient content. The presence of healthy foods in the diet did not fully negate the risks posed by processed items.</p>
<p>The potential for long-term neurodegeneration was highlighted in another study published in <em>Neurology</em>. Researchers examined the link between diet and the <a href="https://www.psypost.org/people-who-eat-more-ultra-processed-foods-show-more-early-signs-of-parkinsons-study-finds/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">early signs of Parkinson’s disease</a>. They found that individuals with the highest intake of ultra-processed foods were significantly more likely to experience prodromal symptoms. These included sleep behavior disorders, constipation, and depression.</p>
<p>The researchers observed these symptoms years before a potential diagnosis. The study suggests that the inflammatory properties of these foods might damage dopamine-producing neurons. This provides a potential biological mechanism linking diet to neurodegenerative disease. The findings were consistent even after adjusting for overall diet quality and lifestyle factors.</p>
<p>Mental health outcomes also appear to be closely tied to the consumption of these engineered foods. A study published in <em>Clinical Nutrition</em> analyzed data from the NutriNet Brasil cohort. It found that individuals with the highest consumption of ultra-processed foods had <a href="https://www.psypost.org/ultraprocessed-foods-linked-to-higher-risk-of-depressive-symptoms-study-finds/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">a 42 percent greater risk of developing depressive symptoms</a>.</p>
<p>This relationship was dose-dependent. As the proportion of processed food in the diet increased, so did the risk of depression. The authors of this study suggest that the lack of essential nutrients and the presence of artificial additives may disrupt the gut-brain axis. This disruption can influence mood regulation and susceptibility to mental health disorders.</p>
<p>Similar results were found in an analysis of the Melbourne Collaborative Cohort Study, published in the <em>Journal of Affective Disorders</em>. This research looked at long-term outcomes. It found that high consumption of ultra-processed foods was linked to <a href="https://www.psypost.org/people-who-consume-more-ultra-processed-foods-are-more-likely-to-experience-psychological-distress-later-in-life/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">elevated psychological distress</a> more than a decade later. This suggests that the mental health impacts of a poor diet may be cumulative and long-lasting.</p>
<p>A broader global perspective was provided by a study in <em>Frontiers in Nutrition</em>. This analysis included over 400,000 adults from 60 countries. It found a <a href="https://www.psypost.org/scientists-link-popular-convenience-foods-to-a-measurable-loss-of-cognitive-control/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">consistent decline in mental wellbeing</a> as the frequency of ultra-processed food consumption increased. Frequent consumers reported more issues with emotional regulation and cognitive control.</p>
<p>The study estimated that a significant percentage of clinical mental distress could be attributed to dietary habits. The findings were particularly pronounced in younger populations. This demographic consumes these products at higher rates. The researchers noted that exercise did not fully buffer the negative mental effects of a high-processed diet.</p>
<p>Finally, a study in <em>Preventive Medicine</em> focused on cognitive health in women. It found that high intake of ultra-processed foods during midlife was linked to <a href="https://www.psypost.org/midlife-diets-high-in-ultra-processed-foods-linked-to-cognitive-complaints-in-later-life/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">subjective cognitive complaints later in life</a>. Women who ate the most processed foods were about 20 percent more likely to report memory and thinking difficulties. This association remained even after excluding those diagnosed with dementia.</p>
<p>The collective weight of this evidence supports the Milbank paper’s call for a shift in policy. The authors argue that if ultra-processed foods are indeed addictive and harmful, they should be regulated similarly to tobacco. They propose that the current focus on individual responsibility is insufficient to address the scale of the problem.</p>
<p>Proposed interventions include restricting marketing, especially to children. The tobacco industry was eventually banned from using cartoon characters and colorful mascots. The authors suggest similar restrictions could reduce the appeal of processed foods to youth. They also advocate for excise taxes to increase the cost of these products.</p>
<p>The review also points to the importance of litigation. Lawsuits against tobacco companies forced the release of internal documents. These documents revealed the industry’s knowledge of the addictive nature of their products. Similar legal actions against food companies could shed light on the intentional design of ultra-processed foods.</p>
<p>The researchers emphasize that these foods are not essential for survival in their current form. Minimally processed foods have sustained human health for millennia. The transition to an industrial food supply has coincided with rising rates of chronic disease. The authors conclude that public health efforts must hold the industry accountable for the design of their products.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-0009.70066" target="_blank" rel="noopener">From Tobacco to Ultraprocessed Food: How Industry Engineering Fuels the Epidemic of Preventable Disease</a>,” was authored by Ashley N. Gearhardt, Kelly D. Brownell, and Allan M. Brandt.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/caring-for-grandchildren-is-linked-to-better-brain-health-in-older-adults/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Caring for grandchildren is linked to better brain health in older adults</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 9th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>Older adults often look for ways to maintain mental sharpness as they age. A new study published in <em><a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2027-15070-001?doi=1" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Psychology and Aging</a></em> suggests that while being a grandparent caregiver is linked to higher cognitive function, the specific amount of time spent on care or the types of activities performed may not be the primary drivers of this benefit, particularly for preventing decline over time.</p>
<p>Keeping the brain active is a priority for many aging individuals. Researchers have often examined lifestyle factors that might protect against memory loss and cognitive slowing. Engaging in hobbies, solving puzzles, and maintaining a strong social network are frequently cited as protective behaviors.</p>
<p>One major source of social engagement for older adults is caring for grandchildren. This role provides social interaction and requires mental effort. However, the exact relationship between looking after grandchildren and brain health has remained somewhat unclear.</p>
<p>Flavia S. Chereches of Tilburg University led a team to investigate this dynamic. The researchers wanted to understand if simply being a caregiver is enough to see benefits. They also wanted to know if the frequency of care matters. Additionally, they sought to determine if specific activities, such as helping with homework or playing games, yield different results.</p>
