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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/womens-libido-drops-significantly-during-a-specific-phase-of-the-menstrual-cycle/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Women’s libido drops significantly during a specific phase of the menstrual cycle</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 29th 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>New research suggests that women experience a distinct decrease in sexual motivation during a specific phase of the menstrual cycle known as the implantation window. This reduction in desire may serve an evolutionary function by lowering the risk of infection during a time when the body’s immune system is naturally suppressed. The study was published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2025.106761" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Evolution and Human Behavior</a></em>.</p>
<p>Scientists initiated this investigation to explore potential functional reasons for fluctuations in sexual desire across the menstrual cycle. Biology dictates that for a pregnancy to be established, a fertilized egg must successfully attach to the lining of the uterus.</p>
<p>This process requires the mother’s immune system to lower its defenses locally within the reproductive tract. This immunosuppression prevents the body from attacking the embryo as if it were a foreign invader.</p>
<p>This necessary biological adjustment creates a period of increased vulnerability. The suppression of immune cells makes the reproductive tract more susceptible to sexually transmitted infections.</p>
<p>Pathogens can enter the uterus more easily during this time. The physiological mechanisms that help sperm reach the egg, such as uterine contractions, can inadvertently transport bacteria or viruses into the upper reproductive tract.</p>
<p>The authors hypothesized that evolution might have shaped human psychology to mitigate this risk. If sexual activity poses a greater cost to health during this specific window, natural selection may have favored mechanisms that reduce the drive for sex.</p>
<p>A temporary dip in libido would theoretically limit exposure to pathogens when the body is least equipped to fight them. This theory builds on the concept of motivational priorities. It suggests that the brain balances the reproductive benefits of sex against potential survival costs.</p>
<p>“The conjunction of two patterns motivated the hypotheses tested in the paper. First, evidence that immune responses may vary across the menstrual cycle was intriguing and led me to read more about the specific effects that have been documented,” explained study author <a href="https://sites.google.com/site/behavioralendocrinologylab/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">James R. Roney</a>, a professor and acting chair of the Department of Psychological and Brain Sciences at the University of California, Santa Barbara.</p>
<p>“Suppression of immune responses in the endometrium during the implantation window could increase susceptibility to sexually transmitted infections at that time, and other evidence did in fact support such increased susceptibility.”</p>
<p>“Second, I had previously noticed visual patterns in my own data and those depicted in the figures of other studies in which measures of women’s sexual motivation appeared to be especially low during the mid-luteal cycle phase region that encompasses the human implantation window.”</p>
<p>“Putting the two patterns together suggested that reduced sexual motivation might be a response that evolved to mitigate infection risk at that time. That led us to formally statistically test whether measures of sexual motivation were lower during the implantation window than at other times in the cycle using data from three large, daily diary studies that had been completed in my lab.”</p>
<p>The combined dataset included over 2,500 daily observations from undergraduate women. The researchers restricted their analysis to participants who were not using hormonal contraceptives. They also excluded cycles where pregnancy occurred or where cycle regularity was compromised.</p>
<p>Participants in all three studies completed online surveys every morning. They reported on their experiences and behaviors from the previous day. The primary measure of interest was a self-reported rating of sexual desire. Participants rated how much they desired sexual contact on a scale ranging from one to seven. A second key measure asked participants simply whether they had masturbated that day.</p>
<p>The researchers needed to map these behavioral reports onto the participants’ menstrual cycles with high precision. In two of the studies, participants used daily urine tests to detect surges in luteinizing hormone. In the other study, participants provided saliva samples to measure hormone levels. These biological markers allowed the team to pinpoint the day of ovulation for each cycle.</p>
<p>The implantation window was defined as the period from five to nine days after ovulation. This timeframe corresponds to the mid-luteal phase when progesterone levels are typically at their peak. It is the specific window when the uterine lining is receptive to an embryo.</p>
<p>The researchers used multi-level regression models to analyze the relationship between this window and sexual motivation. This statistical method accounts for the fact that each participant provided multiple days of data.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed consistent patterns across the three independent samples. Women reported significantly lower levels of sexual desire during the implantation window compared to other phases of their cycle.</p>
<p>This decline was statistically significant even when the researchers compared the implantation window to other non-fertile days. This suggests the drop is a distinct phenomenon rather than just a return to baseline following ovulation.</p>
<p>The researchers also examined frequencies of masturbation. The results showed that the odds of a woman masturbating were approximately one-third lower during the implantation window compared to the rest of the cycle. This indicates that the reduction in sexual motivation manifests in behavioral changes as well as psychological feelings.</p>
<p>“Because many variables (aside from hormonal influences) may influence sexual desire, it is difficult to say how much the effects that we detected would be noticed as practically significant in daily life,” Roney told PsyPost. “We do know that, on average, women did consciously report less desire at this time, and so our arguments provide a possible explanation for why women may notice lower desire specifically in the second half of the menstrual cycle during the implantation window.”</p>
<p>Further analysis compared the implantation window specifically to the fertile window. As seen in previous research, sexual desire peaked near ovulation when conception is possible. The drop in desire during the implantation window was distinct from this peak. The data indicates a specific suppression of motivation during the mid-luteal phase.</p>
<p>The researchers also investigated desire directed toward romantic partners. Among the subset of women in relationships, desire for their specific partner tended to decline during the implantation window. Interest in new or extra-pair partners also showed a decrease. These findings align with the theory that the body downregulates sexual interest generally to avoid pathogen exposure.</p>
<p>The researcher addressed whether the drop in desire was simply due to menstruation. Sexual activity often decreases during menstrual bleeding. However, the analysis showed that the drop in desire during the implantation window was significant even when compared only to days without menstrual bleeding. The effect was specific to the timeframe of endometrial receptivity.</p>
<p>These findings support the idea that the menstrual cycle involves a trade-off between reproductive opportunity and immune protection.</p>
<p>“Fairly strong evidence had supported the idea that, on average, women’s sexual desire may be relatively higher near ovulation on days when it is possible to conceive,” Roney explained. “Our findings suggest that, conversely, there may be a region of the menstrual cycle in which women’s desire tends to be especially suppressed.</p>
<p>“This region corresponds to the time when an embryo would attach to the uterine lining if conception had occurred. Immune responses are reduced during that implantation window to avoid attacking the embryo, but that immunosuppression may increase risk of contracting sexually transmitted infections at that time. Thus, the reduced sexual desire at this time may have evolved to reduce the risk of contracting pathogenic infections through sex.”</p>
