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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/one-specific-form-of-insecurity-is-significantly-lower-among-singles-who-have-casual-sex/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">One specific form of insecurity is significantly lower among singles who have casual sex</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 21st 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/pere.70045" target="_blank">Personal Relationships</a></em> provides evidence that single adults who engage in casual sex tend to report higher sexual satisfaction and a stronger sense of their own desirability compared to those who are sexually inactive. The findings challenge earlier assumptions that casual sexual encounters are inherently linked to negative psychological outcomes for single people.</p>
<p>Psychological research has historically focused on sexual activity within the context of committed romantic relationships. When researchers have examined casual sex, they have often restricted their attention to university students or “hookup culture.” This specific focus has left a gap in scientific understanding regarding the sexual lives of single adults in the broader community. The authors of the new paper sought to address this oversight by examining how often average single people engage in partnered sexual activity.</p>
<p>The research team aimed to determine if casual sex contributes to or detracts from the general happiness of single adults. They also sought to identify if specific personality traits, such as attachment style, distinguish singles who have casual sex from those who do not. By looking at singlehood as a distinct life phase rather than just a transitional period, the researchers hoped to provide a clearer picture of how singles navigate their sexual needs.</p>
<p>The investigation consisted of two distinct studies. The first study involved 747 participants recruited through an online platform called Prolific. The participants ranged in age from 20 to 59 years old. To ensure the sample was relevant, the researchers excluded anyone who was currently in a committed partnership.</p>
<p>In this first study, the researchers asked participants to describe their relationship status and any romantic or sexual connections they currently maintained. This was done using an open-ended text box, which allowed participants to describe their situations in their own words. The researchers then analyzed these responses to categorize participants as either engaging in a casual sexual relationship or not.</p>
<p>The participants also completed several standardized psychological questionnaires. These measures assessed attachment style, which includes attachment anxiety and attachment avoidance. Attachment anxiety involves a fear of rejection and a need for reassurance. Attachment avoidance involves discomfort with intimacy and a preference for excessive self-reliance.</p>
<p>Additional measures evaluated the participants’ satisfaction with their single status and their desire for a partner. The survey also included assessments of general wellbeing. These included scales for sexual satisfaction, life satisfaction, and symptoms of depression. Finally, the researchers measured “perceived mate value,” which is an individual’s self-assessment of their own attractiveness and desirability to potential partners.</p>
<p>The results of the first study showed that about 15 percent of the single participants were currently in a casual sexual relationship. A detailed look at the responses revealed that the majority of these partners were friends, “friends with benefits,” or former romantic partners. Only a small portion of the encounters involved strangers.</p>
<p>When comparing the groups, the researchers found that singles in casual sexual relationships reported lower levels of attachment avoidance. This suggests that these individuals are generally more comfortable with intimacy and closeness than their sexually inactive peers. This finding contradicts some previous theories that suggest avoidant individuals might seek casual sex to bypass emotional connection.</p>
<p>The study also found significant differences in how the two groups perceived themselves. Singles engaging in casual sex reported higher perceived mate value. They viewed themselves as more desirable partners than those who were not having sex. As might be expected, the sexually active group also reported significantly higher levels of sexual satisfaction.</p>
<p>To verify these initial findings and gather more specific details, the researchers conducted a second study. This replication included 483 single participants recruited through the same online platform. The second study used a more direct approach to identify sexual activity.</p>
<p>Participants in the second study were asked simply to answer yes or no regarding whether they had engaged in consensual sexual activity in the past month. Those who answered yes were presented with additional questions about the characteristics of their sexual relationship. These questions covered the frequency of contact, the level of emotional closeness, and the degree of exclusivity.</p>
<p>In this second sample, approximately 26 percent of the singles reported being sexually active. The participants described these relationships as having relatively low levels of emotional closeness. They also indicated that there was limited interest in transitioning these casual connections into committed romantic relationships.</p>
<p>Despite the lack of deep emotional intimacy, these relationships often involved frequent social and sexual contact. The data indicated that these arrangements were “mostly about sex,” yet they often occurred between people who knew each other well. Agreements regarding sexual exclusivity were typically assumed rather than explicitly discussed.</p>
<p>The psychological findings from the second study largely mirrored those of the first. Sexually active singles again scored lower on attachment avoidance. They appeared more secure in their ability to connect with others. The link between casual sex and higher perceived mate value was also replicated.</p>
<p>The second study provided additional insights into general wellbeing. In this sample, singles who engaged in casual sex reported higher life satisfaction compared to those who did not. They also reported fewer symptoms of depression. This stands in contrast to some studies on college students, which have occasionally linked casual sex to lower life satisfaction.</p>
<p>The researchers also examined how specific characteristics of the casual relationship related to sexual satisfaction. They found that greater sexual satisfaction was associated with higher levels of interpersonal closeness at the time of the survey. More frequent sexual and social contact also predicted greater satisfaction.</p>
<p>These studies provide evidence that casual sex among singles is not typically driven by a desperate search for a committed partner. The participants generally reported low motivation to turn their casual partners into romantic ones. This suggests that these relationships serve to fulfill immediate needs for sexual expression and physical intimacy.</p>
<p>The association between casual sex and lower attachment avoidance is a notable contribution to the literature. It indicates that engaging in partnered sex, even casually, requires a certain level of comfort with another person. Individuals who are highly avoidant may find even the physical intimacy of a casual encounter too intrusive or demanding.</p>
<p>The consistent link between casual sex and high perceived mate value highlights a potential feedback loop. It is possible that people who feel attractive are more likely to pursue sexual opportunities. It is also possible that finding a sexual partner validates a person’s sense of desirability, thereby boosting their confidence.</p>