<p>Previous studies have produced mixed results regarding grandparenting and health. Some research suggests that the role offers a sense of purpose and social connection. These factors can boost well-being and brain function.</p>
<p>Other studies indicate that the responsibility can be stressful or overwhelming. This is sometimes called role strain. The team behind the current study noted that most prior research treated caregiving as a simple yes or no question. Few studies have looked at the specific tasks grandparents perform.</p>
<p>The researchers used data from the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing. This is a long-term project that tracks the health and lifestyles of people aged 50 and older in England. The team analyzed data collected over three waves between 2016 and 2022. They focused on a group of nearly 3,000 grandparents.</p>
<p>To ensure accurate comparisons, the team used a statistical technique called propensity score matching. This method allowed them to compare caregiving grandparents with non-caregiving grandparents who were otherwise very similar. They matched participants based on age, education, marital status, and physical health. This step was essential to control for the “healthy caregiver” effect. This effect refers to the fact that people who are healthy enough to provide care are likely to have better cognitive function to begin with.</p>
<p>The study measured cognitive function in two ways. First, they assessed verbal fluency. Participants were asked to name as many animals as possible in one minute. This test measures how well a person can retrieve information from their memory. Second, they assessed episodic memory. Participants listened to a list of ten words and had to recall them immediately and again after a delay.</p>
<p>The researchers first compared the caregivers to the matched non-caregivers. They found that grandparents who provided care generally had higher scores on both memory and verbal fluency tests. This association appeared for both grandmothers and grandfathers. However, a difference emerged when looking at changes over time.</p>
<p>Grandmothers who provided care showed a slower rate of cognitive decline compared to non-caregiving women. This protective effect against aging was not statistically significant for grandfathers. While caregiving grandfathers started with higher scores, their cognitive abilities declined at a similar rate to non-caregivers.</p>
<p>The researchers then looked exclusively at the group of grandparents who provided care. They wanted to see if doing more care work led to better outcomes. They analyzed the number of days per year spent looking after grandchildren. Surprisingly, the frequency of care did not predict cognitive health. Grandparents who provided care almost every day did not have better cognitive scores than those who helped less often.</p>
<p>The team also examined specific activities. They asked participants about seven different types of engagement. These included watching grandchildren overnight, caring for them when ill, and playing or doing leisure activities. Other categories included preparing meals, helping with homework, picking them up from school, or simply being present.</p>
<p>The analysis showed that grandparents with higher cognitive scores tended to engage in certain activities more often. Specifically, those with better memory and verbal fluency were more likely to help with homework and participate in leisure activities. Grandparents with higher verbal fluency also tended to prepare meals and provide transportation more frequently.</p>
<p>The variety of activities also showed a link to cognition. Grandparents who performed a wider mix of tasks had higher cognitive scores. This aligns with the idea that engaging in diverse activities can exercise different parts of the brain. It is similar to the concept of cross-training for physical fitness.</p>
<p>However, neither the specific activities nor the variety of tasks predicted how cognition changed over time. Engaging in a wide range of activities was associated with having a better memory at the start. It did not, however, slow down the rate of memory loss over the six-year period.</p>
<p>The study revealed consistent gender differences in caregiving behaviors. Grandmothers reported performing all seven measured activities more frequently than grandfathers. This supports previous sociological findings that women often take on a more active or managerial role in childcare. Grandfathers may often provide care alongside their partners rather than independently. This difference in the nature of the role might explain why the long-term protective benefits were observed only in women.</p>
<p>“Many grandparents provide regular care for their grandchildren—care that supports families and society more broadly,” said lead researcher Flavia Chereches. “An open question, however, is whether caregiving for grandchildren may also benefit grandparents themselves. In this research, we wanted to see if providing grandchild care might benefit grandparents’ health, potentially slowing down cognitive decline.”</p>
<p>There are important caveats to consider when interpreting these results. The study found associations but cannot prove causation. It is possible that reverse causality is at play. This means that grandparents with better cognitive function are simply more capable of helping with homework or managing a complex schedule of activities.</p>
<p>The researchers also noted that they did not measure the perceived burden of care. They do not know if the grandparents provided care voluntarily or out of obligation. Care that feels like a choice may have different health effects than care that feels like a heavy duty. Additionally, the study period overlapped with the COVID-19 pandemic. This global event disrupted family interactions and may have influenced the results.</p>
<p>The findings challenge the assumption that more is always better. The frequency of care was not the deciding factor for brain health. This suggests that the benefits of grandparenting might stem from the role itself rather than the hours logged. It could be related to the emotional satisfaction of being a grandparent. It could also be related to the identity of being a helpful family member.</p>
<p>“What stood out most to us was that being a caregiving grandparent seemed to matter more for cognitive functioning than how often grandparents provided care or what exactly they did with their grandchildren,” Chereches noted. “More research is needed to replicate these findings, yet, if there are benefits associated with caregiving for grandparents, they might not depend on how often care is provided, or on the specific activities done with grandchildren, but rather on the broader experience of being involved with caregiving.”</p>
<p>Future research should investigate the quality of the relationship between grandparents and grandchildren. Understanding the family context is necessary. Researchers should ask participants how demanding or enjoyable they find the caregiving tasks. It would also be beneficial to look at these dynamics over a longer period.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/pag0000958" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Grandparents’ Cognition and Caregiving for Grandchildren: Frequency, Type, and Variety of Activities</a>,” was authored by Flavia S. Chereches, Gabriel Olaru, Nicola Ballhausen, and Yvonne Brehmer.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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