<p>The study, like all research, does have some limitations. The sample consisted entirely of university students. These participants were young and mostly not cohabiting with long-term partners. Sexual patterns might differ in older populations or among couples trying to conceive. “It would be ideal to test replication of these patterns in other samples of women,” Roney said.</p>
<p>Future research could attempt to link these behavioral shifts to physiological signals. Measuring specific immune proteins or hormones associated with the implantation process could strengthen the evidence.</p>
<p>“We would like to rigorously investigate the physiological signals that may cause the reduced sexual motivation that we observed during the implantation window,” Roney said.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2025.106761" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Decreased sexual motivation during the human implantation window</a>,” was authored by James R. Roney, Zachary L. Simmons, Mei Mei, Rachel L. Grillot, and Melissa Emery Thompson.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/narcissism-shows-surprisingly-consistent-patterns-across-53-countries-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Narcissism shows surprisingly consistent patterns across 53 countries, study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 29th 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>New research conducted across more than 50 nations indicates that the demographic factors associated with narcissism are remarkably consistent around the globe. The findings suggest that younger adults, men, and individuals who perceive themselves as having high social status tend to display higher levels of narcissistic traits, regardless of their cultural background. The research was published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/15298868.2025.2593298" target="_blank">Self and Identity</a></em>.</p>
<p>Psychology has historically faced a significant limitation regarding the diversity of its study participants. The vast majority of existing knowledge about personality traits comes from research conducted in Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic societies. </p>
<p>This geographic bias makes it difficult to determine whether psychological patterns are universal features of human nature or specific cultural byproducts. Scientists have debated whether the tendency for certain demographic groups to display higher narcissism is a global phenomenon or one unique to specific societies.</p>
<p>“Most of what we know about narcissism comes from studies conducted in the United States or a small handful of Western countries,” said study author <a href="https://chopiklab.com/" target="_blank">William J. Chopik</a>, an associate professor of psychology at Michigan State University.</p>
<p>“That makes it hard to know whether well-known patterns—like younger people, men, or higher-status individuals scoring higher in narcissism—are culturally specific or more universal. We wanted to address that gap by examining narcissism across 53 countries and asking not only whether levels differ across cultures, but whether the same demographic patterns hold up around the world.”</p>
<p>The researchers utilized a multidimensional framework for understanding narcissism rather than treating it as a single trait. They employed the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Concept. This model distinguishes between two specific strategies individuals use to maintain a grandiose self-view.</p>
<p>The first strategy is narcissistic admiration. This aspect involves agentic self-promotion, striving for uniqueness, and seeking social praise. It is often associated with social potency and initial popularity. The second strategy is narcissistic rivalry. This aspect is more antagonistic and involves self-defense, devaluation of others, and striving for supremacy.</p>
<p>The researchers analyzed data from a massive international sample collected as part of the International Collaboration on Social and Moral Psychology. The final dataset included 45,800 participants from 53 different countries. The sample size per country ranged from 148 in Ecuador to 2,133 in Australia.</p>
<p>Participants completed the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Questionnaire. This measure asked respondents to rate their agreement with statements designed to assess both the agentic and antagonistic aspects of narcissism. Examples include statements about enjoying being the center of attention or wanting rivals to fail.</p>
<p>To measure perceived social status, the study utilized the MacArthur Scale of Subjective Social Status. Participants were presented with an image of a ladder representing the social hierarchy of their society. They were asked to place themselves on the rung that best represented their standing in terms of money, education, and employment.</p>
<p>The researchers also incorporated country-level data to assess cultural context. They used Gross Domestic Product per capita to measure national economic prosperity. To measure cultural values, they utilized the Global Collectivism Index. This index assesses the degree to which a society prioritizes group cohesion and interdependence over individual autonomy.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed that demographic differences in narcissism were largely consistent across the 53 countries. Younger adults reported higher levels of both narcissistic admiration and rivalry compared to older adults. This finding aligns with developmental theories suggesting that narcissistic traits may help young adults establish autonomy and acquire resources.</p>
<p>As individuals age, they typically shift their focus toward prosocial goals and emotional stability. This maturation process appears to coincide with a reduction in narcissistic tendencies globally. The study provides evidence that this age-related decline is not specific to any single culture.</p>
<p>Gender differences also followed a consistent pattern worldwide. Men reported higher levels of narcissism than women across the majority of the nations surveyed. This gender gap was observed for both the admiration and rivalry dimensions of the trait.</p>
<p>Social role theories suggest that these differences may stem from societal expectations. Men are often socialized to be assertive and dominant, traits that overlap with narcissism. Women are frequently encouraged to be communal and nurturing, behaviors that conflict with self-absorption.</p>
<p>The researchers also found a robust link between perceived social status and narcissism. Individuals who placed themselves higher on the social ladder tended to report higher levels of narcissism. This association was observed consistently across the different cultural contexts.</p>
<p>People with high levels of narcissism often feel entitled to special privileges and view themselves as superior. This self-view likely drives them to seek out high-status positions. Conversely, achieving a high perceived status may reinforce narcissistic tendencies by validating their feelings of superiority.</p>
<p>While the demographic patterns were consistent, the average levels of narcissism did vary by country. The data indicated that people living in nations with a higher Gross Domestic Product reported higher levels of narcissism. This was particularly true for the dimension of narcissistic admiration.</p>
<p>This finding supports the notion that economic prosperity may create an environment that encourages self-focus. In wealthier societies, there may be more opportunities and cultural permission to engage in self-promotion. However, the relationship between culture and narcissism proved to be more complex than simply linking it to wealth.</p>
<p>“Most of the effects we observed are modest in size, which is typical for large, cross-cultural studies of personality,” Chopik told PsyPost. “That said, even small differences can matter when they show up consistently across tens of thousands of people and dozens of countries.” </p>
<p>“And there are also a lot of within country differences, such that even when looking at one country, people might dramatically differ from one another (and sometimes two people within a country vary more than two people from different countries). The real contribution here isn’t about pinpointing ‘the most narcissistic country,’ but about understanding how stable patterns of personality relate to culture, age, gender, and social standing.”</p>
<p>A notable finding from the study challenges the traditional view that narcissism is strictly a product of individualistic cultures. The researchers found that participants from more collectivistic countries reported higher levels of narcissism.</p>