<p>The study has some limitations that should be noted. The research was cross-sectional, meaning it captured data at a single point in time. This design prevents the researchers from determining cause and effect. It is unclear whether casual sex leads to better wellbeing or if people with better wellbeing are simply more likely to have casual sex.</p>
<p>The first study was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic. Social distancing measures and health concerns likely influenced the behavior of the participants. This unique context might explain the lower rate of sexual activity observed in the first study compared to the second.</p>
<p>The samples used in both studies were not nationally representative. They relied on online recruitment, which may attract a specific demographic of participants. Future research would benefit from using probability-based sampling methods to get a more accurate estimate of how common casual sex is among singles.</p>
<p>The researchers also noted that they did not assess the specific types of sexual acts engaged in. Future studies could explore how different sexual behaviors relate to satisfaction and wellbeing. Longitudinal research is also needed to track how these casual relationships evolve over time and how they impact mental health in the long run.</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, the research offers a more nuanced view of singlehood than is often presented. It suggests that casual sex can be a positive or neutral part of life for many singles. It challenges the narrative that sex outside of commitment is inherently damaging or a sign of dysfunction.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/pere.70045" target="_blank">Who Is “Doing It”? Casual Sex and WellBeing in Singlehood</a>,” was authored by Anuki Amarakoon, Nicholas Latimer, Geoff MacDonald, and Samantha J. Dawson.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/maladaptive-personality-traits-are-linked-to-poor-sleep-quality-in-new-twin-study/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Maladaptive personality traits are linked to poor sleep quality in new twin study</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 21st 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>New research published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jsr.70242" target="_blank">Journal of Sleep Research</a></em> suggests that maladaptive personality traits are linked to poor sleep health. The findings indicate that individuals who exhibit higher levels of negative emotions, social detachment, or disinhibition tend to report lower sleep quality and efficiency. While genetic factors explain a portion of this relationship, the study suggests that environmental influences and potential causal processes also play a significant role.</p>
<p>Sleep is essential for maintaining physical and mental well-being. Past scientific inquiries have established clear connections between insufficient sleep and various health issues, including cardiovascular disease, anxiety, and depression. To improve sleep outcomes, scientists attempt to identify the psychological factors that influence how well people rest. </p>
<p>Many previous studies have focused on the relationship between standard personality traits, such as those in the “Big Five” model, and sleep patterns. However, less attention has been paid to how maladaptive or problematic personality traits relate to sleep.</p>
<p>“The motivation was twofold. First, sleep is very important to health and daily functioning, and we want to further explore the predictors of everyday sleep,” said study author <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/ziyu-ren-56b424361/" target="_blank">Ziyu Ren</a>, a PhD candidate in the Department of Psychology at the University of Minnesota, Twin Cities.</p>
<p>“Second, as maladaptive personality traits are becoming more widely used in the DSM-5 Alternative Model for Personality Disorders, the continuum framework of personality has received more attention. However, most current work on personality and sleep links has focused on adaptive personality traits. We want to extend this literature by looking at the maladaptive end of the continuum and testing how it relates to sleep outcomes.”</p>
<p>The Alternative Model of Personality Disorders from the DSM-5 focuses on specific domains of personality that can impair functioning. These domains include Negative Affectivity, Detachment, Disinhibition, and Psychoticism. Understanding the connection between these difficult traits and sleep could help clinicians develop better interventions. For instance, if specific personality traits directly contribute to sleep disturbance, treating the personality issue might alleviate the sleep problem.</p>
<p>To investigate these relationships, the team analyzed data from two large, longitudinal twin cohorts. The sample included participants from the Colorado Twin Registry and the Minnesota Twin Family Study. The final analysis included 2,802 individuals. This group comprised 980 complete twin pairs, consisting of 641 monozygotic (identical) pairs and 339 dizygotic (fraternal) same-sex pairs. The average age of the participants was approximately 35 years old. The majority of the sample was female and white.</p>
<p>Participants completed assessments remotely between 2018 and 2021. To measure sleep habits, the researchers used the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Inventory. This widely used tool assesses several aspects of sleep. It measures sleep duration, which is the total hours slept. It calculates sleep efficiency, which is the percentage of time spent in bed actually sleeping. It also produces a score for overall subjective sleep quality.</p>
<p>For personality assessment, the participants completed an abbreviated version of the Personality Inventory for DSM-5. This measure evaluates four specific maladaptive domains. Negative Affectivity involves the frequent experience of negative emotions like anxiety and anger. Detachment refers to a tendency to avoid social and emotional experiences. Disinhibition is characterized by impulsivity and a focus on immediate gratification. Psychoticism describes unusual beliefs and eccentric behaviors.</p>
<p>The researchers utilized a twin study design to analyze the data. This method allows scientists to estimate the relative contributions of genetics and the environment to observed traits. Identical twins share nearly all their genetic material, while fraternal twins share about half on average. By comparing the similarities between these two types of twin pairs, the researchers could determine how much of the correlation between personality and sleep is due to shared genes. </p>
<p>They also employed a co-twin control design. This analysis looks at differences within twin pairs to test for potential causal effects, controlling for shared genetic and environmental backgrounds.</p>
<p>The results showed that all four maladaptive personality domains were associated with poorer sleep. “One thing that stood out is that, compared to what meta-analyses report for normative personality traits and sleep, the maladaptive personality domains showed stronger correlations overall,” Ren told PsyPost. “This suggests maladaptive traits’ potential for understanding and predicting health related functioning.”</p>
<p>However, the strength of these associations varied depending on the specific aspect of sleep being measured. The associations were generally small when looking at sleep duration. This indicates that maladaptive traits are only weakly linked to the actual number of hours a person sleeps.</p>
<p>The associations were medium in strength for sleep efficiency. Individuals with higher levels of maladaptive traits tended to take longer to fall asleep or spent more time awake in bed. </p>
