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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/major-new-study-finds-psilocybin-microdoses-improve-the-quality-of-creative-ideas-but-not-the-quantity/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Major new study finds psilocybin microdoses improve the quality of creative ideas but not the quantity</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 24th 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A new investigation published in the journal <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuropharm.2025.110732" target="_blank">Neuropharmacology</a> offers a nuanced perspective on the popular practice of microdosing psilocybin. Researchers found that taking tiny amounts of magic truffles may improve the quality of creative thinking, but not the speed or quantity of ideas generated. This study, which pooled data from three separate clinical trials, suggests that while microdosing does not turn individuals into limitless generators of concepts, it might help them bypass conventional associations to reach more original solutions.</p>
<p>The practice of microdosing involves ingesting a fraction of a recreational dose of a psychedelic substance. Users often claim this regimen enhances productivity, mood, and creativity without causing hallucinations. Despite these anecdotal reports, scientific evidence has remained inconsistent. Many previous studies lacked proper control groups or failed to account for the placebo effect. To address these gaps, a team led by Luisa Prochazkova from Leiden University conducted a rigorous series of experiments to isolate the specific cognitive effects of psilocybin on creative potential.</p>
<p>Creativity is often treated as a single skill, but psychologists view it as a combination of distinct processes. The researchers focused on two primary modes of thought: convergent thinking and divergent thinking. Convergent thinking is the ability to narrow down multiple possibilities to find a single, correct answer. This is the type of logic used in standard intelligence tests or when finding the common link between three unrelated words. Divergent thinking, by contrast, involves generating many different ideas in response to an open-ended prompt. This is often tested by asking participants to list as many uses as possible for a common object, such as a towel or a brick.</p>
<p>The research team theorized that psilocybin acts on specific brain receptors to increase cognitive flexibility. This flexibility allows the brain to activate diverse mental representations simultaneously. While high doses of psychedelics can overwhelm cognitive control, the researchers hypothesized that a microdose might provide enough relaxation of rigid thought patterns to aid divergent thinking. They did not expect it to help with convergent thinking, which requires focused, top-down control.</p>
<p>To test this hypothesis, the investigators designed three separate double-blind, placebo-controlled trials. In each experiment, participants attended a workshop where they prepared their own capsules. Some capsules contained psilocybin truffles, while others contained a non-psychoactive placebo. Neither the participants nor the researchers knew who received the active dose until the study concluded. The trials took place in a semi-naturalistic setting, mimicking how people microdose in the real world, but with laboratory testing sessions scheduled during the peak effects of the drug.</p>
<p>The first experiment involved 59 participants who took a low dose of about 0.65 grams of fresh truffles over several weeks. The second experiment increased the dose to roughly 1 gram and extended the duration, involving 61 participants. The third experiment utilized a crossover design with 27 participants, meaning each person experienced both the placebo and the active condition in separate blocks, with the dose increased to 1.5 grams. To ensure the findings were robust, the authors combined the data from all three studies into a “mega-analysis,” resulting in a total sample of 171 individuals.</p>
<p>The results of this comprehensive analysis revealed that microdosing had no impact on convergent thinking. Participants were not statistically better at finding the single correct solution to logic problems when under the influence of psilocybin compared to placebo. Similarly, the drug did not increase the total number of ideas participants generated during the divergent thinking tasks, a metric known as fluency. The participants did not become faster or more prolific in their brainstorming.</p>
<p>However, a specific and subtle benefit emerged regarding the quality of the ideas. The researchers calculated an “originality-to-fluency ratio.” This metric assesses the proportion of unique or uncommon ideas relative to the total number of responses. In the combined analysis, participants in the active microdosing condition showed a higher ratio of original ideas compared to those taking the placebo. This effect was statistically sound even after the researchers controlled for the participants’ beliefs about which capsule they had taken.</p>
<p>This finding aligns with a concept known as the serial-order effect in creativity. When people are asked to list uses for an object, they typically exhaust the most obvious, conventional ideas first. These responses are drawn principally from memory. Only after these familiar associations are depleted do people start to generate more novel, abstract concepts. The results suggest that microdosing may help individuals navigate away from these conventional associations more efficiently. By relaxing the brain’s reliance on prior knowledge, the drug may allow users to access remote concepts earlier or more frequently in the thought process.</p>
<p>The study also highlighted the importance of body weight in determining the effectiveness of the dose. In exploratory analyses, the researchers found that the relative dose—the amount of psilocybin per kilogram of body weight—was a predictor of unweighted originality scores. This indicates that a standard microdose might be too low for heavier participants to experience any cognitive shift. This finding implies that future research and potential therapeutic applications may need to personalize dosing strategies to achieve consistent results.</p>
<p>These results diverge from some previous findings that reported <a href="https://www.psypost.org/psilocybin-microdosing-fails-to-boost-cognitive-performance-in-rigorous-trials/" target="_blank">no objective cognitive benefits from microdosing</a>. The authors suggest that earlier studies may have been underpowered or relied on tasks that were too short to capture the emergence of original ideas. By pooling data from three trials, the current study achieved the statistical power necessary to detect these subtle shifts in cognition. The findings align with the broader theory that psychedelics relax the hierarchical constraints of the brain, a mechanism often described as “rebus” or relaxed beliefs under psychedelics.</p>
<p>Despite the positive findings regarding idea quality, the study includes several caveats. The effects observed were specific and limited. Microdosing did not enhance creativity across the board. It did not improve the ability to solve problems requiring a single, logical answer. Additionally, the second experiment, which used a mid-range dose, failed to replicate the statistically significant results of the first experiment on its own. This inconsistency highlights that the effects of microdosing may be fragile and influenced by factors such as the environment or the baseline characteristics of the participants.</p>
<p>The researchers also noted that blinding was a challenge, particularly in the third experiment involving the highest dose. In that trial, participants were eventually able to guess their condition better than chance, likely due to noticeable physical sensations. However, the main finding regarding the originality ratio remained present even when the researchers statistically adjusted for these correct guesses. This suggests the improvement in creative quality was not merely a placebo response driven by the expectation of feeling more creative.</p>