<p>“One of the more surprising findings was that people from more collectivistic countries sometimes reported higher, not lower, levels of narcissism—particularly on the more agentic, admiration side,” Chopik said. “This challenges the common assumption that narcissism is mainly a product of highly individualistic cultures. It suggests that narcissistic traits may serve different functions in different cultural contexts, such as navigating social hierarchies rather than standing out as unique.”</p>
<p>“There’s an emerging literature about how the individualism/collectivism distinction is not as clean as people think—that collectivistic countries are these Pollyanna-ish utopias where everyone gets along. Rather, there are some examples in which collectivistic cultures are more competitive and could be more attuned to themselves and the hierarchies they find themselves in.”</p>
<p>The researchers examined whether cultural factors changed the strength of the demographic associations. For instance, they tested if the gender gap in narcissism was smaller or larger in collectivistic countries. The analysis showed that culture did not significantly moderate these demographic differences.</p>
<p>This lack of moderation implies that the mechanisms driving demographic differences in narcissism are relatively universal. The developmental processes of aging and the societal shaping of gender roles appear to exert a similar influence on personality regardless of the specific cultural backdrop.</p>
<p>“One key takeaway is that narcissism isn’t just a ‘Western’ phenomenon, nor does it look wildly different across cultures,” Chopik told PsyPost. “Younger people, men, and those who see themselves as higher in social status tend to report higher narcissism almost everywhere we looked. At the same time, average levels of narcissism do vary by country, and those differences appear to be linked to broader cultural and economic contexts. So, culture certainly mattered, but not for everything—some patterns are relatively similar in different cultures.”</p>
<p>As with all research, there are some limitations. The data was cross-sectional, meaning it captured a single point in time. This makes it impossible to determine if the age differences are due to developmental changes or generational differences between cohorts.</p>
<p>Future research utilizing longitudinal designs is necessary to track how narcissism changes within individuals over time. This would help clarify whether people truly become less narcissistic as they age or if older generations were simply less narcissistic to begin with.</p>
<p>The authors also note that this study focused on broad cultural dimensions like collectivism and wealth. Other cultural factors, such as political systems, family structures, or religious beliefs, may also play a role in shaping narcissism. Future investigations could explore these additional variables to build a more complete picture.</p>
<p>Potential misinterpretations of these findings should be avoided. The results do not imply that entire nations can be categorized as “narcissistic.”</p>
<p>“A common misinterpretation is to treat these findings as rankings or judgments about entire countries or cultures,” Chopik noted. “That’s not what the data are meant to do. These are average differences with substantial overlap between countries, and individuals within any culture vary far more than cultures do from one another. So I understand the desire to describe the most and least narcissistic countries, but I actually think that’s a little less interesting, especially given that cultural differences aren’t that big.”</p>
<p>The study provides a comprehensive look at how personality traits interact with culture. It moves beyond the simple East-West dichotomy often used in psychology. By including a vast array of nations, the research offers a more nuanced understanding of the human experience.</p>
<p>“A natural next step is to move beyond mean differences and examine how narcissism operates in daily life across cultures—how it relates to relationships, work, and well-being in different contexts,” Chopik explained. “That might include how narcissism changes over time differently depending on the context. We’re also interested in understanding how cultural change, such as economic development or shifts toward individualism, might shape narcissism over time. Longitudinal and mixed-method approaches will be especially important for that.”</p>
<p>“One thing worth emphasizing is that narcissism isn’t inherently ‘good’ or ‘bad,'” the researcher added. “Some aspects, like admiration, can be linked to confidence and motivation, while others, like rivalry, are more clearly associated with interpersonal conflict. Studying narcissism across cultures helps us better understand when and where these traits might be adaptive—and when they might come at a cost.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/15298868.2025.2593298" target="_blank">Cultural moderation of demographic differences in narcissism</a>,” was authored by Macy M. Miscikowski, Rebekka Weidmann, Sara H. Konrath, and William J. Chopik.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/how-ais-distorted-body-ideals-could-contribute-to-body-dysmorphia/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">How AI’s distorted body ideals could contribute to body dysmorphia</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 28th 2026, 20:00</div>
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<p><p>What does it look like to have an “athletic body?” What does artificial intelligence think it looks like to have one?</p>
<p>A recent study we conducted at the University of Toronto analyzed <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000634">appearance-related traits of AI-generated images of male and female athletes</a> and non-athletes. <a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/DRTJ6qMAFqh/">We found</a> that we’re being fed exaggerated — and likely impossible — body standards.</p>
<p>Even before AI, athletes have been pressured to look a certain way: thin, muscular and attractive. Coaches, opponents, spectators and the media shape <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/10497323251331800">how athletes think about their bodies</a>.</p>
<p>But these pressures and body ideals have little to do with performance; they’re associated with the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1997.tb00108.x">objectification of the body</a>. And this phenomenon, unfortunately, is related to a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101767">negative body image</a>, <a href="https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci13060305">poor mental health</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101795">reduced sport-related performance</a>.</p>
<p>Given the growing <a href="https://www.ijscia.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/Volume2-Issue1-Jan-Feb-No.36-15-20.pdf">use of AI on social media</a>, understanding just how AI depicts athlete and non-athlete bodies has become critical. What it shows, or doesn’t, as “normal” is widely viewed and may soon be normalized.</p>
<h2>Lean, young, muscular — and mostly male</h2>
<p>As researchers with expertise in body image, sport psychology and social media, we grounded our study in objectification and social media theories. We generated 300 images using different AI platforms to explore how male and female athlete and non-athlete bodies are depicted.</p>
<p>We documented <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000634">demographics, levels of body fat and muscularity</a>. We assessed clothing fit and type, facial attractiveness like having neat and shiny hair, symmetrical features or clear skin and body exposure in each image. Indicators of visible disabilities, like mobility devices, were also noted. We compared the characteristics of male versus female images as well as the characteristics of athlete and non-athlete images.</p>
<p>The AI-generated male images were frequently young (93.3 per cent), lean (68.4 per cent) and muscular (54.2 per cent). The images of females depicted youth (100 per cent), thinness (87.5 per cent) and revealing clothing (87.5 per cent).</p>
<p>The AI-generated images of athletes were lean (98.4 per cent), muscular (93.4 per cent) and dressed in tight (92.5 per cent) and revealing (100 per cent) exercise gear.</p>
<p>Non-athletes were shown wearing looser clothing and displaying more diversity of body sizes. Even when we asked for an image of just “an athlete,” 90 per cent of the generated images were male. No images showed visible disabilities, larger bodies, wrinkles or baldness.</p>
<p>These results reveal that generative AI perpetuates stereotypes of athletes, depicting them as only fitting into a narrow set of traits — lacking impairment, attractive, thin, muscular, exposed.</p>
<p>The findings of this research illustrate the ways in which three commonly used generative AI platforms — DALL-E, MidJourney and Stable Diffusion — reinforce problematic appearance ideals for all genders, athletes and non-athletes alike.</p>
