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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/remaining-single-in-your-twenties-is-linked-to-lower-life-satisfaction/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Remaining single in your twenties is linked to lower life satisfaction</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 16th 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>Young adults who remain single throughout their twenties experience steeper declines in life satisfaction and greater increases in loneliness compared to those who enter romantic relationships. A new analysis of data from Germany and the United Kingdom suggests that while adolescence starts on a level playing field, the well-being gap widens substantially as individuals approach age thirty. These results were published in the <em><a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2027-13670-001?doi=1" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Journal of Personality and Social Psychology</a></em>.</p>
<p>In recent decades, the number of young adults delaying or foregoing romantic partnerships has risen globally. Public discourse often frames this shift as an act of independence. This perspective suggests individuals are prioritizing education and career development over traditional family structures. However, psychologists have debated whether this extended singlehood comes at a cost to mental health.</p>
<p>The alternative view posits that modern singles might be thriving outside of conventional relationships. Michael D. Krämer, a psychologist at the University of Zurich, led a team to investigate these competing narratives. They sought to understand who remains single during the critical developmental phase known as emerging adulthood.</p>
<p>The researchers aimed to distinguish between preexisting differences in personality and the actual psychological effects of remaining unpartnered over time. This distinction is often difficult to make in snapshot studies. Previous research has often failed to clarify if unhappy people stay single or if staying single makes people unhappy. To address this, the current study utilized a longitudinal design. This approach tracks the same human beings over many years.</p>
<p>The team analyzed data from three large-scale representative surveys. These surveys followed 17,390 participants from Germany and the United Kingdom. The researchers focused on individuals who had never been in a committed relationship at the start of the study. They tracked these participants annually from age 16 to 29. This yielded over 110,000 specific observations. This design allowed the team to observe changes within the same individuals over more than a decade.</p>
<p>The investigation first identified factors that predicted which participants would remain single. The analysis revealed that men were more likely than women to remain unpartnered throughout their twenties. Higher educational attainment also predicted a longer duration of singlehood. This aligns with sociological theories that young adults may trade off relationship goals to pursue academic degrees.</p>
<p>Living arrangements played a prominent role in predicting relationship status. Young adults living alone or with their parents were less likely to enter a relationship compared to those living with roommates. The data also revealed a reciprocal link between well-being and relationship status. Participants who reported lower life satisfaction or higher loneliness were more likely to remain single in subsequent years. This suggests a selection effect where initial well-being influences dating success.</p>
<p>“Our results demonstrate that both socio-demographic factors such as education and psychological characteristics such as current well-being help predict who will enter into a romantic relationship and who won’t,” said Michael Krämer.</p>
<p>The study then compared the well-being trajectories of those who stayed single against those who eventually found a partner. At age 16, there were minimal differences between the two groups. Both groups started with similar levels of happiness and social connection. As participants aged, however, their paths diverged. Consistent singles reported a steady decrease in life satisfaction relative to their partnered peers. They also experienced a sharper increase in feelings of loneliness. These deficits became most apparent in the late twenties.</p>
<p>The trends for depressive symptoms followed a slightly different pattern. Differences between singles and partnered individuals were not statistically significant in the early years of the study. By age 23, a gap emerged. Consistent singles began to report higher levels of depressive symptoms compared to those in relationships. This delayed onset suggests that the emotional toll of singlehood may accumulate over time. It may also reflect increasing social pressure as individuals age past the normative time for finding a partner.</p>
<p>The researchers looked for differences based on gender and socioeconomic status. The results showed that these patterns were largely consistent across demographic groups. Both men and women experienced similar declines in well-being associated with prolonged singlehood. This challenges the popular notion that women are happier being single than men. It also suggests that higher income or education does not insulate singles from the emotional costs of lacking a partner.</p>