<p>The strongest associations appeared in relation to overall sleep quality. The data revealed large to very large correlations between maladaptive traits and poor sleep quality. This suggests that while these individuals might sleep for a similar amount of time as others, their subjective experience of that sleep is significantly worse.</p>
<p>Among the specific personality domains, Negative Affectivity and Detachment consistently showed the strongest links to sleep problems. Individuals who frequently experience negative emotions or who withdraw socially were the most likely to report poor sleep. The researchers also calculated a “p-factor,” which represents a general level of personality pathology. This general factor also showed a strong negative correlation with sleep quality.</p>
<p>“People who report higher levels of maladaptive personality domains, especially higher Negative Affectivity or more Detachment, also tend to report poorer sleep,” Ren said. “This shows up as slightly shorter sleep duration, taking longer to fall asleep, and noticeably worse overall sleep quality.”</p>
<p>The biometric analysis revealed that both sleep characteristics and maladaptive personality traits are moderately heritable. This means that genetics play a significant role in determining these traits. The study found that shared genetic factors accounted for a moderate to large portion of the relationship between personality and sleep. In other words, the same genetic variations that predispose someone to traits like Negative Affectivity also predispose them to sleep difficulties.</p>
<p>However, genetics did not explain the entire relationship. The co-twin control analysis provided additional nuance. When the researchers examined identical twins, they found that the twin with more severe maladaptive traits still tended to have worse sleep than their co-twin. Since identical twins share the same genetic code, this finding implies that the relationship is not solely due to genetic confounding.</p>
<p>This persistence of the association within identical twin pairs supports the possibility of a causal relationship. It suggests that having higher levels of maladaptive traits may directly lead to worse sleep. For example, a person with high Negative Affectivity might ruminate on worries before bed, making it difficult to fall asleep. Alternatively, it could mean that poor sleep exacerbates maladaptive personality traits. Sleep deprivation often increases irritability and emotional reactivity, which are hallmarks of these personality domains.</p>
<p>The study also highlighted the role of non-shared environmental factors. These are unique experiences that one twin has but the other does not. The analysis showed that these unique environmental influences also contribute to the link between personality and sleep. This was particularly true for sleep duration, where external constraints like work schedules or family obligations likely play a larger role than personality.</p>
<p>“Genetics can partially explain why these traits and sleep problems go together, but not fully,” Ren explained. “There are also environmental influences, and the pattern is consistent with potential causal processes. From a practical standpoint, for example, this suggests sleep difficulties may be one useful and modifiable target when someone is also experiencing high levels of chronic negative emotions or social withdrawal.”</p>
<p>There are some limitations to this study that should be considered. The researchers relied on self-reported measures for both sleep and personality. It is possible that individuals with high levels of negative emotion simply perceive their sleep as worse than it objectively is. This response bias could inflate the strength of the observed associations. </p>
<p>“A key caveat is about causality,” Ren noted. “In the paper, we note that the pattern of evidence is in line with causal interpretations, but that does not establish a causal relationship. Readers should treat the findings as supportive of possible causal links and shared mechanisms, not as <em>proof</em> that tendency in maladaptive domains <em>cause</em> poor sleep.”</p>
<p>“I would also encourage more replication in different samples. One key limitation of our study is that we included four of the five maladaptive domains, so future work should capture the full maladaptive trait framework. It would also be valuable to incorporate objective sleep measures, such as actigraphy, to strengthen and consolidate these findings.”</p>
<p>Longitudinal studies that follow people over time could help clarify the direction of the causal arrow, determining whether personality changes precede sleep problems or vice versa. Future research could also incorporate objective measures of sleep. Tools such as actigraphy watches can track sleep patterns through movement, providing data that is less subject to personal bias. </p>
<p>“My long-term goal is to understand the role of PID-5 maladaptive traits in organizational and work-related contexts,” Ren told PsyPost. “This study is one step showing that PID-5 traits can meaningfully predict a well-being outcome reflected in sleep. Next, I plan to examine PID-5 links with broader well- being and key workplace outcomes, and test when it adds value beyond normative personality traits.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jsr.70242" target="_blank">Sleep and Maladaptive Personality Traits: A Twin Study</a>,” was authored by Ziyu Ren, Jarrod M. Ellingson, Christian Hopfer, Robert F. Krueger, Zlatan Krizan, Kristian E. Markon, Deniz S. Ones, Zoë Panchal, J. Megan Ross, Scott Vrieze, Stephanie M. Zellers, and Matt McGue.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/depressions-impact-on-fairness-perceptions-depends-on-socioeconomic-status/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Depression’s impact on fairness perceptions depends on socioeconomic status</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 20th 2026, 20:00</div>
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<p><p>A study of Chinese students in China and Malaysia found that socioeconomic status moderates the effects of depression on fairness perceptions. Students with high (but subclinical) levels of depressive symptoms tended to view unfair offers as fairer. However, this was only the case with students whose socioeconomic status was high. The paper was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0330870"><em>PLOS One</em></a>.</p>
<p>Depression is a common mental health disorder characterized by persistent low mood, loss of interest or pleasure, and reduced motivation and energy. Additionally, people with depression tend to experience negative cognitive biases, including a tendency to interpret information in pessimistic or self-critical ways. They tend to remain focused on negative thoughts about themselves and past experiences. This is called rumination and it contributes to maintaining the low mood and furthers cognitive biases.</p>
<p>Depressed individuals tend to show heightened sensitivity to rejection and are more prone to interpreting ambiguous social cues as negative or hostile. They tend to overestimate others’ disapproval, indifference, or criticism, even in neutral interactions.</p>
<p>Depression can also impair emotion recognition, leading to difficulties in accurately identifying others’ facial expressions, tone of voice, or intentions. These distortions in social perception can contribute to social withdrawal and reduced engagement with others. Depressed individuals are less able to perceive positive emotions in others, while they perceive negative emotions much more easily. Altogether, the effects of depression on social perception can create a self-reinforcing cycle in which biased interpretations maintain social isolation and depressive symptoms.</p>