<h2>The real costs of distorted body ideals</h2>
<p>Why is this a problem?</p>
<p>More than <a href="https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2022-global-overview-report">4.6 billion people use social media</a> and <a href="https://artsmart.ai/blog/ai-image-generator-market-statistics/">71 per cent of social media images are generated by AI</a>. That’s a lot of people repeatedly viewing images that foster <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1997.tb00108.x">self-objectification</a> and the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101767">internalization of unrealistic body ideals</a>.</p>
<p>They may then feel compelled to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2016.11.002">diet and over-exercise</a> because they feel bad about themselves — their body does not look like AI-fabricated images. Alternatively, they may also do <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/jpepsy/jsn131">less physical activity</a> or <a href="https://womenandsport.ca/files/aLhMHGGNHVfTOkTM_Rally-Report-2022-Canadian-Women-Sport.pdf">drop out of sports</a> altogether.</p>
<p>Negative body image not only affects <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1561.2011.00642.x">academic performance</a> for young people but also sport-related performance. While <a href="https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare11040602">staying active can promote a better body image</a>, negative body image does the exact opposite. It exacerbates dropout and avoidance.</p>
<p>Given that approximately <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/231201/dq231201b-eng.htm">27 per cent of Canadians over the age of 15 have at least one disability</a>, the fact that none of the generated images included someone with a visible disability is also striking. In addition to not showing disabilities when it generates images, AI has also been reported to <a href="https://time.com/7291170/ai-erased-my-disability-essay/">erase disabilities on images of real people</a>.</p>
<p>People with body fat, wrinkles or baldness were also largely absent.</p>
<h2>Addressing bias in the next generation of AI</h2>
<p>These patterns reveal that AI isn’t realistic or creative in its representations. Instead, it pulls from the massive database of media available online, where the same <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2021.04.002">harmful appearance ideals dominate</a>. It’s recycling our prejudices and forms of discrimination and offering them back to us.</p>
<p>AI learns body ideals from the same biased society that has long fuelled body image pressure. This leads to a lack of diversity and a vortex of unreachable standards. AI-generated images present exaggerated, idealized bodies that ultimately limit the diversity of humans and the lowered body image satisfaction that ensues is related <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.archger.2020.104088">greater loneliness</a>.</p>
<p>And so, as original creators of the visual content that trains AI systems, society has a responsibility to ensure these technologies do not perpetuate ableism, racism, fatphobia and ageism. Users of generative AI must be intentional in how image prompts are written, and critical in how they are interpreted.</p>
<p>We need to limit the sort of body standards we internalize through AI. As AI-generated images continue to populate our media landscape, we must be conscious of our exposure to it. Because at the end of the day, if we want AI to reflect reality rather than distort it, we have to insist on seeing, and valuing, every kind of body.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/268735/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
<p> </p>
<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/ai-is-perpetuating-unrealistic-body-ideals-objectification-and-a-lack-of-diversity-especially-for-athletes-268735">original article</a>.</em></p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/study-links-burnout-and-perfectionism-to-imposter-phenomenon-in-psychiatrists/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Study links burnout and perfectionism to imposter phenomenon in psychiatrists</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 28th 2026, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>A study of psychiatrists in Turkey found a strong correlation between the imposter phenomenon on one side, and burnout, maladaptive perfectionism, and compassion fatigue on the other. In other words, psychiatrists who experienced burnout, compassion fatigue, and maladaptive perfectionism were more likely to doubt their abilities and fear being exposed as frauds despite objective evidence of competence. The research was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s12888-025-06470-7"><em>BMC Psychiatry</em></a>.</p>
<p>The imposter phenomenon refers to a persistent feeling of intellectual or professional fraudulence despite clear evidence of competence and achievement. Individuals experiencing it tend to attribute their own success to luck, effort, or external factors rather than ability. It was first described by psychologists Pauline Clance and Suzanne Imes in the late 1970s.</p>
<p>The phenomenon is common among high-achieving individuals, particularly in competitive academic or professional environments. People with imposter feelings fear being exposed as incompetent by others. These feelings can coexist with objectively strong performance and external recognition. The imposter phenomenon is associated with anxiety, stress, and reduced job or academic satisfaction. It is not a mental disorder but a psychological pattern of self-evaluation. Social comparison, perfectionism, and minority or outsider status can intensify imposter experiences.</p>
<p>Study author Nur Nihal Türkel and her colleagues wanted to explore the relationship between the imposter phenomenon, burnout, and maladaptive perfectionism among mental health professionals. They note that because maladaptive perfectionism and the imposter phenomenon both stem from elevated expectations and feelings of inadequacy, they are likely to be related. Maladaptive perfectionism is a pattern of striving for unrealistically high standards accompanied by excessive self-criticism, fear of failure, and distress when those standards are not met.</p>
<p>Study participants were 160 psychiatrists from Turkey between 24 and 70 years of age. Study authors recruited them by sending emails to psychiatrists registered with the Turkey Psychiatric Association. The participants’ average age was approximately 34 years. 69% were women. 46% of them worked in university hospitals, and 37% worked in public hospitals.</p>
<p>Study participants completed an online survey that included assessments of burnout, compassion satisfaction, and compassion fatigue (the Professional Quality of Life Scale), perfectionism (the Almost Perfect Scale-Revised), and the imposter phenomenon (the Clance Imposter Scale).</p>
<p>Results showed that individuals with a more pronounced imposter phenomenon tended to have more pronounced maladaptive perfectionism, compassion fatigue, and burnout. They also tended to experience lower compassion satisfaction and to be younger on average.</p>
<p>“This study found that burnout and maladaptive perfectionism impact the imposter phenomenon in psychiatrists. To mitigate the effects of the imposter phenomenon on mental health professionals, societal norms that contribute to burnout and perfectionism must be reassessed,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the psychological underpinnings of the imposter phenomenon. However, it should be noted that all study data was collected using self-reports, leaving room for reporting bias to have affected the results. Additionally, the cross-sectional design of the study does not allow any causal inferences to be derived from the results.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s12888-025-06470-7">The imposter phenomenon in psychiatrists: relationships among compassion fatigue, burnout, and maladaptive perfectionism,</a>” was authored by Nur Nihal Türkel, Ahmet Selim Başaran, Hande Gazey, and İrem Ekmekçi Ertek.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/menopause-is-linked-to-reduced-gray-matter-and-increased-anxiety/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Menopause is linked to reduced gray matter and increased anxiety</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 28th 2026, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>New research suggests that menopause is accompanied by distinct changes in the brain’s structure and a notable increase in mental health challenges. While hormone replacement therapy appears to aid in maintaining reaction speeds, it does not seem to prevent the loss of brain tissue or alleviate symptoms of depression according to this specific dataset. These observations were published online in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S0033291725102845" target="_blank">Psychological Medicine</a></em>.</p>
