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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/scientists-link-popular-convenience-foods-to-a-measurable-loss-of-cognitive-control/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Scientists link popular convenience foods to a measurable loss of cognitive control</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 28th 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>New research suggests that frequent consumption of ultra-processed foods is linked to a significant decline in mental wellbeing and a higher prevalence of clinical mental distress. The findings indicate that these dietary habits may contribute to specific challenges with emotional regulation, cognitive function, and feelings of depression. This large-scale analysis was published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fnut.2025.1562286" target="_blank">Frontiers in Nutrition</a></em>.</p>
<p>Scientific evidence has already established strong connections between industrial food processing and physical ailments like heart disease and diabetes. Existing literature also points to associations between poor diet and risks of depression or anxiety. </p>
<p>However, the wider impact of these foods on overall mental functioning has remained less clear. The authors of the new study aimed to quantify the aggregate burden these foods place on global mental health. They sought to determine how much clinical mental distress in the general population could be specifically attributed to dietary choices rather than other life circumstances.</p>
<p>“We were trying to understand what is driving the diminishing mind health scores with each younger generations that we were seeing in the Global Mind Project,” said study author <a href="https://sapienlabs.org/member/tara-thiagarajan-ph-d/" target="_blank">Tara C. Thiagarajan</a> of Sapien Lab.</p>
<p>“The mind health quotient or MHQ is a metric that aggregates positive capacities and mental health symptoms into an aggregate score that reflects the ability to navigate life’s challenges and function productively. While we had looked at aspects such as smartphones and family bonds which contribute, they could not explain the whole effect. We decided to query ultra-processed food as one possibility given its growing consumption among younger generations and the increasing number of unregulated food additives, many of which are known to be neurotoxic.”</p>
<p>The Global Mind Project collects mental health information through an online assessment called the Mind Health Quotient. For their study, the researchers analyzed responses from 400,787 adults across 60 countries collected in 2023.</p>
<p>Participants completed a comprehensive assessment involving 47 ratings covering a wide spectrum of mental symptoms and functions. These ratings generated a score ranging from distressed to thriving. </p>
<p>The survey asked participants how often they ate processed, packaged, or fast food not made from fresh ingredients. Examples provided included fast food, sugary drinks, microwave meals, and salty snacks. Respondents selected a frequency ranging from “rarely/never” to “several times a day.” </p>
<p>To analyze this complex dataset, the researchers employed advanced machine learning models capable of processing 108 different life factors simultaneously. This approach allowed them to isolate the specific influence of diet while accounting for other variables that affect mental health.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed a consistent decline in mental wellbeing as the frequency of ultra-processed food consumption increased. Individuals who consumed these foods several times a day scored significantly lower on mental health metrics compared to those who rarely or never ate them. The data indicates that this was a graded relationship, where each increase in consumption frequency corresponded to lower wellbeing.</p>
<p>Specific symptoms appeared to be more sensitive to dietary habits than others. The results showed that symptoms associated with depression, such as feelings of sadness and distress, were strongly linked to high consumption of processed foods. </p>
<p>Additionally, the data indicated that frequent consumers struggled more with cognitive control, such as maintaining focus. Problems with emotional control, such as managing anger, were also more prevalent in this group.</p>
<p>The findings suggest that if you are “feeling depressed or having challenges with emotional and cognitive control (e.g. being quick to anger or cry or having difficulty focusing), ultra-processed food consumption may be the reason,” Thiagarajan told PsyPost.</p>
<p>A key aspect of the analysis involved isolating diet from other potential causes of distress. The negative association between processed food and mental wellbeing remained strong even after accounting for exercise frequency and history of trauma. </p>
<p>Individuals who exercised regularly but consumed processed foods frequently reported lower mental wellbeing than those who exercised regularly and ate whole foods. This suggests that exercise may not fully offset the negative mental impacts of a poor diet.</p>
<p>The researchers also examined the role of socioeconomic status. The analysis showed that high income did not appear to act as a buffer against the effects of a processed diet. </p>
<p>High earners who ate processed foods frequently had mental health scores similar to low earners who rarely ate such foods. This finding suggests that the nutritional quality of food may be a more significant driver of mental wellbeing than financial resources in this context.</p>
<p>The researchers used their models to estimate the proportion of mental distress potentially caused by these dietary habits. The simulations suggested that between 3.4 percent and 7.8 percent of the total global sample experienced clinical-level mental distress linked to ultra-processed food. This percentage represents a significant number of individuals when applied to large populations.</p>
<p>In the United States and other English-speaking nations, the estimated burden was notably higher. The study estimates that among young adults aged 18 to 34 in these regions, diet could account for a substantial portion of clinical mental distress cases. The burden appeared to be lower in older populations, possibly due to different lifelong dietary habits.</p>
<p>“The effects are substantial. First, those who consume ultra-processed food everyday (dominated by young men) are almost 4 times more likely to have clinical mental health diagnoses than those who rarely eat ultra-processed food,” Thiagarajan explained.</p>