<p>Study author Yin Hanmo and their colleagues note that individuals with depression often exhibit cognitive distortions in socioeconomic decision-making, particularly in interpreting fairness. They wanted to explore how depression influences fairness perception and rejection behaviors in the Ultimatum Game. They also wanted to see whether subjective socioeconomic status moderates the relationship between depression and behaviors related to this game.</p>
<p>Study participants were 274 Chinese students from the National University of Malaysia (in Malaysia) and the Zhengzhou University of Economics and Business (in China). All participants were native speakers of Chinese. Of the participants, 173 were male. Their average age was 21 years.</p>
<p>Study participants completed the Ultimatum Game in groups of 10-30 individuals. In a typical Ultimatum Game, one player makes an offer to the other player about how to split a certain amount of money or points between the two players. The other player can accept or reject. Typically, if the second player accepts, players get the offered amounts. If the second player rejects, players get nothing. In social psychology research, the study participant is typically the only player, while the behavior of the other player is, unbeknownst to the participant, controlled by the researchers.</p>
<p>In the scope of the Ultimatum Game in this study, participants were presented with a table with 9 offers presented as coming from randomly matched anonymous proposers. The offers differed in how much of the total goes to the participant and how much to the other party. Each offer was offered twice, so each participant viewed a total of 18 offers. The order of offers was randomized. Participants could accept or reject each offer, and the amount they were paid in the end depended on the sum of all accepted offers. The average sum paid to participants was somewhat below $1.</p>
<p>After completing the Ultimatum Game, participants completed assessments of fairness of all 9 offers presented in the game. They also completed an assessment of depression symptoms (the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale) and an assessment of subjective socioeconomic status (the 10-rung MacArthur scale).</p>
<p>Results showed that participants with higher levels of depression tended to rate unfair offers as fairer. However, the likelihood that unfair offers would be rejected was not directly associated with depression. Individuals who perceived their socioeconomic status as higher also tended to perceive unfair offers as fairer. Individuals who perceived unfair offers as fairer were less likely to reject them.</p>
<p>Further analyses revealed that this tendency of individuals with more pronounced depressive symptoms to perceive unfair offers as fairer was present only among participants with high subjective socioeconomic status.</p>
<p>“These findings suggest that subjective socioeconomic status shapes the cognitive consequences of depression, highlighting the importance of accounting for socio-cognitive contextual factors in understanding how depression affects social decision-making processes,” study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of social perception specificities of depressed individuals. However, it should be noted that the design of the study does not allow definitive conclusions about the interaction of depression and socioeconomic status in their effects on fairness perceptions to be derived from the results.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0330870">Subjective socioeconomic status moderates depression’s impact on fairness perception in the ultimatum game: A moderated mediation model,</a>” was authored by Yin Hanmo, Rozainee Khairudin, Shi Yixin, Zhang Xi, Chen Xinyu, Syakirien Yusoff, and Nasrudin Subhi.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/early-life-adversity-primes-the-body-for-persistent-physical-pain-new-research-suggests/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Early life adversity primes the body for persistent physical pain, new research suggests</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 20th 2026, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>New research suggests that difficult experiences in childhood may prime the nervous system for chronic pain later in life. A study involving nearly 2,500 trauma survivors found that those with a history of abuse or bullying were more likely to suffer from persistent physical pain following a car crash or similar event in adulthood. The researchers validated these findings by observing similar patterns in laboratory rats. These results, published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1097/j.pain.0000000000003555" target="_blank">Pain</a></em>, provide evidence that early life adversity is a biological vulnerability factor for poor recovery from injury.</p>
<p>Most people experience a traumatic event at some point in their lives. While the majority of individuals recover physically and emotionally, a subset develops chronic post-traumatic musculoskeletal pain. This condition is characterized by persistent soreness and discomfort that often continues long after physical injuries have healed. Medical providers have struggled to identify which patients are most at risk for this outcome.</p>
<p>The inability to predict who will develop chronic pain hinders the development of preventive treatments. Previous research has established that early life adversity can harm long-term mental health. Lauren A. McKibben, a researcher at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and her colleagues hypothesized that these early experiences might also affect physical pain processing. They sought to determine if childhood stress alters the body in a way that makes it harder to recover from physical trauma decades later.</p>
<p>To investigate this connection, the research team utilized data from a large nationwide project called the AURORA study. This project enrolled adults who sought care in emergency departments across the United States following a traumatic incident. The majority of these incidents involved motor vehicle collisions. The study design allowed researchers to track the participants’ recovery in real-time.</p>
<p>Two weeks after their emergency room visit, the participants completed surveys about their history. They answered questions from the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire regarding physical, emotional, and sexual abuse, as well as neglect. The researchers also included specific questions about whether the participants had been bullied by peers during their youth.</p>
<p>Over the following eight weeks, the patients reported their pain levels through digital surveys on their cellphones. The research team used a statistical method to categorize patients into four distinct groups based on how their pain evolved over time. These groups ranged from those who experienced low levels of pain to those who suffered from high, unremitting pain. This categorization allowed the scientists to see distinct patterns of recovery or non-recovery.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed a strong association between a history of childhood adversity and the trajectory of pain recovery. Individuals who reported higher levels of childhood trauma were statistically more likely to belong to the group with high, unremitting pain. The data showed that as the severity of past trauma increased, the likelihood of chronic physical pain also rose.</p>
<p>The study found that not all types of childhood difficulty had the same impact on adult pain. Physical abuse, emotional abuse, and bullying emerged as the strongest predictors of poor pain recovery. The authors noted that “physical abuse, emotional abuse, and bullying being the strongest predictors of high pain class assignment.” Physical and emotional neglect did not show a statistically significant link to the pain trajectories in the final adjusted models.</p>