<p>Safety remains a consideration. While no serious adverse events occurred, the study focused on healthy individuals who were screened for mental health issues. The theoretical model used by the researchers suggests that increasing cognitive flexibility can be a double-edged sword. Moving too far toward flexibility can lead to distractibility or a lack of persistence. For individuals with a predisposition to psychosis or those who already have highly flexible cognitive styles, increasing this trait further could theoretically be detrimental.</p>
<p>Future research is needed to determine if these effects translate to real-world creative achievement. Generating a novel use for a brick in a laboratory task is a standard proxy for creativity, but it does not perfectly capture the complex process of artistic or scientific innovation. </p>
<p>The authors recommend that future studies employ standardized chemical doses rather than fresh truffles to ensure precision. They also suggest investigating whether these effects persist after the drug has cleared the system, as some evidence from high-dose studies suggests long-term changes in openness and flexibility.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuropharm.2025.110732" target="_blank">Microdosing psilocybin and its effect on creativity: Lessons learned from three double-blind placebo controlled longitudinal trials</a>,” was authored by Luisa Prochazkova, Josephine Marschall, Michiel van Elk, Ben D. Rifkin, Neil R. Schon, Donatella Fiacchino, George Fejer, Martin Kuchar, and Bernhard Hommel.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/donald-trump-weaponizes-humor-through-dark-play-to-test-boundaries/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Donald Trump weaponizes humor through “dark play” to test boundaries</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 24th 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A new analysis of American political discourse suggests that humor has evolved into a strategic weapon used to attack opponents and solidify support bases. The research indicates that both Donald Trump and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez rely heavily on aggressive forms of comedy to persuade voters and deflect criticism. These findings were published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.7592/EJHR.2025.13.4.1087" target="_blank">The European Journal of Humour Research</a></em>.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/beer-prakken-711673178/" target="_blank">Beer Prakken</a>, a PhD candidate at the University of Groningen and visiting researcher at Utrecht University, led this investigation. He noticed a significant shift in how humor operates within the public sphere over the last decade. Scholars have historically viewed political comedy as a positive force for democracy or a tool for social justice.</p>
<p>Current trends indicate that right-wing populist leaders have effectively co-opted humor for different ends. Prakken sought to move beyond analyzing how comedians mock politicians on late-night television. He aimed to understand how politicians themselves utilize jokes to shape public perception and policy.</p>
<p>Existing research often characterizes the far-right through negative emotions such as anger or fear. Prakken wanted to investigate the role of positive emotions, such as fun and amusement, in these political movements. He argues that understanding the mechanics of political joking is essential to comprehending modern polarization.</p>
<p>“This study addresses both a real-world problem and a relevant academic gap. The problem is how politicians, especially far-right populists, increasingly use humor as a strategy to implement radical policy changes,” Prakken told PsyPost. </p>
<p>“For instance, the current Greenland situation started out as a joke by Trump, and it is still often presented as a ‘meme’ or humor by Trump, his team, and supporters. However academically, there remains a lack of scholarly work on how politicians, especially populists, use humor.”</p>
<p>Prakken focused his analysis on two prominent but ideologically opposed figures: Donald Trump and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. He selected these two because they are highly visible on social media and serve as cultural icons for their respective bases. The study examined a specific timeframe in May 2019.</p>
<p>This period included active campaigning and online engagement for both politicians. The researcher collected data from 498 tweets and three major campaign speeches. Two speeches were from Trump rallies in Florida and Pennsylvania. One speech was from an Ocasio-Cortez rally regarding the Green New Deal in Washington, D.C.</p>
<p>The analysis employed a coding system to categorize humor into four distinct styles. These styles were aggressive, affiliative, self-promoting, and self-defeating. Aggressive humor involves ridicule or teasing, while affiliative humor is used to amuse others and facilitate relationships.</p>
<p>To ensure accuracy, the researcher used an intercoder agreement process. This involved multiple independent coders reviewing the text to verify that the categorization of humor was consistent and objective. The study sought to quantify not just the amount of humor, but the specific rhetorical function it served.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed significant differences in how these politicians employ humor across different platforms. Trump used humor extensively during his live rallies. He averaged about 1.2 humorous moments every minute in his speeches.</p>
<p>His use of humor on Twitter was relatively low by comparison, appearing in only about 9 percent of his posts. When Trump did joke online, it was almost exclusively hostile. The study found that 92 percent of his humorous tweets were classified as aggressive.</p>
<p>Ocasio-Cortez displayed an inverse pattern in her communication strategy. She used almost no humor during her live speech on the Green New Deal. In contrast, her Twitter feed was highly comedic.</p>
<p>Approximately 29 percent of her tweets during the study period contained humor. Like Trump, her online humor was predominantly aggressive in nature. She often used ridicule to target political opponents or critics.</p>
<p>Prakken identified a pattern he calls Humorous Political Rhetoric. This rhetorical strategy relies heavily on aggression to belittle opponents. It functions as a tool for persuasion by creating a sense of superiority over the target.</p>
<p>The research provides evidence that “humor is not ‘just a joke’ but a strategic weapon used by politicians,” Prakken explained. “We should take humor by politicians seriously, especially if politicians joke about violating liberal-democratic norms (such as being a dictator or invading foreign countries). Moreover, humor by both U.S. right-wing and left-wing politicians seems to manifest itself in negative ways. Their humor is mostly aggressive, deflects accountability, and complicates constructive political debate.”</p>
<p>The study also highlights how this dynamic creates a bond between the politician and their followers. Laughing together at a common enemy strengthens in-group loyalty. This shared amusement serves as an exclusionary tactic that solidifies the political base.</p>
<p>A key component of this rhetoric is the ability to deflect responsibility. By framing comments as jokes, speakers can claim they were not being serious if they face backlash. This creates a buffer that protects the speaker from the consequences of controversial statements.</p>