<p>“Among those who consume ultra-processed food almost everyday, our study shows that a third of clinical mental health problems among daily consumers of ultra-processed food may be because of this diet habit after controlling for numerous other possible causal factors. Second, the more you consume, the more sad and out of control you get. It’s just a sliding scale – there is no ‘good’ amount.”</p>
<p>The researchers discuss several biological mechanisms that might explain these findings. Ultra-processed foods often contain additives and lack essential nutrients required for brain health. These foods can disrupt the gut microbiome, which communicates directly with the brain. Disruption in this system has been previously linked to mood regulation and cognitive function.</p>
<p>In addition, highly processed foods are often energy-dense but nutrient-poor. Frequent consumption can displace whole foods that provide vitamins and minerals critical for neural development. The researchers suggest that the cumulative effect of these nutritional deficits may compromise the brain’s ability to function optimally.</p>
<p>While the sample size was extensive, the study does have some limitations. The design was cross-sectional, meaning it captured a snapshot in time rather than following people over years. This makes it impossible to prove definitively that the food causes the distress, as people with mental distress might choose different foods.</p>
<p>The study relied on self-reported data, which can be subject to memory errors or individual interpretation of questions. The definition of ultra-processed food can also vary between cultures and individuals. Respondents in different countries may have had different types of food in mind when answering the survey questions.</p>
<p>Future research is needed to validate these findings through longitudinal studies. Following participants over time would help establish whether dietary changes precede changes in mental health. The authors also suggest that clinical trials could help determine if eliminating these foods leads to direct improvements in mental symptoms.</p>
<p>The study implies that reducing ultra-processed food intake could be a viable strategy for improving public mental health. The results provide evidence for incorporating dietary recommendations into mental health guidelines. The researchers argue that policy interventions, such as labeling or taxation, might be necessary to shift consumption patterns.</p>
<p>Looking forward, the researchers “would like to understand more about the effects of different types of ultra-processed foods and also how much the effects are reversible if you stop consuming it,” Thiagarajan said.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fnut.2025.1562286" target="_blank">Estimation of the nature and magnitude of mental distress in the population associated with ultra-processed food consumption</a>,” was authored by Jerzy Bala, Oleksii Sukhoi, Jennifer Jane Newson, Priscila Pereira Machado, Mark Lawrence, and Tara C. Thiagarajan.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/conservative-college-students-dont-face-greater-barriers-to-campus-resources/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Conservative college students don’t face greater barriers to campus resources</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 28th 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study suggests that assertions of widespread bias against conservative students in American higher education may be unfounded regarding access to administrative resources. The research indicates that university administrators are just as responsive to requests from conservative students as they are to liberal ones. These findings were published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-025-10110-x" target="_blank">Political Behavior</a></em>.</p>
<p>The motivation for this research stems from a documented decline in public trust toward colleges and universities. This erosion of confidence is particularly pronounced among Republicans, who increasingly view higher education as hostile to conservative viewpoints. </p>
<p>Jessica Khan, an assistant professor of American government at Northwest Florida State College, designed this study to test whether these perceptions reflect reality. Khan sought to determine if political ideology acts as a barrier for students trying to access basic campus services.</p>
<p>“There is substantial debate in popular and academic circles concerning allegations of liberal bias in higher education, but the catalyst prompting the studies in this publication was a meeting that Turning Point USA held at Florida State University when I was a PhD Student in the Department of Political Science there in 2017,” Khan told PsyPost.</p>
<p>“At that meeting, the TPUSA representative claimed that conservative students have a much harder time than liberals starting registered student organizations and inviting guest speakers to campus, but did not furnish any data or analysis to support those claims.”</p>
<p>The study pits two competing psychological and sociological theories against one another. Social identity theory suggests that individuals favor members of their own group and discriminate against outsiders. Since university administrators tend to lean politically liberal, this theory predicts they would favor liberal students.</p>
<p>In contrast, public administration theory argues that bureaucratic norms encourage equal treatment. This perspective suggests that professional standards of non-discrimination would override personal political preferences. Khan aimed to see which of these forces prevails in a real-world academic setting.</p>
<p>To test these theories, Khan employed a method known as a correspondence experiment. This involves sending emails to targets who are unaware they are being studied. The researcher created fictitious student personas to interact with university staff.</p>
<p>The researcher conducted two distinct experiments to assess different types of student needs. The first study focused on the ability to form a new registered student organization. Khan identified administrators responsible for student activities at 1,470 four-year colleges and universities across the United States.</p>
<p>She randomly assigned these administrators to receive an email from a student named “Brett Clark.” The emails were identical in tone and length but varied in the political ideology expressed by the student. One version presented the student as politically liberal. A second version presented him as politically conservative. A third version served as a control group with no identifiable political ideology.</p>
<p>The emails were written to sound like a typical undergraduate inquiry. They included minor grammatical errors to enhance authenticity. The text was designed to be polite and formal.</p>