<p>The researchers calculated the potential impact of eliminating these early stressors. Their statistical models suggested that if early life adversity were removed from the population, there could be a substantial reduction in the number of people experiencing high chronic pain. This finding highlights the long-term physical health consequences of child maltreatment.</p>
<p>To verify that these findings had a biological basis rather than just a psychological one, the team conducted parallel experiments using Sprague Dawley rats. Animal models allow scientists to control environmental variables that are impossible to isolate in human subjects. This approach helps confirm that the observed effects are driven by physiological changes.</p>
<p>The researchers created a model of early life adversity for the animals. They limited the nesting material available to mother rats and their pups for a brief period after birth. This shortage induces stress in the mother, which affects her interactions with her offspring and creates a stressful environment for the developing pups.</p>
<p>Once these rats reached adulthood, the researchers exposed them to a stressful event designed to mimic the traumatic experiences of the human participants. This procedure, known as single prolonged stress, involves temporary physical restraint and forced swimming. It is a standard method used to induce symptoms similar to post-traumatic stress in animals.</p>
<p>The scientists then measured the animals’ sensitivity to physical touch to gauge their pain levels. They used an electronic device to apply light pressure to the rats’ paws. The researchers recorded the amount of pressure required to make the animal pull its paw away.</p>
<p>The results from the animal experiments mirrored the trends seen in the human participants. Rats exposed to the stressful bedding conditions as pups displayed higher baseline sensitivity to touch as adults compared to rats raised in standard conditions. This suggests that the early stress had already altered their sensory processing before any adult trauma occurred.</p>
<p>The effect became even more pronounced after the adult stress exposure. Rats with a history of early life adversity remained sensitive to touch for a longer duration than the control group. While the control rats eventually recovered from the stress-induced sensitivity, the rats with early adversity continued to show signs of heightened pain response.</p>
<p>The authors reported that “neonatal limited bedding combined with SPS caused increased baseline sensitivity and prolonged mechanical hypersensitivity.” This prolonged sensitivity in the animals parallels the unremitting pain observed in the human subjects. The animal model provides a controlled environment to study the phenomenon free from the confounding factors present in human lives.</p>
<p>The researchers acknowledged several limitations in their work. The human participants provided details about their childhood experiences retrospectively. This reliance on memory can introduce inaccuracies or bias. Additionally, the study did not pinpoint the exact age at which the childhood adversities occurred.</p>
<p>The developmental timing of stress may play a role in how the nervous system adapts. Different stages of brain development may be more or less susceptible to specific types of stress. The current human data did not allow for a granular analysis of timing.</p>
<p>The animal model also had limitations. The researchers measured a reflexive response to physical touch. This measurement serves as a proxy for pain but does not capture the full emotional and cognitive complexity of the human pain experience. Human pain involves suffering and interference with daily life that a simple reflex test cannot measure.</p>
<p>Furthermore, the exact biological mechanisms linking the early stress to the later pain remain to be fully described. The study establishes that the link exists and can be replicated, but it does not explain exactly how the change occurs at a cellular level. It is unclear if the changes reside primarily in the brain, the spinal cord, or the peripheral nerves.</p>
<p>The authors suggest that future research should investigate these biological pathways. Potential areas of study include changes in the immune system and the neuroendocrine system. Previous research has hinted that early stress may create a state of low-grade inflammation that persists into adulthood.</p>
<p>Other possibilities include changes in neuroplasticity. Early stress might alter how the nervous system rewires itself, making it more prone to becoming “stuck” in a pain state. Identifying these mechanisms is a necessary step toward developing medical treatments.</p>
<p>Understanding the biological roots of this vulnerability could lead to new therapeutic strategies. If doctors can identify patients with a history of early adversity immediately after a car crash, they might offer different interventions. These interventions could target the specific physiological pathways that prevent recovery.</p>
<p>This translational approach helps bridge the gap between psychology and physiology. It reinforces the concept that mental trauma and physical pain are deeply interconnected. The findings emphasize the need for a holistic approach to treating trauma survivors.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1097/j.pain.0000000000003555" target="_blank">Early life adversity increases risk for chronic posttraumatic pain, data from humans and rodents</a>,” was authored by Lauren A. McKibben, Alice Woolard, Samuel A. McLean, Ying Zhao, Taanvii Verma, Jacqueline Mickelson, Hongxia Lu, Jarred Lobo, Stacey L. House, Francesca L. Beaudoin, Xinming An, Jennifer S. Stevens, Thomas C. Neylan, Tanja Jovanovic, Laura T. Germine, Scott L. Rauch, John P. Haran, Alan B. Storrow, Christopher Lewandowski, Phyllis L. Hendry, Sophia Sheikh, Christopher W. Jones, Brittany E. Punches, Lauren A. Hudak, Jose L. Pascual, Mark J. Seamon, Claire Pearson, David A. Peak, Roland C. Merchant, Robert M. Domeier, Niels K. Rathlev, Brian J. O’Neil, Leon D. Sanchez, Steven E. Bruce, John F. Sheridan, Ronald C. Kessler, Karestan C. Koenen, Kerry J. Ressler, and Sarah D. Linnstaedt.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/economic-uncertainty-linked-to-greater-male-aversion-to-female-breadwinning/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Economic uncertainty linked to greater male aversion to female breadwinning</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 20th 2026, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A new cross-national analysis indicates that men generally hold more negative views toward female breadwinning than women do. This aversion appears particularly acute in countries where men face high unemployment rates. The research suggests that economic uncertainty may drive men to cling more tightly to traditional gender roles to protect their sense of masculinity. The study appears in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103233" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Social Science Research</a></em>.</p>
<p>Sociologists have observed a global increase in marriages where the wife earns more than her husband. Despite this shift in economic reality, cultural attitudes often lag behind. When society stigmatizes these relationships, it can lead to mismatches in the marriage market. Women with high earnings may struggle to find partners, and men may feel discouraged from marrying women who outearn them. This friction can result in lower marriage rates and increased conflict within existing unions.</p>
<p>Sangsoo Lee, a researcher at Korea University in South Korea, sought to understand the drivers behind these attitudes. Lee investigated how individual beliefs connect to broader national contexts. The study aimed to determine whether factors like national gender equality or economic instability influence how men and women perceive female breadwinning.</p>