<p>Menopause represents a major biological transition marked by the cessation of menstruation and a steep decline in reproductive hormones. Women frequently report a variety of symptoms during this time, ranging from hot flashes to difficulties with sleep and mood regulation. </p>
<p>Many individuals turn to hormone replacement therapy to manage these physical and psychological obstacles. Despite the common use of these treatments, the medical community still has questions about how these hormonal shifts affect the brain itself. Previous research has yielded mixed results regarding whether hormone treatments protect the brain or potentially pose risks.</p>
<p>To clarify these effects, a team of researchers from the University of Cambridge undertook a large-scale analysis. Katharina Zuhlsdorff, a researcher in the Department of Psychology at the University of Cambridge, served as the lead author on the project. </p>
<p>She worked alongside senior author Barbara J. Sahakian and colleagues from the Departments of Psychiatry and Psychology. Their objective was to provide a clearer picture of how the end of fertility influences mental well-being, thinking skills, and the physical architecture of the brain.</p>
<p>The team utilized data from the UK Biobank, a massive biomedical database containing genetic and health information from half a million participants. For this specific investigation, they selected a sample of nearly 125,000 women. </p>
<p>The researchers divided these participants into three distinct groups to allow for comparison. These groups included women who had not yet gone through menopause, post-menopausal women who had never used hormone therapy, and post-menopausal women who were users of such therapies.</p>
<p>The investigation first assessed psychological well-being across the different groups. The data showed that women who had passed menopause reported higher levels of anxiety and depression compared to those who had not. </p>
<p>Sleep quality also appeared to decline after this biological transition. The researchers observed that women taking hormone replacement therapy actually reported more mental health challenges than those who did not take it. This group also reported higher levels of tiredness.</p>
<p>This result initially seemed counterintuitive, as hormone therapy is often prescribed to help with mood. To understand this, the authors looked backward at the medical history of the participants. They found that women prescribed these treatments were more likely to have had depression or anxiety before they ever started the medication. This suggests that doctors may be prescribing the hormones specifically to women who are already struggling with severe symptoms.</p>
<p>The study also tested how quickly the participants could think and process information. The researchers found that reaction times typically slow down as part of the aging process. </p>
<p>However, menopause seemed to speed up this decline in processing speed. In this specific domain, hormone therapy appeared to offer a benefit. Post-menopausal women taking hormones had reaction times that were faster than those not taking them, effectively matching the speeds of pre-menopausal women.</p>
<p>Dr. Katharina Zühlsdorff noted the nuance in these cognitive findings. She stated, “Menopause seems to accelerate this process, but HRT appears to put the brakes on, slowing the ageing process slightly.”</p>
<p>While reaction times varied, the study did not find similar differences in memory performance. The researchers administered tasks designed to test prospective memory, which is the ability to remember to perform an action later. They also used a digit-span task to measure working memory capacity. Across all three groups, performance on these memory challenges remained relatively comparable.</p>
<p>A smaller subset of about 11,000 women underwent magnetic resonance imaging scans to measure brain volume. The researchers focused on gray matter, the tissue containing the body of nerve cells. They specifically looked at regions involved in memory and emotional regulation. These included the hippocampus, the entorhinal cortex, and the anterior cingulate cortex.</p>
<p>The hippocampus is a seahorse-shaped structure deep in the brain that is essential for learning and memory. The entorhinal cortex functions as a gateway, channeling information between the hippocampus and the rest of the brain. The anterior cingulate cortex plays a primary role in managing emotions, impulse control, and decision-making.</p>
<p>The scans revealed that post-menopausal women had reduced gray matter volume in these key areas compared to pre-menopausal women. This reduction helps explain the higher rates of mood issues in this demographic. Unexpectedly, the group taking hormone therapy showed the lowest brain volumes of all. The treatment did not appear to prevent the loss of brain tissue associated with the end of reproductive years.</p>
<p>The specific regions identified in the study are often implicated in neurodegenerative conditions. Professor Barbara Sahakian highlighted the potential long-term importance of this observation. She explained, “The brain regions where we saw these differences are ones that tend to be affected by Alzheimer’s disease. Menopause could make these women vulnerable further down the line.”</p>
<p>While the sample size was large, the study design was observational rather than experimental. This means the researchers could identify associations but cannot definitively prove that menopause or hormone therapy caused the changes.</p>
<p>The UK Biobank population also tends to be wealthier and healthier than the general public, which may skew the results. Additionally, the study relied on self-reported data for some measures, which can introduce inaccuracies.</p>
<p>The finding regarding hormone therapy and lower brain volume is difficult to interpret without further research. It remains unclear if the medication contributes to the reduction or if the women taking it had different brain structures to begin with. </p>
<p>The researchers emphasize that more work is needed to disentangle these factors. Future studies could look at genetic factors or other health conditions that might influence how hormones affect the brain.</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, the research highlights the biological reality of menopause. It confirms that the transition involves more than just reproductive changes. </p>
<p>Christelle Langley emphasized the need for broader support systems. She remarked, “We all need to be more sensitive to not only the physical, but also the mental health of women during menopause, however, and recognise when they are struggling.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S0033291725102845" target="_blank">Emotional and cognitive effects of menopause and hormone replacement therapy</a>,” was authored by Katharina Zuhlsdorff, Christelle Langley, Richard Bethlehem, Varun Warrier, Rafael Romero Garcia, and Barbara J Sahakian.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/having-a-close-friend-with-a-gambling-addiction-increases-personal-risk-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Having a close friend with a gambling addiction increases personal risk, study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 28th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>Having a close relationship with someone who suffers from a gambling problem increases the likelihood that an individual will develop similar issues over time. A new longitudinal analysis published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10899-025-10465-0" target="_blank">Journal of Gambling Studies</a></em> has found that while strong family bonds can shield adults from this risk, close friendships do not appear to offer the same protection. These findings suggest that the social transmission of gambling behaviors operates differently depending on the nature of the relationship.</p>
<p>For decades, researchers have recognized that addiction often ripples through social networks. This phenomenon is well-documented in the study of alcohol and substance use. Scientists refer to this as the transmission of problem behavior. The impact of a person’s addiction extends beyond themselves, affecting family members, partners, and friends. In Finland, where this research took place, estimates suggest that approximately 20 percent of adults identify as “affected others” of someone else’s gambling. These individuals often bear significant emotional, financial, and health-related burdens.</p>