<p>Khan measured three outcomes: whether the administrator replied at all, whether the reply was helpful, and how many days it took to receive a response. A response was considered substantive if it offered encouragement or guidance on the next steps.</p>
<p>The results of this first study showed no significant evidence of discrimination. Administrators replied to the liberal student 65 percent of the time. They replied to the conservative student 66 percent of the time.</p>
<p>The helpfulness of the replies was also statistically indistinguishable between the groups. Both liberal and conservative inquiries received substantive responses at nearly identical rates. In terms of speed, administrators replied to conservative students slightly faster than to liberal students, though the difference was less than half a day on average.</p>
<p>The second study investigated access to campus facilities. Khan identified administrators responsible for reserving space for events at 1,439 institutions. In this experiment, a fictitious student named “Bradley Schwartz” requested a room to host a guest speaker for a lecture on political issues.</p>
<p>As with the first study, the emails were randomly assigned to present the student as liberal, conservative, or politically neutral. The researcher again measured response rates, the helpfulness of the reply, and the response time.</p>
<p>The findings mirrored the first study. Administrators replied to the liberal request at a rate of roughly 54 percent. The conservative request received a response rate of roughly 54 percent as well.</p>
<p>Khan examined whether the geographic location of the university influenced the results. It is possible that administrators in conservative areas might behave differently than those in liberal areas. She used county-level voting data from the 2016 presidential election to measure local political ideology.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed that local politics did not alter the treatment of the students. Administrators in counties that voted heavily for Donald Trump treated liberal and conservative students with the same level of equity as administrators in counties that voted for Hillary Clinton. There was no interaction between the student’s ideology and the surrounding community’s political leanings.</p>
<p>These findings suggest that professional norms in higher education are robust. Even though the population of university administrators is largely liberal, they appear to adhere to standards of neutrality when performing their job duties. The expectation of bias based on social identity theory did not materialize in these interactions.</p>
<p>The study has implications for understanding the development of civic skills. Forming student groups and hosting events are key ways that young people build social capital. If conservatives were blocked from these activities, it would hinder their ability to participate in democratic processes. The data provides evidence that such institutional barriers do not exist at the level of initial inquiry.</p>
<p>It is important to clarify what these findings do and do not demonstrate. The absence of bias in email responsiveness does not prove that no bias exists anywhere in higher education. Discrimination could occur at later stages of the process, such as during the official approval of a club charter.</p>
<p>Additionally, this study does not address potential bias in classrooms, grading, or social interactions among students. It is possible for a campus environment to feel unwelcoming to conservatives even if the bureaucracy functions neutrally. The study focuses specifically on administrative gatekeeping.</p>
<p>Khan notes that the narrative of conservative victimization is powerful and persistent. High-profile anecdotes of speakers being shouted down or clubs being rejected often dominate media coverage. However, this research suggests these incidents may be exceptions rather than the rule for the average student.</p>
<p>“While bias against political conservatives may take place in other forms in American higher education, I failed to uncover any evidence that conservative students have more difficulty than their liberal counterparts in seeking to establish new, politically-oriented registered student organizations or reserve campus space for guest speakers to discuss political issues,” Khan said.</p>
<p>The disconnect between the perception of bias and the reality of administrative neutrality is significant. It suggests that the crisis of trust in higher education may be fueled by exaggerated narratives rather than systemic administrative prejudice.</p>
<p>Future research is needed to explore other potential avenues of bias. This might include investigating faculty advising relationships or the allocation of funding to student groups. Understanding where the perception of bias originates is essential for restoring faith in academic institutions.</p>
<p>Khan also suggests that further work could examine the specific mechanisms that reduce bias. It is possible that anti-bias training or specific university policies play a role in ensuring equal treatment. Identifying these factors could help other institutions maintain equitable environments.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-025-10110-x" target="_blank">Political Bias in College Student Access To Campus Resources</a>,” was authored by Jessica Khan.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-study-identifies-functional-declines-that-predict-psychosis-risk/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New study identifies functional declines that predict psychosis risk</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 27th 2026, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A new analysis of data from a large international consortium indicates that social and academic difficulties often arise years before the onset of recognizable clinical symptoms in young people at risk for psychosis. The findings suggest that these functional declines, particularly in social settings, may serve as early warning signs that precede the hallucinations or delusions typically associated with the condition. This research was published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/schbul/sbaf197" target="_blank">Schizophrenia Bulletin</a></em>.</p>
<p>The primary method for identifying individuals at Clinical High Risk (CHR) for psychosis currently relies on the presence of attenuated psychotic symptoms. These include experiences such as perceptual abnormalities, hearing indistinct whispers, or harboring heightened suspiciousness. While these symptoms are diagnostic markers, they often emerge after a young person has already begun to struggle with daily life. </p>