<p>To conduct this analysis, Lee utilized data from the seventh wave of the World Values Survey. This extensive project collected responses between 2017 and 2022. The final dataset included nearly 79,000 respondents across 59 countries and regions. These locations ranged from highly developed nations like the United States and Germany to developing economies such as Nigeria and Pakistan.</p>
<p>To measure attitudes, the survey asked participants to evaluate a specific statement. The prompt read: “If a woman earns more money than her husband, it is almost certain to cause problems.” Respondents indicated their level of agreement or disagreement.</p>
<p>The study identified a clear disparity between the sexes. Men were generally more likely than women to agree that female breadwinning causes problems. After accounting for various personal characteristics, the analysis showed that men had approximately 11 percent higher odds of expressing aversion compared to women. This supports the theory that men may view female breadwinning as a threat to their status. In many cultures, masculine identity remains tied to the role of the primary provider.</p>
<p>Lee also examined how the labor market structure in each country correlated with these views. In nations where women participate in the workforce at rates similar to men, the general population expressed less aversion to female breadwinning. This trend applied to both men and women. It appears that structural gender equality at the national level fosters greater cultural acceptance of women earning higher incomes.</p>
<p>Economic development played a similar role. In wealthier countries with a higher gross domestic product, people held more accepting views. In these developed economies, the difference in opinion between men and women tended to be smaller. For example, previous research has shown that in Western nations like Sweden and the United States, resistance to female breadwinning is relatively low. Lee’s data confirmed that as countries become wealthier, gender attitudes tend to converge toward acceptance.</p>
<p>However, a distinct and revealing pattern emerged regarding male unemployment. In countries with high rates of men’s unemployment, the gap in attitudes between men and women widened considerably. While women’s attitudes remained relatively stable regardless of the unemployment rate, men in these environments reported much higher levels of aversion.</p>
<p>For instance, in a theoretical country with a male unemployment rate of 3 percent, men and women showed similar levels of discomfort. But in a country with an 18 percent male unemployment rate, men became roughly 6 percentage points more likely than women to view female breadwinning as problematic.</p>
<p>Lee interprets this finding through the lens of the “masculine overcompensation thesis.” This sociological concept suggests that when men face threats to their traditional status, they often react by embracing extreme masculine behaviors or beliefs. In this case, the threat of unemployment and economic irrelevance may lead men to emphasize the importance of the male breadwinner role. They appear to reject the idea of a high-earning wife more strongly when their own economic prospects are uncertain.</p>
<p>These findings align with and expand upon a growing body of evidence regarding gender, income, and well-being. Recent <a href="https://www.psypost.org/most-super-rich-couples-have-breadwinning-husbands-and-stay-at-home-wives-contrasting-sharply-with-everyone-else/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">research on the “super rich”</a> in the United States highlights the persistence of the male breadwinner model. A study analyzing thirty years of data found that over half of heterosexual couples in the top one percent of households rely solely on a male income. This rate is double that of less affluent couples.</p>
<p>The persistence of these arrangements at the top of the economic ladder suggests that the “diamond ceiling” remains intact. It also implies that men continue to hold the majority of societal power associated with wealth.</p>
<p>The psychological impact of breaking these norms also appears consistent across different studies. Research analyzing European data found that <a href="https://www.psypost.org/couples-in-which-the-woman-is-the-only-earner-report-lower-life-satisfaction/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">men reported lower life satisfaction</a> when their female partners were the sole earners. This distress was prevalent even in countries typically seen as gender-egalitarian, such as Finland. Men in these situations often suffered more mentally than women did. This supports Lee’s conclusion that men perceive a loss of breadwinning status as a profound personal failure.</p>
<p>Further research into psychological distress reinforces this connection. A study from the University of Bath observed a “U-shaped” relationship between <a href="https://www.psypost.org/husbands-distress-levels-increase-sharply-after-wives-start-earning-more-than-40-percent-of-household-income/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">spousal income and male distress</a>. Men’s stress levels declined as their wives’ earnings approached 40 percent of the household total. However, as women’s earnings surpassed that point, the husbands’ distress levels gradually increased. They found the situation most stressful when they were entirely economically dependent on their partners.</p>
<p>The connection between traditional views and physiological health is also well documented. A study published in the <em>Journal of Marriage and Family</em> examined biomarkers for chronic stress in men. That research found that men who were financially dependent on their wives and held traditional gender ideologies <a href="https://www.psypost.org/mens-economic-dependency-only-stresses-them-out-when-they-hold-traditional-gender-attitudes/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">experienced higher levels of physiological stress</a>. In contrast, men with more egalitarian views did not suffer the same physical toll when they earned less than their spouses. This aligns with Lee’s finding that rigid gender norms can be harmful.</p>
<p>Lee’s work also complements findings regarding the long-term stability of earnings. Research published in <em>Research in Social Stratification and Mobility</em> tracked couples for decades. That study found that gender-egalitarian earning patterns are becoming more common. However, these patterns <a href="https://www.psypost.org/financial-dynamics-in-long-term-marriages-surprising-findings-unearthed-from-decades-worth-of-data/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">are highly stratified by socioeconomic status</a>. Couples with higher education and earnings were more likely to maintain a dual-earner status. This aligns with Lee’s observation that economic development correlates with more acceptance of female earners.</p>
<p>Despite these insights, the study does face certain limitations. The measurement of aversion relied on a single survey question about income. It did not capture attitudes toward other forms of status difference, such as a wife having a higher education level than her husband. Income may be a unique marker of masculinity that triggers specific responses.</p>
<p>Additionally, the study assessed these factors at a specific moment in time rather than tracking changes over years. It is difficult to fully disentangle the overlapping influences of economic development and cultural values.</p>