<p>Past inquiries into gambling transmission have predominantly focused on intergenerational lines. Studies have frequently examined how parents influence their children or how peer pressure impacts adolescents. Far less is known about how these dynamics function among adults. It has remained unclear whether adult gambling is primarily an individual trait or a behavior continuously shaped by social interactions. The protective potential of different types of social connections has also been an open question.</p>
<p>Emmi Kauppila, a doctoral researcher at the Faculty of Social Sciences at Tampere University in Finland, led the new investigation. She collaborated with a team of scholars from the University of Helsinki, the University of Turku, and the University of Bath in the United Kingdom. The researchers sought to determine if exposure to problem gambling in adulthood predicts an increase in one’s own gambling severity. They also aimed to test whether having strong, supportive relationships could act as a buffer against this potential harm.</p>
<p>The team employed a longitudinal survey design to answer these questions. They recruited 1,530 adults residing in mainland Finland to participate in the study. The data collection spanned from April 2021 to September 2024. Participants completed surveys across eight separate waves, with each wave occurring at six-month intervals. This repeated-measures design allowed the scientists to track changes within specific individuals over time, rather than relying on a single snapshot of the population.</p>
<p>The researchers assessed gambling severity using the Problem Gambling Severity Index. This is a standard screening tool where respondents rate their gambling behaviors and consequences on a scale from zero to 27. Higher scores indicate a greater risk of problem gambling. Participants also reported whether they had a family member or a close friend who had experienced gambling problems. To measure the quality of these relationships, the study used the Social and Emotional Loneliness Scale for Adults. This metric evaluated how connected and supported the participants felt by their families and friends.</p>
<p>To analyze the data, the team used a statistical technique known as hybrid multilevel regression modeling. This method is particularly useful for longitudinal data. It allows researchers to distinguish between differences among people and changes that happen to a specific person. The model could determine if a person’s gambling habits changed during the specific six-month periods when they reported exposure to a problem gambler.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed that exposure to problem gambling within a social circle predicted a rise in an individual’s own gambling issues. When a participant reported that a family member had a gambling problem, their own score on the severity index increased by a measurable margin. This “within-person” effect suggests that the change in the social environment directly influenced the individual’s behavior. A similar pattern was observed regarding friends. Individuals who had friends with gambling problems tended to have higher severity scores themselves.</p>
<p>However, a distinct difference emerged when the researchers examined the protective role of relationship quality. The data showed that positive family relationships moderated the risk. Participants who reported strong, supportive connections with their family members were less likely to see their gambling increase, even when a family member had a gambling problem. The emotional support and connectedness provided by the family unit appeared to act as a buffer. This suggests that a supportive family environment can mitigate the transmission of harmful behaviors.</p>
<p>The same protective effect was not found for friendships. Strong emotional bonds with friends did not reduce the risk of acquiring gambling problems from a peer. The analysis indicated that close friendships did not buffer the impact of exposure. In some cases, high-quality friendships with problem gamblers were associated with higher risks for the individual. The researchers propose several explanations for this discrepancy.</p>
<p>One possibility is that peer groups often normalize risky behaviors. If gambling is a shared activity among friends, it may be viewed as a standard form of social interaction. In such contexts, a close friendship might reinforce the behavior rather than discourage it. This mirrors findings in alcohol research, where “drinking buddies” may encourage consumption. The authors also suggest that individuals might select friends who share similar attitudes toward risk. Consequently, the social environment maintains the habit rather than disrupting it.</p>
<p>Another interpretation involves social withdrawal. People who are affected by a loved one’s gambling often experience shame or stigma. This can lead them to isolate themselves from broader social support networks. They might feel that friends would not understand their situation. This isolation can prevent friends from acting as a protective resource. In contrast, family members are often already embedded in the dynamic and may be better positioned to offer support or monitoring.</p>
<p>Richard Velleman, an emeritus professor at the University of Bath and co-author of the paper, highlighted the broader implications of these results. He stated, “It has long been known that alcohol-related problems run in families – this study demonstrates that this is also the case with gambling.” He noted the importance of recognizing the severity of the issue. Velleman added, “This is an important discovery, as many people don’t see gambling problems as equivalent to alcohol or drug problems, as gamblers don’t ‘ingest’ anything, yet gambling can equally lead to serious problems which cause serious harm to individuals and families.”</p>
<p>The findings support the idea that gambling harm is not solely an individual pathology. It is a systemic issue that clusters in social networks. Emmi Kauppila noted, “In this paper, we demonstrate that gambling-related problems cluster within families and close relationships in ways similar to alcohol- and other substance-related harms.” She emphasized that the mechanism of transmission involves “shared environments, stressors and social dynamics.”</p>
<p>This perspective suggests that prevention and treatment strategies need to evolve. Interventions that focus exclusively on the individual gambler may miss a vital component of the recovery process. The study advocates for family-oriented approaches. Therapies that include family members could help strengthen the protective bonds that buffer against transmission. By addressing the needs of “affected others,” clinicians may be able to break the cycle of harm.</p>
<p>There are limitations to the study that contextually frame the results. The research was conducted in Finland, a nation with a specific cultural relationship to gambling. Gambling is widely accepted in Finland and is integrated into the funding of the welfare state. This cultural normalization might influence how gambling behaviors are shared and perceived. The results might differ in countries with more restrictive gambling laws or different cultural attitudes.</p>
<p>Additionally, the study relied on participants to report the gambling problems of their family and friends. These reports reflect the participants’ perceptions and were not clinically verified diagnoses. It is possible that some participants overestimated or underestimated the severity of their loved ones’ problems. The data also did not specify which family member was the source of the exposure. The influence of a partner might differ from that of a parent or sibling. The sample size for specific family roles was too small to analyze separately.</p>
<p>Future research could benefit from a more granular approach. Identifying specific family roles would clarify the transmission dynamics. Verifying the gambling status of the social network members would also strengthen the evidence. Comparative studies in other countries would help determine if these patterns are universal or culture-specific.</p>
<p>Despite these caveats, the study provides robust evidence that adult gambling behavior is deeply intertwined with social relationships. It challenges the view of the solitary gambler. The people surrounding an individual play a role in either amplifying risk or providing protection. Recognizing the power of these social bonds may be key to developing more effective harm reduction strategies.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10899-025-10465-0" target="_blank">Problem Gambling Transmission. An Eight-wave Longitudinal Study on Problem Gambling Among Affected Others</a>,” was authored by Emmi Kauppila, Sari Hautamäki, Iina Savolainen, Sari Castrén, Richard Velleman and Atte Oksanen.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/vulnerable-narcissism-is-strongly-associated-with-insecure-attachment-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Vulnerable narcissism is strongly associated with insecure attachment, study finds</a>