<p>Previous smaller studies, largely conducted in North America, indicated that problems with peer relationships and school performance frequently predate the clinical diagnosis. The scientific community needed to determine if these patterns held true across diverse cultures and if they were specifically linked to negative symptoms or cognitive deficits.</p>
<p>Negative symptoms refer to a reduction in normal functions, such as a lack of motivation, diminished emotional expression, or social withdrawal. These are distinct from positive symptoms, which involve an excess of experience like hallucinations. </p>
<p>The research team sought to replicate prior findings using updated assessment tools that better distinguish negative symptoms from other issues like depression. They also aimed to clarify whether these functional problems are merely a byproduct of anxiety or mood disorders.</p>
<p>The study was led by Henry R. Cowan of Michigan State University. The team included a vast network of collaborators from <a href="https://www.ampscz.org/" target="_blank">the Accelerating Medicines Partnership®—Schizophrenia (AMP® SCZ)</a>. This public-private partnership involves researchers from 43 sites across 13 countries, spanning five continents.</p>
<p>To conduct this investigation, the researchers recruited 1,056 adolescents and young adults. The participants ranged in age from 12 to 30 years old. All individuals met the criteria for being at Clinical High Risk for psychosis. The sample was notably diverse, including participants from North America, Australia, Europe, Asia, and South America.</p>
<p>The study utilized a comprehensive set of clinician-administered interviews and self-report questionnaires. To assess functioning before the onset of symptoms, the researchers used the Premorbid Adjustment Scale. </p>
<p>This tool evaluates sociability, peer relationships, and academic performance during childhood, early adolescence, and late adolescence. The clinicians scored these developmental periods retrospectively, looking at the time up to six months before the participants’ first psychotic-like symptoms appeared.</p>
<p>The team assessed negative symptoms using the Negative Symptom Inventory-Psychosis Risk. This specific measure evaluates five domains: anhedonia, asociality, amotivation, blunted affect, and poverty of speech. It is designed to evaluate both observed behavior and the participant’s internal experience. The researchers also measured cognitive ability using the Penn Computerized Neurocognitive Battery, specifically focusing on verbal learning and estimated IQ.</p>
<p>To ensure the results were specific to psychosis risk, the researchers also assessed depression and anxiety. Depression was measured using the Calgary Depression Scale for Schizophrenia. Anxiety was tracked using the Overall Anxiety Severity and Impairment Scale. The researchers controlled for these variables in their statistical models to rule them out as the primary cause of functional decline.</p>
<p>The results provided evidence of a consistent pattern across the international sample. Participants who displayed more severe negative symptoms at the start of the study tended to have a history of poorer social adjustment. This link was particularly strong for symptoms related to motivation and pleasure, such as lack of interest in socializing or activities.</p>
<p>Academic struggles showed a slightly different pattern. Poor premorbid academic adjustment was associated with negative symptoms, but it was also strongly linked to cognitive impairment. Participants who had performed poorly in school tended to have lower scores on tests of verbal learning and IQ at the time of the study.</p>
<p>The researchers categorized participants into two groups based on when their symptoms started. The “early-symptom” group experienced their first attenuated psychotic symptoms in childhood or early adolescence. The “late-symptom” group developed these symptoms in late adolescence or adulthood.</p>
<p>For the late-symptom group, the researchers used growth curve modeling to track changes in functioning over time. The analysis showed that social adjustment tended to deteriorate as these individuals moved from childhood through late adolescence. This decline occurred before the onset of their clinical high-risk symptoms. This suggests that a drop in social functioning is a dynamic process that precedes the more obvious signs of illness.</p>
<p>In contrast to negative symptoms and cognition, the severity of attenuated psychotic symptoms themselves—such as suspiciousness—was largely unrelated to the history of social or academic functioning. This lack of association implies that the “positive” symptoms of psychosis may develop along a different pathway than the functional deficits. It suggests that social withdrawal and school failure are not simply consequences of being suspicious or hearing things.</p>
<p>The study also found that depression and anxiety were common in the sample. High levels of depression and anxiety correlated with worse premorbid adjustment. However, even when the researchers statistically adjusted for these mood issues, the relationships between negative symptoms, cognition, and premorbid functioning remained significant. This indicates that the functional declines are uniquely tied to the psychosis-risk state and are not solely explained by comorbid mood disorders.</p>
<p>The findings were largely consistent when the researchers analyzed the subgroup of participants residing outside of North America. This replication supports the idea that the developmental trajectory of psychosis risk shares common features globally. There were minor regional variations, but the core associations remained robust.</p>
<p>There are limitations to consider regarding this study. The assessment of premorbid adjustment relied on retrospective reporting. This means participants and their families had to recall functioning from childhood, which can be subject to memory errors. Additionally, the Premorbid Adjustment Scale assumes that children attend school full-time, which may not be the norm in all cultural contexts included in the study.</p>