<p>Future research could benefit from examining how these macro-level factors interact over time. It remains unclear why the gender gap narrows in more developed countries. Understanding the mechanisms that drive this convergence could help societies navigate the changing landscape of marriage and work. For now, the data suggests that while women are increasingly taking on breadwinning roles, the cultural accommodation of this shift depends heavily on the economic security of men.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103233" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Men’s and women’s aversion to female breadwinning: Linking individual attitudes to macro-level contexts</a>,” was authored by Sangsoo Lee.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/women-tend-to-downplay-their-gender-in-workplaces-with-masculinity-contest-cultures/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Women tend to downplay their gender in workplaces with masculinity contest cultures</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 20th 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2025.104832"><em>Journal of Experimental Social Psychology</em></a> has found that workplace cultures focused on ruthless competition and dominance can cause women to distance themselves from their gender group. The findings suggest that when organizational norms glorify masculine traits, women tend to feel that their social identity is less valued. As a coping mechanism, they may hide or downplay their gender to fit in.</p>
<p>The authors of the new study aimed to understand why women in male-dominated fields often manage their identity by disassociating from other women. To do this, they focused on a concept known as “masculinity contest culture.” This term describes organizational environments that prize dog-eat-dog competition, physical or emotional toughness, and a refusal to show vulnerability. In these settings, traits typically associated with masculinity are treated as the standard for success.</p>
<p>“This study was motivated by a gap in how researchers understand subtle forms of workplace bias beyond overt discrimination. While prior work has shown that women sometimes distance themselves from other women after experiencing direct gender discrimination, we knew much less about whether workplace cultures themselves (particularly those that reward traditionally masculine norms) could produce similar effects,” said study author Jenny Veldman, an assistant professor at Utrecht University</p>
<p>“We wanted to examine whether simply working in a masculinity contest culture, even in the absence of explicit discriminatory acts, could make women feel that their gender identity is devalued and lead them to distance themselves from that identity. This is a real-world issue because many organizations implicitly reward competitiveness, dominance, and toughness, which may quietly undermine women’s sense of status and belonging at work.”</p>
<p>Veldman and her co-author, Andrea C. Vial, reasoned that such an environment implicitly signals that being female is associated with lower status. Previous research has often looked at how women respond to personal experiences of sexism. Veldman and Vial wanted to see if the workplace culture itself could trigger identity distancing, even without specific acts of discrimination. They proposed that women engage in “self-group distancing” to protect their personal status in environments where their group is devalued.</p>
<p>The researchers tested their hypotheses across four separate studies. In Study 1, they recruited 1,687 adults from the United States through an online platform. The participants were asked to imagine they were looking for a job and had inquired about the work environment at a hypothetical company. They were randomly assigned to read a response that described either a strong masculinity contest culture or a weak one.</p>
<p>The strong contest culture was described using phrases about a “sink or swim” atmosphere where admitting a lack of knowledge looks like weakness. The weak contest culture was described as an environment where seeking advice is acceptable. The researchers then measured self-group distancing in a novel way. They asked participants to choose an avatar to represent themselves in a virtual work environment. The options included male silhouettes, female silhouettes, and gender-neutral objects.</p>
<p>The data indicated that women were more likely to conceal their gender in the strong masculinity contest culture. Specifically, women in this condition were twice as likely to choose a gender-neutral avatar compared to those in the weak contest condition. Women also reported a stronger intention to try to hide their gender if they worked there. Men did not change their avatar choice or identity presentation based on the workplace culture.</p>
<p>In Study 2, the researchers sought to replicate these findings with real-world employees. They recruited a stratified sample of 612 adults employed across various industries in the United States. The sample included equal numbers of men and women working in majority-male, majority-female, and gender-balanced fields. This design allowed the authors to verify if the effects were driven by the culture itself rather than just the number of men in the workplace.</p>
<p>Participants rated how much their current workplace resembled a masculinity contest. They answered questions about whether the environment was dog-eat-dog or if expressing vulnerability was punished. They also completed surveys measuring how much they engaged in self-group distancing, such as trying to divert attention away from their gender.</p>
<p>The results showed a correlation between perceiving a masculinity contest culture and engaging in self-group distancing. This connection existed for women but not for men. The analysis also suggested a specific psychological path for this behavior. Women who perceived a strong masculinity contest reported feeling lower personal status at work. This reduced sense of status was statistically linked to their tendency to distance themselves from their gender group.</p>
<p>Study 3 was designed to examine the underlying mechanism of status devaluation. The researchers recruited 816 participants online and presented them with the hypothetical company scenarios used in the first study. They included a control condition with no specific cultural information. The participants were asked to estimate the level of respect and admiration that different groups of employees would receive in that company.</p>
<p>The participants inferred that female employees would elicit lower status than male employees in the company with the strong masculinity contest culture. This estimated status gap was much larger than in the weak contest or control conditions. For female participants, the belief that their gender group was devalued was associated with anticipating lower personal respect for themselves. This supports the idea that women’s personal status is tied to how the organization values their group.</p>
<p>Finally, Study 4 tested whether boosting the status of the female group could reduce distancing behaviors. The researchers recruited 840 participants and presented them all with a description of a workplace with a strong masculinity contest culture. However, they manipulated the perceived status of women within that specific environment.</p>
<p>Participants viewed a chart ostensibly showing results from an employee satisfaction survey. Half the participants saw data indicating that female employees felt much less respected than male employees. The other half saw data indicating that female employees felt just as respected as their male colleagues.</p>
<p>When women saw that female employees were respected despite the aggressive culture, they were less likely to distance themselves from their gender group. The gender gap in self-group distancing, which was large in the low-status condition, shrank in the high-status condition. This provides evidence that the devaluation of the female identity is the specific driver of the distancing behavior. Lifting the status of the group reduced the need for individual women to hide who they are.</p>