<p>Trump’s rhetoric often employed what Prakken describes as “liquid racism.” This refers to comments that rely on stereotypes but remain ambiguous enough to be denied. For example, the study cites a rally where Trump joked about identifying terrorists by their appearance.</p>
<p>The audience laughed, treating the comment as a shared joke. However, the underlying implication relied on racial profiling. The humor masked the severity of the statement while reinforcing stereotypes.</p>
<p>Ocasio-Cortez also utilized humor to deflect criticism and attack opponents. The study cites an instance where she faced backlash for a hyperbolic statement about the economy. She defended the remark as “dry humor” and mocked her critics for lacking a sense of humor.</p>
<p>She compared the Republican Party to the character Dwight Schrute from the television show The Office. This comparison used ridicule to frame her opponents as uptight and absurd. It effectively shifted the conversation from her factual accuracy to the personality of her critics.</p>
<p>The research also points to the deceptive nature of this rhetorical style. Both politicians engaged in trolling, which involves provoking opponents to elicit an emotional reaction. For Trump, this often involved jokes about extending his presidential term limits.</p>
<p>Prakken suggests that such jokes introduce ambiguity about democratic norms. It becomes difficult for audiences to distinguish between playful exaggeration and genuine intent. This ambiguity allows controversial ideas to enter the public discourse under the guise of comedy.</p>
<p>The researcher describes a phenomenon he calls “dark play.” This occurs when deceptive humor creates an environment where radical ideas are normalized. Over time, these playful interactions can transform into serious policy proposals or beliefs. The study suggests that the speaker themselves may become radicalized by this process. This phenomenon is referred to as “dark absorption.”</p>
<p>The humor serves as a testing ground for extreme ideas. If the reaction is negative, the politician can claim it was a joke. If the reaction is positive, the idea gains traction and legitimacy.</p>
<p>“Humor is not only used strategically,” Prakken told PsyPost. “Particularly, I argue that deceptive humor which never reveals itself (think about Trump joking about a third term to trigger liberal media) can transform playful intentions (such as just triggering liberals and having fun) into more serious actions amongst supporters and Trump himself. This deceptive humor called ‘dark play’ (playing with others in the dark) often enables serious radicalization, even if the intention started out as just a joke.”</p>
<p>“While there is not a lot of research into Trump’s humor use, the effects of his humor appear to be pretty significant. As said before, the Greenland stand-off with Europe began as a joke, Trump jokes about locking political adversaries up, Trump sends out memes about him as King or deporting immigrants, he often jokes about being a dictator for years now.” </p>
<p>“Humor should be interpreted broadly, as a playful in-group bonding of laughing together at a certain outgroup, in Trump’s case often U.S. liberals,” Prakken continued. “Hence, the popular internet phrase ‘trigger the libs’. Humor is able to mobilize and radicalize political support, or even transform jokes (such as invading Greenland) into serious policies.”</p>
<p>One limitation of this study is its focus on only two politicians during a single month. This narrow scope means the findings may not apply to all political discourse globally. The reliance on specific definitions of humor styles may also influence the interpretation of the data.</p>
<p>The study also focuses heavily on the American political context. Cultural differences in humor could lead to different results in other countries. The findings primarily address the output of the politicians rather than the direct psychological effect on the audience.</p>
<p>Future research could examine a broader range of political figures to see if these trends are universal. Prakken suggests that more work is needed to understand how humor contributes to radicalization. He intends to interview supporters to analyze how they perceive these humorous messages. He also plans to investigate figures who explicitly blend comedy with white nationalist ideologies. </p>
<p>“To be clear: I do not propose that we should ban politician’s humor, or any political speech for that matter,” Prakken said. “However, people should treat humor by politicians not as ‘just an unserious joke’ but as a political weapon. Also, liberal-minded people should be careful not to deny that Trump or conservatives use or experience humor. Right-wing humor is often characterized as ‘not real humor or not funny’ in liberal discourse or even in academic research.”</p>
<p>“Far-right movements are often portrayed through emotions like anger or fear in academic studies. I wanted to analyze the positive emotions in the far-right like humor and fun. For this project, I have already collected interview data with former and current MAGA supporters in the United States. Moreover, I am interested in the current rise of white nationalist Nick Fuentes who calls himself ‘somewhat of a comedian’ and clearly uses humor too to push his political agenda.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.7592/EJHR.2025.13.4.1087" target="_blank">Humorous political rhetoric in the US: analysing Trump’s and Ocasio-Cortez’s use of humour</a>,” was authored by Beer Prakken.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/severe-sleep-problems-is-associated-with-fewer-years-of-healthy-brain-function/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Severe sleep problems is associated with fewer years of healthy brain function</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 23rd 2026, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>A new analysis of data from older Americans indicates that chronic sleep disturbances are associated with a shorter lifespan and fewer years spent with a healthy brain. The research suggests that severe sleep problems may reduce total life expectancy by several years, with the specific impacts differing between men and women. These findings were published recently in the journal <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01640275251394993" target="_blank">Research on Aging</a>.</p>
<p>As the global population grows older, the prevalence of cognitive decline and dementia is becoming a primary concern for public health experts. Conditions like Alzheimer’s disease place a heavy emotional and financial load on individuals and healthcare systems alike. Because medical treatments for advanced dementia remain limited, scientists are prioritizing the identification of lifestyle factors that might prevent or delay its onset. Sleep habits have emerged as a prime target for this preventive approach.</p>
<p>Human beings spend roughly one-third of their lives asleep. During this time, the brain remains active to support physical and mental maintenance. Previous inquiries suggest that sleep helps the brain clear out metabolic waste products and consolidates memories. Conversely, a lack of quality rest has been linked to various negative health outcomes.</p>
<p>While prior research has connected poor sleep to higher mortality rates or cognitive decline separately, few attempts have been made to combine these factors. Scientists rarely quantify exactly how many years a person can expect to live with normal mental function versus impaired function based on their sleep history. This concept is known as “cognitive life expectancy.”</p>
<p>To address this gap, a research team led by Chi-Tsun Chiu from the Institute of European and American Studies at Academia Sinica in Taiwan conducted a detailed investigation. They sought to estimate the years of life expected in different cognitive states for older adults with varying qualities of sleep. The team included Ching-An Chen from Academia Sinica, Juwen Wang from Purdue University, and Mary Beth Ofstedal from the University of Michigan.</p>