<p>Future research aims to collect longitudinal data to see how these participants fare over time. The current study looked backward, but tracking these individuals forward will determine who eventually transitions to a full psychotic disorder. Researchers also suggest investigating how cultural norms regarding adolescent independence might influence these functional trajectories.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/schbul/sbaf197" target="_blank">Premorbid adjustment problems, negative symptoms, and cognitive impairment in a large international sample at clinical high risk for psychosis: Findings from the Accelerating Medicines Partnership—Schizophrenia</a>,” was authored by Henry R Cowan, Danielle Pratt, Jai L Shah, Scott W Woods, Luis Alameda, Martin Lepage, Stewart A Shankman, Jean Addington, Celso Arango, Carrie E Bearden, Sylvain Bouix, Nicholas J K Breitborde, Matthew R Broome, Kristin S Cadenhead, Monica E Calkins, Rolando I Castillo-Passi, Eric Yu Hai Chen, Jimmy Choi, Philippe Conus, Cheryl M Corcoran, Barbara A Cornblatt, Covadonga M Diaz-Caneja, Lauren M Ellman, Paolo Fusar-Poli, Pablo A Gaspar, Carla Gerber, Louise Birkedal Glenthøj, Cláudia Gonçalves, Leslie E Horton, Christy Lai Ming Hui, Joseph Kambeitz, Lana Kambeitz-Ilankovic, Rene S Kahn, John M Kane, Matcheri S Keshavan, Minah Kim, Sung-Wan Kim, Nikolaos Koutsouleris, Jun Soo Kwon, Kerstin Langbein, Daniel Mamah, Daniel H Mathalon, Patrick D McGorry, Barnaby Nelson, Merete Nordentoft, Ofer Pasternak, Godfrey D Pearlson, Jesus Perez, Diana O Perkins, Albert R Powers, Jack Rogers, Fred W Sabb, Jason Schiffman, Martha E Shenton, Steven M Silverstein, Stefan Smesny, William S Stone, Gregory P Strauss, Judy L Thompson, Rachel Upthegrove, Swapna Verma, Jijun Wang, Daniel H Wolf, Alison Yung, Tianhong Zhang, Courtney Crawford, Walid Yassin, Sinead Kelly, Michael Coleman, Grace Jacobs, Kathryn E Lewandowski, Nora Penzel, Justin Baker, Guillermo Cecci, Kelly Allott, Kate Buccilli, Sophie Tod, Lauren Addamo, Lihua Xu, and Vijay A Mittal.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/two-thirds-of-non-speaking-autistic-children-gain-speech-with-evidence-based-therapy/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Two-thirds of non-speaking autistic children gain speech with evidence-based therapy</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 27th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A large-scale analysis of data on autistic preschoolers reveals that while the majority of children gain spoken language skills after receiving evidence-based early interventions, a distinct subgroup does not experience these same linguistic advances. The research identifies specific developmental characteristics, such as lower motor imitation skills and adaptive behavior scores, that mark the profiles of children who remain non-speaking. These findings were published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/15374416.2025.2579286" target="_blank">Journal of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychology</a></em>.</p>
<p>Autism spectrum disorder is a developmental condition that affects how individuals communicate and interact with the world around them. One of the primary objectives of early therapeutic programs is helping these children acquire spoken language. The ability to speak during the preschool years is widely recognized as a strong predictor of long-term independence, social inclusion, and overall quality of life. Conversely, children who remain non-speaking or minimally speaking by the time they reach school age often face increased risks for lifelong disabilities.</p>
<p>Clinical trials have long established that various behavioral and developmental therapies can be effective in promoting speech. However, researchers and clinicians have frequently observed that a sizable minority of children do not make the expected gains in this domain. Until now, there has been a lack of large-scale data to quantify this group or to understand why standard evidence-based approaches might fall short for them. This knowledge gap creates a barrier for clinicians attempting to tailor treatments for children who do not respond to standard protocols.</p>
<p>The study was designed to address these unknowns by determining exactly what proportion of children remain non-speaking despite treatment and by profiling their developmental characteristics. The research was led by Giacomo Vivanti, an associate professor at the A.J. Drexel Autism Institute at Drexel University. He collaborated with a large international consortium of researchers, including Michael V. Lombardo and Catherine Lord.</p>
<p>To conduct this analysis, the research team aggregated data from multiple previous studies to create a massive, combined dataset. This retrospective collection included information on 707 autistic children who were between the ages of 15 and 68 months when they began their respective treatments. All participants had received established, evidence-based interventions for a period ranging from six months to two years. The researchers ensured that the interventions were delivered by trained clinicians or educators and involved at least 10 hours of therapy per week.</p>
<p>The children in the dataset had participated in different types of intervention programs. Some received Early Intensive Behavioral Intervention. This approach typically uses structured, adult-directed teaching methods such as discrete trial training. Others participated in the Early Start Denver Model or similar naturalistic approaches. These methods differ from highly structured training by embedding teaching moments into the child’s natural play and daily routines. A final group received TEACCH, a program focused on adapting the environment to the child’s learning style through visual supports.</p>
<p>The researchers categorized the children based on their spoken language ability before and after the intervention period. They utilized parent reports that were validated against direct assessments and recordings of natural language samples to ensure accuracy. The primary goal was to track who moved from being “non-speaking” or “minimally speaking” to using single words or combining words into phrases.</p>
<p>The results offered grounds for optimism regarding the general efficacy of early intervention. Approximately two-thirds of the children who were non-speaking at the start of the study were able to use single words or more complex speech by the time they exited the intervention. Among the children who started with some minimal speech, about half were able to combine words into phrases by the end of the treatment. This confirms that spoken language is an attainable goal for the majority of autistic preschoolers receiving targeted support.</p>
<p>However, the study also highlighted the reality for the remaining one-third of children who did not advance. The investigators looked for patterns among the children who did not show improvement in spoken language to identify a “non-advancer” profile. They found that these children tended to have lower scores in specific developmental areas at the beginning of the study. Specifically, children who did not advance had lower baseline scores in non-verbal cognition and adaptive behavior compared to their peers who did improve.</p>