<p>“The key takeaway is that workplace cultures that emphasize aggressive competition and masculine norms can unintentionally signal that women are less valued, even without overt discrimination,” Veldman told PsyPost. “In response, women may cope by distancing themselves from their gender group (for example, by downplaying their gender or avoiding association with other women) in order to fit in or be taken seriously.”</p>
<p>“Importantly, this response can come at a personal cost, reducing feelings of authenticity and belonging, and it can also undermine broader efforts to promote inclusion and gender equality. Our findings suggest that improving workplace culture itself, and not just addressing blatant bias, is critical for creating environments where everyone can thrive.”</p>
<p>One limitation of the research is that it relied partly on hypothetical scenarios and self-reported data. While the experimental design allows for causal inferences, real-world behavior is complex. Additionally, the study focused on a binary understanding of gender. It did not explore how non-binary or transgender individuals might navigate these environments, though the authors suspect they would face similar pressures to conceal their identities.</p>
<p>Future research could investigate how race and ethnicity intersect with these dynamics. For instance, women of color might face a “double jeopardy” that compounds the pressure to distance themselves from their identities. Researchers might also examine whether these cultures encourage men to engage in performative masculine behaviors to prove their worth.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2025.104832">Masculinity contest cultures lead to self-group distancing in women</a>,” was authored by Jenny Veldman and Andrea C. Vial.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/young-people-show-posttraumatic-growth-after-losing-a-parent-finding-strength-meaning-and-appreciation-for-life/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Young people show posttraumatic growth after losing a parent, finding strength, meaning, and appreciation for life</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 20th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>Young adults who lose a parent to cancer can experience meaningful psychological growth, according to research published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00302228231187175"><em>OMEGA – Journal of Death & Dying</em></a>.</p>
<p>The death of a parent during adolescence or young adulthood is an often deeply disruptive and traumatic experience, occurring at a life stage already marked by major developmental transitions. Prior research has consistently documented elevated risks for anxiety, depression, and long-term psychosocial difficulties following parental loss.</p>
<p>At the same time, trauma researchers have increasingly emphasized that suffering and growth are not mutually exclusive: positive psychological change can occur alongside distress, a phenomenon known as posttraumatic growth.</p>
<p>Tina Lundberg and colleagues followed a group of bereaved adolescents and young adults to understand how posttraumatic growth develops after losing a parent to cancer and how it relates to psychological well-being and social context. The researchers recruited participants from three palliative care services in Sweden, focusing on young people between 16 and 28 who had lost a parent at least two months earlier and were about to begin a professionally led bereavement support group.</p>
<p>While 77 young adults initially joined the broader project, this analysis focuses on the 55 participants who completed both baseline and six-month follow-up assessments, allowing examination of post-loss experiences roughly 14–18 months after the death.</p>
<p>Data were collected using questionnaires administered before participation in the support group and again six months after the group had ended. Posttraumatic growth was assessed using the Posttraumatic Growth Inventory, capturing positive psychological change across five domains: relating to others, new possibilities, personal strength, spiritual change, and appreciation of life.</p>
<p>The researchers also measured several bereavement outcomes, including participants’ sense that their future life would be meaningful, overall life satisfaction, satisfaction with psychological health, and symptoms of anxiety and depression. This approach allowed examination of whether higher levels of growth were linked to better psychological adjustment rather than simply co-occurring with distress.</p>
<p>The study also included detailed questions about the context of the loss and the participants’ social environment, including how long participants had been aware of the parent’s illness and impending death, as well as the quality of their relationships with both the deceased parent and the surviving parent. Sources of social support were assessed by asking participants with whom they shared their grief and whether they received professional support. These measures enabled exploration of how growth related not only to mental health outcomes but also to relational and situational factors surrounding the loss.</p>
<p>All participants reported posttraumatic growth, with most young adults experiencing growth across multiple domains. The most pronounced changes emerged in appreciation of life, reflecting shifts in priorities and heightened valuing of everyday existence, followed by personal strength, including increased confidence in one’s ability to manage adversity. Growth was least evident in spiritual change, with a subset of participants reporting minimal shifts in this domain.</p>
<p>Higher levels of posttraumatic growth, particularly in personal strength and appreciation of life, were associated with more favorable psychological outcomes. Young adults who reported greater growth also tended to report higher life satisfaction, a stronger sense of meaning in their future, and better psychological health. In contrast, elevated anxiety and depressive symptoms were linked to lower growth. The strongest association emerged between overall life satisfaction and personal strength, underscoring the central role of perceived resilience in post-loss adjustment.</p>
<p>Relational and contextual factors further shaped these patterns. Greater growth was associated with shorter awareness of the parent’s illness or impending death and with poorer relationship quality with either the deceased or surviving parent, suggesting that more destabilizing losses may prompt deeper psychological reorganization.</p>
<p>Social support showed a differentiated effect: sharing grief with siblings or friends, having multiple sources of support, and receiving professional support were generally linked to higher growth. In contrast, having no support or primarily relying on a partner was associated with lower growth in some domains.</p>
<p>Combined, these findings suggest that posttraumatic growth following parental loss is influenced not only by internal coping processes but also by the social contexts in which grief is experienced and shared.</p>
<p>The small, predominantly female sample and the focus on young adults who chose to attend support groups limit generalizability. Further, the observational design precludes causal conclusions between growth and well-being.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00302228231187175">Posttraumatic Growth After Struggling With the Loss of a Parent in Young Adulthood</a>,” was authored by Tina Lundberg, Kristofer Årestedt, Mariann Olsson, Anette Alvariza, and Ulla Forinder.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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