<p>The researchers utilized data from the Health and Retirement Study. This is a large, nationally representative survey of Americans over the age of 50. The team analyzed records spanning from 2002 to 2020 to track changes over time. The final analytic sample included 20,683 individuals who were 65 years of age or older.</p>
<p>Participants provided information about their sleep quality through a series of standardized questions. They reported how often they had trouble falling asleep, woke up during the night, woke up too early, or felt rested in the morning. Based on the frequency of these complaints, the researchers categorized the participants’ sleep trouble as “Never/Rarely,” “Mild,” or “Severe.”</p>
<p>The study also tracked the cognitive status of the participants at two-year intervals. Using established assessments, the researchers classified individuals into three cognitive states: normal cognition, cognitive impairment without dementia (CIND), and dementia. The team then applied a statistical method called multistate life tables. This approach allowed them to calculate the likely number of years a 65-year-old would survive and how many of those years would be spent in each cognitive state.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed that sleep issues are widespread among older adults. Over 60 percent of both men and women fell into the “mild” sleep problem category. Women were more likely than men to report issues with falling asleep or staying asleep. Despite reporting more frequent problems, the impact of these disturbances on life expectancy appeared less severe for women than for men.</p>
<p>For men, the connection between severe sleep problems and reduced longevity was distinct. The data showed that a 65-year-old man with severe sleep issues could expect to live approximately 2.4 fewer years than a counterpart with no sleep issues. This reduction in life expectancy was statistically significant.</p>
<p>The loss of time was not just in total years lived but also in the quality of those years. Men with severe sleep problems were projected to live fewer years with normal cognitive function. Their shortened lives included a proportionally longer period spent in states of cognitive impairment or dementia relative to their total lifespan.</p>
<p>The pattern for women was similar but presented some nuances. Women with severe sleep problems also faced a reduction in total life expectancy and cognitive life expectancy compared to those with mild problems. The reduction in total life expectancy for women with severe issues was about 1.5 years compared to the mild group.</p>
<p>The data indicated a potential threshold effect for women that was not present for men. Women with “mild” sleep problems actually had a slightly higher life expectancy than women who reported “never or rarely” having sleep problems. While this specific difference was not statistically significant, it suggests that minor sleep disturbances might not be as detrimental to women’s longevity as they are to men’s.</p>
<p>The researchers also examined how sleep affected people who already showed signs of cognitive decline at the start of the observation period. For men who started with mild cognitive impairment, having severe sleep problems was associated with a shorter remaining life. This suggests that good sleep remains important for health even after cognitive changes have begun.</p>
<p>The study produced an unexpected result regarding individuals already living with dementia. Among women with dementia, those who reported sleep problems appeared to live longer than those who did not. The authors propose that this counterintuitive finding might be due to how the data was collected.</p>
<p>In many cases involving dementia, a proxy respondent such as a family member answers the survey questions. It is possible that proxies might over-report or under-report sleep issues. Alternatively, the group of women without reported sleep problems might have had a more aggressive form of dementia that leads to quicker mortality.</p>
<p>The researchers speculate on why men might be more vulnerable to the effects of sleep loss. They note that previous studies have shown men often suffer from different types of sleep apnea and other disorders that carry higher cardiovascular risks. These physiological differences might explain why the statistical link between poor sleep and death is stronger in the male population.</p>
<p>There are limitations to this study that should be considered. The measurement of sleep quality relied entirely on self-reports. Older adults may have difficulty accurately recalling their sleep patterns or may misperceive the amount of rest they get. Subjective reports do not always align with objective data gathered from sleep labs or wearable devices.</p>
<p>Additionally, the study is observational in nature. This means it can identify an association between sleep and cognitive life expectancy but cannot prove a cause-and-effect relationship. It is biologically plausible that incipient neurological diseases disrupt sleep centers in the brain years before memory loss becomes obvious. In such cases, poor sleep would be a symptom of decline rather than the cause.</p>
<p>The sample was also limited to those who survived to age 65 and participated in the survey. This selection process inevitably excludes people who died younger or were too ill to participate. This might make the population in the study appear somewhat healthier than the general public.</p>
<p>Despite these caveats, the research adds to a growing body of evidence linking rest to brain health. The use of multistate life tables provides a new way to visualize the burden of sleep loss in terms of years lost. The authors argue that these metrics are easier for the public and policymakers to understand than abstract risk ratios.</p>
<p>The study concludes that sleep is a modifiable risk factor. Unlike genetic predisposition or age, sleep habits can often be improved through behavioral changes or medical treatment. The researchers suggest that interventions to improve sleep quality could potentially extend the number of years older adults live with healthy brains.</p>
<p>Future research will need to clarify the biological mechanisms that drive these gender differences. Scientists also hope to incorporate objective sleep measurements in future longitudinal studies. For now, the findings suggest that paying attention to sleep quality is a practical component of maintaining cognitive health in later life.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01640275251394993" target="_blank">Sleep Quality and Cognitive Life Expectancy in the United States</a>,” was authored by Chi-Tsun Chiu, Ching-An Chen, Juwen Wang, and Mary Beth Ofstedal.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/childhood-adversity-linked-to-accelerated-biological-aging-in-women-new-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Childhood adversity linked to accelerated biological aging in women, new study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 23rd 2026, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A new analysis suggests that specific patterns of childhood hardship are linked to faster biological aging in women later in life. The research indicates that the impact of these early experiences varies depending on a person’s sex and racial or ethnic background. Published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psyneuen.2025.107682" target="_blank">Psychoneuroendocrinology</a></em>, the findings highlight how social disadvantages experienced decades ago may leave lasting chemical marks on our DNA.</p>
<p>Scientists have established that difficult childhood events can harm long-term health. These events are often called adverse childhood experiences, or ACEs. They include physical abuse, parental divorce, and household instability.</p>