<p>One specific skill stood out in the statistical analysis. The researchers observed that children who did not acquire spoken language had lower scores in motor imitation. This skill involves the ability to copy gestures or actions modeled by another person, such as clapping hands, nodding, or waving. This finding aligns with developmental theories suggesting that the ability to imitate physical actions is a foundational building block for learning to communicate with words. It suggests that for some children, the cognitive infrastructure required for speech may hinge on these non-verbal imitation abilities.</p>
<p>The study also analyzed whether the specific type of therapy made a difference in the likelihood of acquiring speech. The analysis showed that the odds of acquiring spoken language did not differ based on which intervention program the child received. Whether the approach was highly structured or more naturalistic, the success rates were comparable. This suggests that the “active ingredients” for teaching language may be shared across these different theoretical approaches.</p>
<p>While the type of program did not predict success, the researchers discovered that the duration of the intervention played a role in outcomes. Children who received therapy for a longer period of time were more likely to advance in their language skills. However, the intensity of the intervention did not show a statistical link to language advancement in this specific analysis. This means that packing more hours of therapy into a single week appeared less influential than maintaining the therapy over a greater number of months.</p>
<p>The age at which a child started therapy also influenced outcomes. Generally, starting intervention at a younger age was associated with better progress. However, the data showed that this relationship was nuanced. The benefit of starting younger interacted with the child’s initial language level, indicating that age alone is not the sole determinant of success.</p>
<p>The authors noted several limitations that affect how these results should be interpreted. Because the data was combined from multiple past studies, there were variations in how distinct clinics collected demographic information. This made it impossible to analyze the influence of race, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status on language outcomes. The diversity of the sample cannot be fully confirmed, which is a common challenge in large-scale autism research.</p>
<p>The study relied on retrospective data rather than a controlled experiment designed specifically for this purpose. Additionally, the interventions were often delivered in university-affiliated research settings. These programs might have higher fidelity and more resources than typical community-based programs. This potential difference in quality means the success rates found in this study might be higher than what is observed in some general clinical settings.</p>
<p>These findings suggest that a standardized approach is insufficient for language development in autism. The researchers argue that clinicians should closely monitor early progress. If a child is not responding to standard intervention, the focus might need to shift. Instead of continuing with the same speech targets, therapy might need to pivot toward building pre-linguistic skills like imitation or introducing alternative communication methods earlier.</p>
<p>Vivanti emphasized the continued value of these therapies despite the variability in outcomes. “When parents ask me if their child should do these interventions to gain spoken language, the answer after doing this study is still yes,” Vivanti said. He added that the goal is to refine the approach based on the child’s response. “What our study is telling us is that even when we’re implementing practices that are evidence-based, some children remain behind. So, we should carefully monitor the response of each child and see what to add or change to tailor therapy for the individual as needed.”</p>
<p>The results also have implications for how resources are allocated. The finding that duration mattered more than weekly intensity suggests that for language acquisition, consistency over time may be more effective than high-intensity bursts of therapy. This could inform insurance coverage and treatment planning for families.</p>
<p>Future research needs to explore how to best support children who fit the “non-advancer” profile identified in this study. This includes investigating whether augmenting standard therapies with specific modules targeting motor imitation could unlock speech for these children. Additionally, researchers must explore how to best support children who may benefit more from alternative augmentative communication devices or sign language. Understanding the profile of the child allows for earlier introduction of these alternative tools, preventing years of frustration.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/15374416.2025.2579286" target="_blank">Proportion and Profile of Autistic Children Not Acquiring Spoken Language Despite Receiving Evidence-Based Early Interventions</a>,” was authored by Giacomo Vivanti, Michael V. Lombardo, Ashley Zitter, Brian Boyd, Cheryl Dissanayake, Sarah Dufek, Helen E. Flanagan, Suzannah Iadarola, Ann Kaiser, So Hyun Kim, Lynne Levato, Catherine Lord, Joshua Plavnick, Diana L. Robins, Sally J. Rogers, Isabel M. Smith, Tristram Smith, Aubyn Stahmer and Linda Watson.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/researchers-confirm-the-detrimental-effects-of-psychopathic-traits-on-job-performance/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Researchers confirm the detrimental effects of psychopathic traits on job performance</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 27th 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A meta-analysis of studies examining the associations between psychopathic traits and workplace behaviors found that higher levels of psychopathic traits are associated with lower task performance and less organizational citizenship behavior. On the other hand, individuals with higher psychopathic traits tended to show more counterproductive work behavior. The research was published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/apl0001248"><em>Journal of Applied Psychology</em></a>.</p>
<p>Psychopathy is a pattern of psychological characteristics that includes a tendency to manipulate other people, emotional deficits, and antisocial behavior. It includes traits such as a lack of empathy, shallow affect, deceitfulness, impulsivity, and reduced guilt or remorse. It is commonly divided into primary and secondary psychopathy.</p>