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<p><p>A new meta-analysis provides evidence that the quality of emotional bonds formed in adulthood is connected to specific types of narcissism. The findings indicate that insecure attachment styles are strong risk factors for vulnerable narcissism, whereas grandiose narcissism appears largely unrelated to these attachment patterns. This research was published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2025.113255" target="_blank">Personality and Individual Differences</a></em>.</p>
<p>Psychologists classify narcissism into two primary subtypes that share antagonistic traits but differ in their expression. Grandiose narcissism is characterized by extraversion, aggression, and a dominant interpersonal style. Individuals with these traits tend to have an inflated sense of self-importance and often seek to control others.</p>
<p>Vulnerable narcissism presents a different profile marked by introversion and high neuroticism. People with high levels of vulnerable narcissism possess a fragile sense of self and are hypersensitive to the opinions of others. They often display a defensive form of grandiosity that masks deep-seated feelings of inadequacy.</p>
<p>Narcissistic traits are associated with various negative outcomes in life, particularly within interpersonal relationships. Romantic partnerships involving narcissistic individuals often suffer from a lack of commitment and higher rates of infidelity. These relationships can be characterized by manipulation and aggression during conflicts.</p>
<p>To understand the origins of these maladaptive patterns, researchers often look to attachment theory. This theory posits that early experiences with caregivers shape “internal working models” of the self and others. These models persist into adulthood and influence how individuals navigate romantic intimacy and emotional dependency.</p>
<p>Previous research on the link between attachment and narcissism has produced inconsistent results. Some studies have suggested links between narcissism and anxious attachment, while others have pointed toward avoidant styles. The authors of the current study aimed to resolve these inconsistencies by systematically reviewing and synthesizing data from existing literature.</p>
<p>“Our interest came from wanting to better understand developmental risk factors that might help explain how narcissistic traits emerge. The existing literature was inconsistent and often treated narcissism as a single construct, so we conducted a meta-analysis to clarify how different attachment styles relate to different forms of narcissism. This allowed us to bring together a large body of evidence and resolve some of that inconsistency,” said study author Megan Willis, an associate professor at Australian Catholic University.</p>
<p>The researchers searched five major academic databases for studies published up to May 2024. To be included in the review, studies had to be written in English and utilize validated measures of both adult attachment and trait narcissism.</p>
<p>The review focused exclusively on non-clinical adult samples to understand these traits in the general population. The researchers utilized a tool called AXIS to assess the quality and potential bias of the selected studies. This process resulted in a final selection of 33 studies.</p>
<p>The combined sample across these studies included 10,675 participants. The researchers used statistical software to calculate the overall strength of the relationships between narcissism subtypes and four distinct attachment styles. These styles are secure, preoccupied, dismissive, and fearful.</p>
<p>Secure attachment is defined by a positive view of both oneself and others. People with this style are generally comfortable with intimacy and independence. Preoccupied attachment involves a negative view of the self but a positive view of others, leading to anxiety and a need for reassurance.</p>
<p>Dismissive attachment is characterized by a positive view of the self but a negative view of others. Individuals with this style tend to avoid intimacy and prioritize self-reliance. Fearful attachment involves negative views of both the self and others, resulting in a desire for contact paired with a fear of rejection.</p>
<p>The meta-analysis revealed that the relationship between attachment and narcissism depends heavily on the specific subtype of narcissism involved. Vulnerable narcissism showed a significant positive relationship with all three forms of insecure attachment. The strongest association was found between vulnerable narcissism and preoccupied attachment.</p>
<p>This finding suggests that vulnerable narcissism is closely linked to anxiety regarding abandonment and a dependence on external validation. Individuals with these traits may use narcissistic behaviors as a compensatory strategy. They may seek excessive reassurance to regulate a fragile self-esteem that relies on others’ approval.</p>
<p>A moderate positive relationship was also observed between vulnerable narcissism and fearful attachment. This attachment style is often rooted in inconsistent or rejecting caregiving. The link implies that vulnerable narcissism may involve defensive withdrawal and hypervigilance in relationships.</p>
<p>“In many ways the findings were consistent with what we expected, particularly the link between insecure attachment and vulnerable narcissism,” Willis told PsyPost. “What did surprise us was the strength of those relationships, especially for preoccupied and fearful attachment. The effects were stronger than I would have predicted going into the study.”</p>
<p>The researchers also found a weak but significant relationship between vulnerable narcissism and dismissive attachment. This indicates that while these individuals may crave validation, they also employ strategies to maintain emotional distance. Consistent with these findings, vulnerable narcissism was negatively associated with secure attachment.</p>
<p>The results for grandiose narcissism presented a sharp contrast. The analysis showed no significant relationship between grandiose narcissism and any of the insecure attachment styles. There was a negligible positive relationship with secure attachment, but it was not strong enough to be considered practically meaningful.</p>
<p>These findings challenge the idea that all forms of narcissism stem from deep-seated insecurity or attachment wounds. Grandiose narcissism appears to be distinct from the anxiety and avoidance that characterize vulnerable narcissism. Some theories suggest grandiose traits may stem from parental overvaluation rather than lack of warmth.</p>
<p>“The key takeaway is that attachment styles — particularly fearful and preoccupied attachment — are important risk factors for vulnerable narcissism,” Willis explained. “This suggests that fostering secure attachment in childhood and helping people work through attachment wounds later in life may reduce the risk of these patterns developing or persisting.”</p>
<p>As with all research, there are some limitations. The data analyzed was cross-sectional, meaning it captures a snapshot in time. This prevents researchers from determining whether insecure attachment causes narcissism or if narcissistic traits lead to insecure attachment.</p>
<p>“These findings are correlational, so we cannot say attachment causes narcissism,” Willis noted. “They also do not mean that everyone with insecure attachment will develop vulnerable narcissism. What our results do suggest, however, is that for people who are high in vulnerable narcissism, insecure attachment may be an important risk factor.”</p>
<p>The reliance on self-report measures is another constraint. Individuals with narcissistic traits may lack the self-awareness or willingness to report their behaviors accurately. This is especially true for grandiose narcissists who may exaggerate their sense of security.</p>
<p>Future research should focus on longitudinal studies that track individuals from childhood through adulthood. This would help clarify the causal pathways between early caregiving experiences and the development of narcissistic traits. Researchers also recommend investigating how these dynamics might differ across various cultures and genders.</p>