<p>Researchers typically assess these hardships by counting them to create a cumulative score. A person who experienced divorce and poverty might get a score of two. However, this counting method has limitations.</p>
<p>It assumes that all difficult experiences affect the body in the same way. It also ignores how different problems often happen at the same time. A simple score might miss specific combinations of stressors that are particularly damaging.</p>
<p>A team of researchers led by Xiaoyan Zhang at New York University sought to correct this oversight. They used a statistical approach that looks for hidden patterns within data. This allowed them to group individuals based on the specific types of adversity they faced.</p>
<p>The study utilized data from the Health and Retirement Study. This is a large, long-running survey that represents the population of older adults in the United States. The analysis focused on 3,586 participants who provided blood samples in 2016.</p>
<p>From these blood samples, the researchers extracted DNA to analyze methylation. DNA methylation involves chemical tags that attach to the DNA molecule. These tags can turn genes on or off without changing the underlying genetic code.</p>
<p>Patterns of methylation change predictably as humans get older. This allows scientists to create “epigenetic clocks” that estimate a person’s biological age. If a person’s biological age is higher than their chronological age, they are aging at an accelerated rate.</p>
<p>The researchers used three advanced epigenetic clocks for their analysis. Two of them, known as GrimAge and PhenoAge, are designed to predict health risks and lifespan. The third, called DunedinPoAm, acts like a speedometer that measures how fast a person is aging at a specific moment.</p>
<p>Zhang and her colleagues aimed to view these biological markers through the lens of intersectionality. This theoretical framework suggests that race and sex are not separate categories. Instead, they represent interlocking systems that shape unique life experiences and health outcomes.</p>
<p>The team first identified distinct patterns of childhood adversity. They found that the patterns differed for Hispanic participants compared to Black and White participants. This required them to analyze the groups separately to ensure accuracy.</p>
<p>Among Black and White participants, the computer models identified two primary groups. The first was a “Low Adversity” class. The second was a “Financial Adversity” class, characterized by financial hardship and receiving financial help during childhood.</p>
<p>Among Hispanic participants, the models also found two distinct groups. One group was defined largely by “Parental Low Education.” The second group faced “Socioeconomic Adversity,” which included father’s unemployment and financial struggles in addition to low parental education.</p>
<p>The researchers then looked for connections between these groups and the epigenetic clocks. They found that women who grew up in the adversity classifications showed signs of faster biological aging. This connection was not statistically clear among the men in the study.</p>
<p>Black and White women in the Financial Adversity group had higher biological ages according to the GrimAge clock. They also showed a faster pace of aging on the DunedinPoAm speedometer. These results were compared against women in the Low Adversity group.</p>
<p>For Hispanic women, those in the Socioeconomic Adversity group tended to have higher biological ages on the PhenoAge clock. They also showed a faster pace of aging than Hispanic women in the Parental Low Education group. This suggests that the combination of financial instability and family disruption is particularly taxing on the body.</p>
<p>The study did not find these same patterns among men. Black and White men in the Financial Adversity group did not age significantly faster than those in the Low Adversity group. Similarly, Hispanic men did not show statistically meaningful differences based on their childhood adversity class.</p>
<p>However, the researchers observed that men generally exhibited faster biological aging than women across all groups. This aligns with broader medical data showing that men often have shorter lifespans and earlier onset of some age-related diseases. The lack of variation by adversity group suggests men might age biologically through different pathways.</p>
<p>The findings for women support the “weathering” hypothesis. This concept proposes that the chronic stress of social and economic disadvantage wears down the body’s systems over time. This cumulative burden eventually manifests as premature aging.</p>
<p>The connection between adversity and aging in women remained even after accounting for adult lifestyle factors. The researchers adjusted for variables such as smoking, body mass index, and adult poverty. Even with these adjustments, the link between early hardship and cellular aging persisted.</p>
<p>This suggests that early-life stress may be biologically embedded. The stress experienced during sensitive developmental periods appears to set a trajectory for health that lasts into older adulthood. It implies that interventions in adulthood might not fully reverse the effects of childhood disadvantage.</p>
<p>The researchers noted that GrimAge was the most consistent indicator of these differences. This particular clock was built using data on smoking and plasma proteins to predict mortality. Its sensitivity makes it a strong tool for detecting the long-term biological costs of stress.</p>
<p>There are important caveats to this research. The study relied on participants recalling their childhood experiences, which can be subject to memory errors. Additionally, the sample consisted of older adults who have survived to later life.</p>
<p>This focus on survivors means the study might miss individuals who died prematurely due to severe adversity. This survival bias could potentially weaken the observed associations. The results may also not apply to younger generations facing different types of modern stressors.</p>
<p>Future research is needed to understand why men and women respond differently to these early exposures. It is possible that biological differences in how sexes handle stress play a role. It is also possible that gendered social roles influence how trauma is internalized.</p>
<p>The authors suggest that future studies should look at younger populations. Tracking individuals over time would help confirm how these biological changes develop. Understanding the timing of these changes could reveal the best windows for intervention.</p>
<p>This study reinforces the idea that not all childhood adversity is the same. The specific combination of financial struggle and family instability matters. Furthermore, the biological impact of these experiences appears to be deeply intertwined with a person’s sex and background.</p>
<p>Addressing health disparities in older adults may require looking back to their earliest years. Policies that reduce child poverty and support family stability could have long-term benefits for healthy aging. The biological evidence suggests that social safety nets for children are also investments in public health.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psyneuen.2025.107682" target="_blank">Adverse childhood experiences patterns and biological aging in a representative sample of older Americans</a>,” was authored by Xiaoyan Zhang, Natalie Slopen, Ariel A. Binns, and Adolfo G. Cuevas.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/people-in-romantic-relationships-who-show-a-high-k-fitness-profile-are-more-likely-to-be-good-patients/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">People in romantic relationships who show a high-K fitness profile are more likely to be “good” patients</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 23rd 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A study of individuals with a medical diagnosis in Romania found that individuals with high-K fitness who were in a romantic relationship were much more likely to be activated patients—i.e., to take an active role in managing their health (“good” patients). This association was even more pronounced in individuals who were satisfied with their romantic relationships. The research was published in <em><a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1346597/full" target="_blank">Frontiers in Psychology</a></em>.</p>