<p>Primary psychopathy is a subtype of psychopathy characterized by emotional coldness, low anxiety, fearlessness, and interpersonal dominance. Individuals high in primary psychopathy tend to be calculating, manipulative, and relatively emotionally stable. These traits are thought to primarily depend on biological factors and temperament.</p>
<p>Secondary psychopathy, in contrast, is characterized by impulsivity, emotional dysregulation, hostility, and high negative affect. Individuals high in secondary psychopathy frequently show reactive aggression and heightened sensitivity to stress. Secondary psychopathy is more strongly associated with adverse environmental factors, such as trauma or a chaotic upbringing.</p>
<p>The study authors, Lenke Roth and Ute-Christine Klehe, wanted to integrate the results of existing studies investigating the link between psychopathy and core workplace-related behaviors. Their hypotheses were that psychopathy would be associated with lower levels of desirable workplace behaviors and higher levels of undesirable ones. More specifically, they expected that individuals with pronounced psychopathic traits would show lower task performance and organizational citizenship behavior, but more counterproductive workplace behavior.</p>
<p>Organizational citizenship behaviors are discretionary employee behaviors that go beyond formal job requirements and contribute to the effective functioning of an organization. They include activities such as helping coworkers, voluntarily taking on extra tasks, sharing information, and showing initiative that supports the organization beyond what is formally expected of the individual.</p>
<p>Counterproductive workplace behaviors are intentional behaviors that jeopardize an organization’s interests via intentional neglect of duties and/or through deliberate action to damage the organization or the well-being of its members (e.g., taking excessively long breaks, sabotage, bullying).</p>
<p>The study authors searched databases of academic publications and one previous meta-analysis on a similar topic, looking for studies that reported links between measures of psychopathy and the organizational behaviors of interest. The search resulted in 166 independent samples with 49,350 psychopathy scores (i.e., psychopathy measures from that many individuals). These results were published between 2008 and 2024.</p>
<p>The results showed that individuals with more pronounced psychopathic characteristics tended to show reduced task performance and lower organizational citizenship behavior. On the other hand, psychopathic individuals tended to show higher levels of counterproductive work behavior. The observed effects were mostly due to secondary psychopathic traits.</p>
<p>“Results confirmed the largely detrimental effects of psychopathy overall to workplace-related behavior, as well as of secondary psychopathy and to a lesser extent primary psychopathy. Moderation analyses highlighted the relevance of age, organizational tenure, and hierarchical level on the effects of psychopathy,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the specificities of the organizational behavior of individuals with pronounced psychopathic traits. However, the study authors note that this meta-analysis provides data on associations only and did not allow them to map the underlying processes of social exchange (e.g., perceptions of reciprocal fairness, commitment, trust, etc.) that produce the observed associations.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/apl0001248">The Enemy Within One’s Own Ranks: Meta-Analysis on the Effects of Psychopathy on Workplace-Related Behavior,</a>” was authored by Lenke Roth and Ute-Christine Klehe.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/hyperarousal-symptoms-drive-alcohol-problems-in-male-soldiers-new-research-suggest/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Hyperarousal symptoms drive alcohol problems in male soldiers, new research suggest</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 27th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A new longitudinal analysis suggests that specific symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder, rather than the condition as a whole, drive hazardous drinking behaviors in military reservists. The research highlights that symptoms of hyperarousal specifically increase the risk of alcohol-related problems for men but not for women. These findings were published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/acer.70211" target="_blank">Alcohol, Clinical and Experimental Research</a></em>.</p>
<p>Post-traumatic stress disorder is often viewed by the general public as a singular diagnosis. However, mental health professionals categorize the condition into four distinct groups of symptoms. These include re-experiencing the trauma, avoiding reminders of the event, negative changes in mood or thinking, and hyperarousal. Understanding these specific categories is necessary for treating patients effectively. This is particularly true for military populations where trauma exposure is common.</p>
<p>Rachel A. Hoopsick, the study’s lead author from the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, sought to understand these connections better. Along with colleagues from the University at Buffalo, she investigated how these symptom clusters relate to alcohol use. The research team focused specifically on the United States Army Reserve and National Guard. These service members face different challenges than active-duty personnel.</p>
<p>Reservists comprise more than one-third of the United States military. They must navigate the dual demands of civilian and military life. This often results in role conflict and reduced access to military-specific health resources. They also may lack the consistent social support from fellow soldiers that active-duty troops enjoy. Previous data indicates that reservists are at a higher risk for mental health and substance use issues than their active-duty counterparts.</p>
<p>Prior research in this field typically looked at overall stress scores and total alcohol consumption. This broad approach can obscure specific drivers of behavior. Hoopsick and her team wanted to see if specific types of stress symptoms led to specific types of drinking behaviors. They also aimed to determine if these patterns differed between men and women.</p>
<p>The theoretical framework for this inquiry involves the self-medication hypothesis. This theory suggests that individuals use alcohol to cope with specific distressing symptoms. A related concept is the negative reinforcement model. This model posits that alcohol use provides temporary relief from distress. This relief reinforces the behavior and makes future drinking more likely.</p>