<p>“A key long-term goal is to increase understanding and education about the importance of attachment in childhood and how early relationships can have lifelong effects,” Willis said. “I’m particularly interested in how parenting and early caregiving shape emotion regulation and interpersonal functioning. In my current work, I’m examining whether difficulties with emotion regulation help explain the link between vulnerable narcissism and intimate partner violence. This may help inform more targeted prevention and intervention strategies.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2025.113255" target="_blank">The relationship between attachment styles and narcissism: a systematic and meta-analytic review</a>,” was authored by Jamie Mohay, Kadie Cheng, Xochitl de la Piedad Garcia, and Megan L. Willis.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/the-psychology-behind-why-we-pay-to-avoid-uncertainty/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">The psychology behind why we pay to avoid uncertainty</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 28th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>Most people are familiar with the feeling of anxiety while waiting for the result of a medical test or a job interview. A new study suggests that this feeling of dread is far more powerful than the excitement of looking forward to a positive outcome. </p>
<p>The research indicates that the intensity of this dread drives people to avoid risks and demand immediate results. This behavior explains why impatience and risk-avoidance often appear together in the same individuals. The findings were published in the journal <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cogs.70160" target="_blank">Cognitive Science</a>.</p>
<p>Economists have traditionally viewed risk-taking and patience as separate character traits. A person could theoretically be a daring risk-taker while also being very patient. However, researchers have frequently observed that these two traits tend to correlate. People who are unwilling to take risks are often the same people who are unwilling to wait for a reward.</p>
<p>Chris Dawson of the University of Bath and Samuel G. B. Johnson of the University of Waterloo sought to explain this connection. They proposed that the link lies in the emotions people feel while waiting for an outcome. They distinguished between the feelings experienced after an event occurs and the feelings experienced beforehand.</p>
<p>When an event happens, we feel “reactive” emotions. We feel pleasure when we win money or displeasure when we lose it. But before the event occurs, we engage in “anticipatory” emotions. We might savor the thought of a win or dread the possibility of a loss.</p>
<p>The researchers hypothesized that these anticipatory emotions are not symmetrical. They suspected that the dread of a future loss is much stronger than the savoring of a future gain. If this is true, it would create a psychological cost to waiting.</p>
<p>To test this theory, Dawson and Johnson analyzed a massive dataset from the United Kingdom. They used the British Household Panel Survey and the Understanding Society study. These surveys followed approximately 14,000 individuals over a period spanning from 1991 to 2024.</p>
<p>The team needed a way to measure dread and savoring without asking participants directly. They developed a novel method using data on financial expectations and general well-being. The survey asked participants if they expected their financial situation to get better or worse over the next year.</p>
<p>The researchers then looked at how these expectations affected the participants’ current happiness. If a person expected to be worse off and their happiness dropped, that drop represented dread. If they expected to be better off and their happiness rose, that rise represented savoring.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed a dramatic imbalance between these two emotional states. The negative impact of anticipating a loss was more than six times stronger than the positive impact of anticipating a gain. This suggests that the human brain weighs future pain much more heavily than future pleasure.</p>
<p>The researchers also measured “reactive” emotions using the same method. They looked at how participants felt after they actually experienced a financial loss or gain. As expected, losses hurt more than gains felt good.</p>
<p>However, the imbalance in reactive emotions was much smaller than the imbalance in anticipatory emotions. Realized losses were about twice as impactful as realized gains. The anticipatory dread was three times more lopsided than the reactive experience.</p>
<p>This finding implies that the waiting period itself is a major source of distress. The researchers describe this phenomenon as “dread aversion.” It is distinct from the more famous concept of loss aversion.</p>
<p>The study then connected these emotional patterns to economic preferences. The survey included questions about the participants’ willingness to take risks in general. It also measured their patience through a delayed gratification scale.</p>
<p>The results showed a strong correlation between high levels of dread and risk-avoidance. People who experienced intense dread were much less likely to take risks. This makes sense within the researchers’ framework.</p>
<p>Taking a gamble creates a situation where a negative outcome is possible. This possibility triggers dread. By avoiding the risk entirely, the individual removes the source of the dread.</p>
<p>The results also showed a strong connection between dread and impatience. People who felt high levels of dread were less willing to wait for rewards. This also aligns with the researchers’ model.</p>
<p>Waiting for an uncertain outcome prolongs the experience of dread. A person who hates waiting may simply be trying to shorten the time they spend feeling anxious. They choose immediate rewards to stop the emotional wheel from spinning.</p>
<p>The study found that savoring plays a much smaller role in decision-making. The pleasure of imagining a good outcome is generally weak. This may be because positive anticipation is often mixed with the fear that the good event might not happen.</p>
<p>The authors checked to see if these results were simply due to personality traits. For example, a person with high neuroticism might naturally be both anxious and risk-avoidant. The researchers controlled for the “Big Five” personality traits in their analysis.</p>
<p>Even after accounting for neuroticism and other traits, the effect of dread remained. This suggests that the asymmetry of anticipatory emotions is a distinct psychological mechanism. It is not just a symptom of being a generally anxious person.</p>
<p>This research offers a unified explanation for economic behavior. It suggests that risk preferences and time preferences are not independent. They are both shaped by the desire to manage anticipatory emotions.</p>
<p>The authors use the analogy of a roulette wheel to explain their findings. When a person bets on roulette, they are not just weighing the odds of winning or losing. They are also deciding if they can endure the feeling of watching the wheel spin.</p>
<p>If the dread of losing is overwhelming, the person will not bet at all. If they do bet, they will want the wheel to stop as quickly as possible. The act of betting creates a stream of emotional discomfort that lasts until the result is known.</p>
<p>There are some limitations to this study. It relies on observational data rather than a controlled experiment. The researchers inferred emotions from survey responses rather than measuring them physiologically.</p>
<p>Additionally, the study assumes that changes in well-being are caused by financial expectations. It is possible that other unmeasured factors influenced both happiness and expectations. However, the use of longitudinal data helps to account for stable individual differences.</p>
<p>The findings have implications for various sectors. In healthcare, patients might avoid screening tests because the dread of a bad result outweighs the benefit of knowing. Reducing the waiting time for results could encourage more people to get tested.</p>
<p>In finance, investors might choose low-return savings accounts over stocks to avoid the anxiety of market fluctuations. This “dread premium” could explain why safe assets are often overvalued. Investors pay a price for emotional tranquility.</p>
<p>Future research could investigate how to modify these anticipatory emotions. If people can learn to reduce their dread, they might make better long-term decisions. Techniques from cognitive behavioral therapy could potentially help investors and patients manage their anxiety.</p>
<p>The study provides a new lens through which to view human irrationality. We often make choices that look bad on paper because we are optimizing for our current emotional state. We are willing to pay a high price to avoid the shadow of the future.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cogs.70160" target="_blank">Asymmetric Anticipatory Emotions and Economic Preferences: Dread, Savoring, Risk, and Time</a>,” was authored by Chris Dawson and Samuel G. B. Johnson.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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