<p>Life history theory is a biological and evolutionary framework that explains how organisms allocate limited time and energy to growth, reproduction, and survival. It focuses on trade-offs between these competing demands across the lifespan. The theory proposes that there are two strategic approaches organisms can adopt: K-selected (or slow) strategies and r-selected (or fast) life history strategies.</p>
<p>K-selected or slow life history strategies describe patterns adapted to stable environments where populations are close to carrying capacity (i.e., the maximum numbers their environment can support). These strategies involve slow development, delayed reproduction, low fertility, high parental investment, and long lifespans. </p>
<p>Fast or r-selected strategies describe life-history patterns adapted to unstable or unpredictable environments. They involve early reproduction, high fertility, low parental investment, faster development, and shorter lifespans. Rather than being discrete categories, K- and r-selection are best understood as endpoints of a continuum.</p>
<p>In psychology and human research, these concepts are often applied metaphorically to individual differences in behavior and decision-making. This is where the term K-fitness appears. K-fitness refers to reproductive and survival success under K-selected conditions, emphasizing efficiency, long-term planning, and investment in quality over quantity. Individuals high in K-fitness tend to prioritize stability, health maintenance, and sustained social relationships.</p>
<p>Study author Cristina Ene and her colleagues wanted to explore how life history strategies relate to health behavior. They hypothesized that individuals with slow life history strategies (high-K strategies) would tend to be “good” patients who prioritize and value their health. They expected that this would be even more apparent if they were in a good romantic relationship.</p>
<p>Study participants were 252 individuals between 19 and 97 years of age. Their average age was 39 years, and 68% were women. They were required to have a medical diagnosis and to be in a committed relationship.</p>
<p>Participants’ activity in the role of a patient was assessed using the Patient Activation Measure. Their adherence to a high-K fitness strategy (i.e., slow life history strategy) was assessed using the High-K Strategy scale. </p>
<p>Study participants also completed assessments of pain catastrophizing (the Pain Catastrophizing Scale) and satisfaction with their romantic relationship (the Relationship Assessment Scale). Pain catastrophizing is a maladaptive cognitive–emotional response to pain characterized by persistent thinking about pain (rumination), magnification of pain-related threat, and feelings of helplessness.</p>
<p>Results showed that individuals who adhered more to a high-K fitness strategy tended to be more active as patients—i.e., they took more care of their health and adhered to treatment regimens. They also tended to be more satisfied with their relationships and were less prone to pain catastrophizing.</p>
<p>Further analyses suggested that a high-K fitness strategy leads to less pain catastrophizing, and that lower pain catastrophizing improves patient activation (i.e., leads individuals to adhere more to treatment plans for their medical condition). In individuals who were more satisfied with their relationship, this association between high-K fitness strategy and patient activation was even stronger.</p>
<p>“In this study, we can highlight again the importance of life history as a general framework for orientation in the way the individual chooses to mobilize his resources according to a cost–benefit analysis for success that he makes regarding his resources. We can also extract from this study the importance of a satisfactory couple relationship in the process of recovery from the disease, and this has a motivating role,” study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the links between life history strategy and health-related behaviors. However, it should be noted that the design of this study does not allow any causal inferences to be derived from the results.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1346597/full" target="_blank">Life history strategy and romantic satisfaction in patients’ behavior</a>,” was authored by Cristina Ene, Vlad Burtaverde, Peter Karl Jonason, Felix Brehar, and Viorel Pruna.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/general-anxiety-predicts-conspiracy-beliefs-while-political-anxiety-does-not/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">General anxiety predicts conspiracy beliefs while political anxiety does not</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 23rd 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/pls.2025.10011" target="_blank">Politics and the Life Sciences</a></em> sheds light on the psychological roots of conspiracy theory endorsement. The findings suggest that while generalized anxiety in daily life predicts a higher likelihood of believing in conspiracy theories, anxiety specifically related to politics does not. This distinction indicates that broad psychological predispositions may be more relevant to conspiratorial thinking than specific political stressors.</p>
<p>The prevalence of conspiracy theories in the United States has generated significant concern among scholars and the general public. Recent data indicates that a large majority of Americans believe conspiracy theories are spiraling out of control. These beliefs can lead to tangible societal harms, such as vaccine refusal or political violence. </p>
<p>Previous psychological research established a link between general anxiety and the endorsement of such theories. The prevailing theory suggests that conspiracy narratives offer simplified explanations for complex or distressing events. By creating a sense of order and predictability, these narratives may help individuals regulate negative emotions associated with uncertainty.</p>
<p>Despite this established link, prior research had not differentiated between general anxiety and anxiety specifically derived from the political environment. The authors of the current study sought to fill this gap. They aimed to determine if the stress caused by political polarization, elections, and governance functions in the same way as general nervousness. </p>
<p>It is plausible that political anxiety could drive people toward conspiracy theories to explain a chaotic political world. It is also possible that political anxiety could have the opposite effect by prompting individuals to seek out higher-quality information to reduce their uncertainty. The researchers designed their inquiry to test which of these psychological pathways is supported by data.</p>
<p>“There has been a lot of literature in psychology showing that general anxiety is a predictor of support for conspiracy theories,” said study author Aaron Weinschenk, the Ben J. and Joyce Rosenberg Professor of Political Science and director of Social Sciences & Public Policy Domain at the University of Wisconsin-Green Bay. </p>
<p>“Recently, there a new measure of anxiety related to politics has been developed, and we wanted to learn whether it was general anxiety or political anxiety (or both) that drives conspiracy theory beliefs. Since many conspiracy theories are connected to politics, we thought it would be interesting to see whether people who are politically anxious are especially likely to support them.”</p>