<p>The researchers utilized data from a project called Operation: SAFETY. This project examined the health and well-being of soldiers and their partners living in New York. The final analytic sample included 485 soldiers. The team collected data over a period of five years. This longitudinal approach allowed them to track changes in mental health and behavior over time.</p>
<p>The participants completed annual electronic surveys. To measure trauma symptoms, the researchers used the Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Checklist. This standard tool evaluates the four symptom clusters recognized by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. These clusters are re-experiencing, avoidance, negative cognitions and mood, and hyperarousal.</p>
<p>Re-experiencing symptoms include intrusive thoughts, nightmares, and flashbacks. Avoidance involves staying away from external reminders or internal thoughts related to the trauma. Negative cognitions and mood encompass feelings of detachment or persistent negative beliefs. Hyperarousal is characterized by irritability, hypervigilance, and sleep disturbances.</p>
<p>The team assessed alcohol use with the Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test. This screening tool breaks drinking down into three distinct domains. These areas are total consumption, signs of dependence, and alcohol-related problems. Dependence includes symptoms like being unable to stop drinking once started. Alcohol-related problems refer to consequences such as failing to meet expectations due to drinking.</p>
<p>The statistical models accounted for other factors that could influence the results. These included the passage of time and symptoms of general anxiety or depression. This ensured that the connections found were specific to post-traumatic stress symptoms. The researchers looked at how each stress cluster related to each alcohol domain.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed that not all trauma symptoms lead to hazardous drinking. Symptoms related to re-experiencing trauma showed no association with any type of hazardous drinking. This lack of association persisted after accounting for other mental health factors. This challenges the assumption that all aspects of trauma contribute equally to substance misuse.</p>
<p>In contrast, symptoms of avoidance were linked to an increase in alcohol-related problems over time. Soldiers who tried to avoid thoughts or feelings about their trauma experienced more negative consequences from drinking. Similarly, those with negative changes in mood and thinking also reported more alcohol-related problems. These symptoms may heighten a soldier’s vulnerability to using alcohol as a maladaptive coping mechanism.</p>
<p>The study identified hyperarousal as a primary driver of hazardous drinking. High levels of hyperarousal were associated with higher overall alcohol consumption. These symptoms were also linked to a greater number of alcohol-related problems. This supports the idea that soldiers may drink to reduce the physiological sensation of being “on edge.”</p>
<p>The researchers did not find any connection between trauma symptoms and alcohol dependence. Dependence is characterized by a physiological need to drink. The absence of this link suggests that trauma symptoms may influence behavior and consequences more than physical addiction in this group. It is possible that dependence requires a longer time to develop or is driven by genetic factors.</p>
<p>A distinct difference emerged when the researchers compared male and female soldiers. For male soldiers, higher levels of hyperarousal predicted greater alcohol-related problems. This pattern was not statistically significant among the female soldiers in the study. While women reported higher levels of avoidance and negative mood, these did not translate to the same interaction effect seen in men.</p>
<p>This gender difference suggests that men and women may cope with high-stress states differently. Men might be more likely to use alcohol to manage the feelings of irritability or aggression associated with hyperarousal. This aligns with gender role socialization theories. These theories suggest men are often socialized to externalize distress.</p>
<p>Women, conversely, may engage in more internalizing patterns of distress. They might also seek social support rather than turning to substances to regulate physiological arousal. Military culture often reinforces masculine norms regarding alcohol use. This environment may further encourage male service members to use drinking as a method of emotion regulation.</p>
<p>The study has some limitations. The data relied on self-reported surveys, which can introduce bias. The sample consisted largely of married individuals from a single state. This may limit how well the findings apply to single soldiers or those in different regions.</p>
<p>Additionally, the participants generally reported low levels of trauma symptoms and hazardous drinking. The average scores were below clinical thresholds for severe disorders. This means the results might not apply to clinical populations seeking treatment. The findings reflect patterns in a community sample rather than patients in a hospital setting.</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, the research offers a more precise view of how trauma impacts behavior. It moves beyond global severity scores to identify specific risk factors. The focus on reservists also fills a gap in the existing literature. It highlights the unique needs of a population that balances civilian and military roles.</p>
<p>Future research should investigate why these specific connections exist. Scientists need to explore the psychological factors that mediate the link between hyperarousal and drinking. Understanding coping motives could clarify why men specifically turn to alcohol when experiencing hyperarousal. Studies using real-time data collection could also provide better insights.</p>
<p>Tracking symptoms and drinking on a daily basis could reveal immediate triggers. This would help refine interventions for reservists struggling with the dual burden of trauma and alcohol use. The current findings suggest that targeting hyperarousal specifically may be effective. Therapies that teach adaptive ways to manage physiological arousal could reduce the reliance on alcohol.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/acer.70211" target="_blank">Longitudinal associations between PTSD symptom clusters and domains of hazardous drinking among a cohort of United States Army Reserve and National Guard soldiers</a>,” was authored by Rachel A. Hoopsick, Malaiikha McCormick-Cisse, D. Lynn Homish, and Gregory G. Homish.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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