<p>To investigate these questions, the research team collected data through a university-sponsored survey. The survey was fielded in October 2023. The sample consisted of 451 residents of Wisconsin. The participants were recruited via Dynata, an online survey panel provider. The demographic composition of the sample was compared to U.S. Census estimates to ensure it reasonably reflected the population of the state. The sample was slightly older and more educated than the state average.</p>
<p>The researchers employed specific measures to quantify the different types of anxiety. To measure generalized anxiety, they used the Generalized Anxiety Disorder-2 (GAD-2) scale. This is a standard psychological tool that asks respondents how often they feel nervous, anxious, or unable to stop worrying. </p>
<p>To measure political anxiety, the team used a specialized ten-item battery developed in recent political science scholarship. This measure asked respondents to rate how much anxiety they felt regarding specific political situations. These situations included the election of a disliked candidate, the level of polarization, and the uncivil nature of modern politics.</p>
<p>The dependent variable was an index of support for conspiracy theories. The researchers presented respondents with seven specific conspiratorial statements. These statements covered a diverse range of topics and time periods to gauge a broad propensity for conspiratorial thinking. </p>
<p>The theories included claims that Jeffrey Epstein was murdered to cover up a criminal network and that the government perpetrated school shootings. Other items included beliefs that scientists manipulate evidence, that humans have made contact with aliens, and that the 2020 presidential election was illegitimate. Additional items involved government involvement in the 9/11 attacks and the alleged dangers of 5G technology.</p>
<p>The analysis examined the relationship between the two types of anxiety and the conspiracy index. The researchers used regression models that allowed them to control for various other factors. These controls included age, education, income, political ideology, and media consumption habits. Including these controls helped ensure that any observed relationships were not caused by outside variables.</p>
<p>The data revealed a positive relationship between generalized anxiety and support for conspiracy theories. Individuals who reported higher levels of daily nervousness and worry were more likely to endorse the conspiracy statements. This aligns with the results of previous meta-analyses on the subject. However, the magnitude of this effect was relatively modest. The findings support the idea that individuals with higher baseline anxiety may turn to conspiracy theories as a coping mechanism.</p>
<p>The results regarding political anxiety were different. The analysis showed no statistically significant relationship between political anxiety and conspiracy theory support. This finding held true even when political anxiety was tested as the sole predictor. The study suggests that feeling stressed or anxious about the state of American politics does not appear to drive individuals toward conspiratorial explanations. The null result contradicts the hypothesis that political distress acts as a catalyst for conspiracy endorsement.</p>
<p>The researchers performed additional checks to understand the nuances of their findings. They analyzed the relationship between anxiety and each of the seven conspiracy theories individually. This breakdown revealed that the link between generalized anxiety and the overall index was driven primarily by two specific theories. These were the belief in hidden alien contact and the belief that the 2020 election was illegitimate. For the other five theories, the connection to generalized anxiety was not statistically significant. This indicates that the impact of anxiety may depend heavily on the specific content of the conspiracy theory.</p>
<p>As with all research, there are some limitations. The sample was drawn exclusively from Wisconsin. While the demographics were fairly representative, the results may not perfectly generalize to the entire United States population. The study utilized a cross-sectional design. This means the data was collected at a single point in time. Consequently, the researchers cannot definitively prove the direction of causality. It is possible that believing in conspiracy theories causes anxiety rather than the other way around.</p>
<p>Future research could address these limitations by employing longitudinal designs. Tracking the same individuals over time would allow scientists to see if changes in anxiety levels precede changes in conspiracy beliefs. This would help clarify whether anxiety is a cause or a consequence of conspiratorial thinking. Researchers could also replicate this study in other states or countries to see if the patterns hold true in different political contexts.</p>
<p>The authors also suggest investigating why specific conspiracy theories appeal to anxious individuals more than others. The finding that generalized anxiety predicted belief in aliens and election fraud, but not 5G conspiracies, warrants further exploration. It may be that certain narratives offer more psychological comfort to anxious people than others. Understanding these distinctions could help in developing interventions to reduce the spread of misinformation.</p>
<p>Another potential avenue for future inquiry involves the measurement of political anxiety. The current study focused on anxiety regarding the political environment and process. Future studies might explore anxiety related to specific political policies or existential threats. It is possible that different forms of political distress interact with conspiracy beliefs in ways not captured by the current measures.</p>
<p>This research contributes to a more refined understanding of why people believe in conspiracy theories. It challenges the assumption that the stressful nature of modern politics is a primary driver of conspiratorial thinking. Instead, it points toward individual psychological predispositions as a more relevant factor.</p>
<p>“Overall, our main finding is that anxiety (and not political anxiety) seems to be more strongly related to conspiracy theory support,” Weinschenk told PsyPost. “This means that general psychological predispositions are relevant to politics (even if they don’t seem explicitly ‘political’).”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/pls.2025.10011" target="_blank">General anxiety, political anxiety, and support for conspiracy theories</a>,” was authored by Aaron C. Weinschenk, Isaac Erickson, Kaleigh Gale, Chloe Halford, James Harris, Alex Lange, Zea Miller, Ella Schwantes, Alax Stylinson, Connor Tenor, and Lucas Weisshappel.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/psychopathic-female-criminals-exhibit-unexpected-patterns-of-emotional-processing/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Psychopathic female criminals exhibit unexpected patterns of emotional processing</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 23rd 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>Recent research indicates that incarcerated women with psychopathic traits exhibit unexpected patterns of emotional processing, particularly when viewing unpleasant images. A new study suggests that instead of displaying the fearlessness often associated with psychopathy, these women may engage in defensive emotional regulation strategies that result in a reduced sense of control. These findings were published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/08974454.2025.2576209" target="_blank">Women & Criminal Justice</a></em>.</p>
<p>Psychopathy is a personality construct characterized by emotional deficits and antisocial behavior. It is historically studied through a male-centric lens. Researchers have established that the disorder manifests differently across genders. Men often display overt physical aggression. Women are more likely to utilize relational aggression, such as manipulation or emotional exploitation.</p>
<p>This difference creates a gap in scientific understanding regarding how female offenders process emotions. The biological and social mechanisms driving these behaviors remain unclear. Understanding these nuances is essential for creating effective rehabilitation programs.</p>
<p>Marina Pinheiro and her colleagues at the University of Minho in Portugal sought to address this disparity. They designed an investigation to measure how women in prison respond to visual emotional stimuli. Their objective was to determine if psychopathic traits correlate with specific deficits in how these women perceive positive, negative, and neutral scenes.</p>
<p>The research team recruited 164 women from four different prisons in Portugal. The participants ranged in age from 18 to 81 years. A majority of the women were serving sentences for drug trafficking or violent offenses. The researchers first assessed the participants using the Self-Report Psychopathy Scale – Short Form.</p>
<p>This assessment tool divides psychopathic traits into four categories. The interpersonal factor involves manipulation and grandiosity. The affective factor covers lack of empathy and guilt. The lifestyle factor includes impulsivity and irresponsibility. The antisocial factor pertains to poor behavioral control and criminal history.</p>
<p>Based on the scores from this scale, the researchers separated the participants into two groups. One group consisted of women with lower psychopathic propensities. The other group included those with higher psychopathic propensities. This categorization allowed for a direct comparison of emotional responses between the two profiles.</p>
<p>To measure emotional processing, the team employed the International Affective Picture System. This is a standardized database of photographs widely used in psychological research. The researchers selected 30 images for the experiment. Ten were pleasant, ten were unpleasant, and ten were neutral.</p>
<p>Participants viewed these images on a screen. After viewing each picture, they rated their emotional response using the Self-Assessment Manikin. This system uses graphic characters to represent three emotional dimensions. The first dimension is valence, which measures how happy or sad an image makes the viewer feel.</p>
<p>The second dimension is arousal. This measures the intensity of the emotion, ranging from calm to excited. The third dimension is dominance. This scale assesses the degree of control the viewer feels over the emotional experience, ranging from feeling dominated to feeling in control.</p>
<p>The results revealed distinct differences in how the two groups processed the images. The researchers found that women with higher psychopathic propensities reported significantly lower arousal levels when viewing neutral images. For example, pictures of a man or a rug elicited very little emotional activation in this group.</p>
<p>This lack of response aligns with the theory of sensation seeking. Individuals with psychopathic traits often require more intense stimulation to feel the same level of excitement as others. A mundane or neutral image simply does not register as stimulating.</p>
<p>The study produced unexpected results regarding the dominance dimension. The researchers hypothesized that women with high psychopathic traits would feel more dominant and in control. This prediction was based on the typical profile of psychopathy involving boldness and a desire for control.</p>
<p>The data showed the opposite. Women with higher psychopathic propensities reported feeling less dominant when viewing unpleasant images. They felt a diminished sense of control compared to the women with lower psychopathic traits. This was particularly true for images depicting suffering, such as a battered female or an electric chair.</p>
<p>This finding suggests a defensive mechanism. The researchers propose that these women may emotionally disengage from distressing stimuli to avoid discomfort. This disengagement results in a subjective feeling of losing control over the experience. It is a form of passive avoidance rather than active dominance.</p>
<p>Specific images triggered revealing responses. When viewing an image of a corpse, the high-psychopathy group reported lower arousal and rated the image as less negative than the comparison group. This indicates a “blunting” effect, where the women are desensitized to graphic content that typically disturbs others.</p>
<p>Conversely, an image of a jail elicited higher arousal in the high-psychopathy group. This reaction suggests a specific sensitivity to threats involving confinement or punishment. It contradicts the idea that individuals with psychopathy are universally fearless. They may be hypo-reactive to others’ pain but hyper-reactive to threats against their own freedom.</p>
<p>The study also examined the “lifestyle” factor of psychopathy. This factor is linked to impulsivity and recklessness. The analysis showed that women scoring high in this area rated pleasant images as less positive. This suggests a general dampening of emotional response to positive rewards.</p>
<p>The authors discussed the concept of “ghost memories” to explain some of these findings. These are internalized, often unconscious memories of past trauma or neglect. Many incarcerated women have histories of severe victimization. These past experiences can distort how they perceive current emotional stimuli.</p>
<p>A neutral image might not be perceived as truly neutral if it triggers a ghost memory. Similarly, an unpleasant image might force the individual to shut down emotionally to protect themselves. This creates the pattern of low arousal and low dominance observed in the study.</p>
<p>The researchers note that this defensive regulation might hinder rehabilitation. If a woman cannot process negative emotions or empathize with suffering because she is defensively shutting down, standard therapies may fail. Interventions might need to focus on emotional safety and regulation before addressing behavioral change.</p>
<p>There are limitations to this research that affect how the results should be interpreted. The study relied on self-reported measures for psychopathy. Participants in a prison setting may not answer honestly due to a desire to appear socially desirable. The researchers did control for social desirability statistically, but it remains a potential bias.</p>
<p>The prison environment itself is a confounding variable. Confinement creates a baseline of stress and negativity that could influence how all images are perceived. The study was cross-sectional, meaning it looked at a single point in time. It cannot prove that psychopathic traits caused the emotional processing deficits, only that they are related.</p>
<p>Future research is needed to validate these findings using objective measures. Physiological tools, such as skin conductance sensors or brain imaging, could provide data that is not reliant on self-reporting. Longitudinal studies following women over time could help clarify the direction of the relationship between trauma, psychopathy, and emotion.</p>
<p>This investigation highlights the complexity of female psychopathy. It challenges the stereotype of the cold, dominant manipulator. Instead, it presents a picture of women who may be emotionally dysregulated and defensively detached. These insights could lead to more tailored and effective treatment strategies for women in the criminal justice system.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/08974454.2025.2576209" target="_blank">Emotional Processing of Pictures and Psychopathic Traits in Women Who Committed Crimes</a>,” was authored by Marina Pinheiro, Rui Abrunhosa Gonçalves, and Olga Cunha.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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