<p>The researchers also isolated the specific impact of entering a first romantic relationship. When a participant transitioned from singlehood to partnership, their life satisfaction increased. This transition also corresponded with a decrease in reported loneliness. These benefits were observed in the first year of the relationship and persisted over time.</p>
<p>However, entering a relationship did not lead to a statistically significant change in depressive symptoms. This suggests that while partnerships improve life evaluation and social connection, they may not alleviate underlying mood issues. The study highlights that the first romantic relationship is a major developmental milestone. Missing this milestone appears to carry moderate risks for psychological adjustment.</p>
<p>The findings paint a picture of a potential cycle. Low well-being predicts staying single longer. Simultaneously, staying single longer leads to further decreases in well-being. This creates a compounding effect as young adults move toward their thirties.</p>
<p>“This suggests that entering a first relationship may become more difficult when people are in their late twenties – especially since lower well-being also increases the likelihood of remaining single for longer,” Krämer noted.</p>
<p>The authors noted several limitations to their analysis. The study relied on observational data rather than experimental manipulation. While the statistical methods accounted for stable personal traits, other unmeasured factors could influence the results. The definition of singlehood focused on committed romantic relationships. It did not account for casual dating or sexual encounters that might impact well-being.</p>
<p>Additionally, the data came from Western European nations. The findings may not apply to cultures with different social norms regarding marriage and dating. The study also stopped at age 29. It remains unclear if the trends continue into the thirties or if singles eventually adapt to their status.</p>
<p>Future inquiries should investigate why these well-being gaps widen with age. Researchers could examine whether social stigma or peer pressure plays a larger role as individuals approach thirty. It would also be beneficial to distinguish between those who choose singlehood voluntarily and those who are involuntarily single. Understanding these nuances could help mental health professionals support young adults navigating this life stage.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/pspp0000595" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Life Satisfaction, Loneliness, and Depressivity in Consistently Single Young Adults in Germany and the United Kingdom</a>,” was authored by Michael D. Krämer, Julia Stern, Laura Buchinger, Geoff MacDonald, and Wiebke Bleidorn.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/neuroscientists-find-evidence-meditation-changes-how-fluid-moves-in-the-brain/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Neuroscientists find evidence meditation changes how fluid moves in the brain</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 16th 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the<em> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2504961122" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences</a></em> provides evidence that a specific style of meditation may alter the circulation of fluids within the brain. The findings suggest that focused attention meditation can induce changes in cerebrospinal fluid dynamics that are similar to those observed during sleep. This research suggests that mental training might offer a non-invasive method to support the brain’s waste clearance systems.</p>
<p>The study was led by Manus Donahue, a professor of Neurology at Vanderbilt University Medical Center. Donahue and his colleagues sought to understand if waking states could influence the movement of neurofluids. Brain health relies heavily on the efficient circulation of cerebrospinal fluid and interstitial fluid. These fluids work together to maintain a stable environment for brain cells.</p>
<p>They also play a vital role in clearing out metabolic waste products. During the day, the brain accumulates toxic proteins and other byproducts of neural activity. If these substances are not removed effectively, they can build up over time. The accumulation of such waste is linked to neurodegenerative conditions like Alzheimer’s disease and Parkinson’s disease.</p>
<p>Current scientific understanding holds that this cleaning process is most active during sleep. During deep rest, the brain’s fluid channels widen, allowing for a more thorough washout of toxins. However, the ability to regulate this flow during waking hours has been largely unexplored. The researchers hypothesized that the physiological state of deep meditation might mimic some of the restorative functions of sleep.</p>
<p>To test this hypothesis, the researchers recruited a group of 23 adept meditators. These participants were not casual practitioners. They had accumulated an average of more than 3,700 hours of lifetime meditation practice. Their expertise was required to ensure they could enter and sustain the specific mental state needed for the experiment.</p>
<p>The researchers also recruited two control groups of healthy adults. These control participants had little to no experience with meditation. One control group was used to check the repeatability of the brain scans. The second control group was used to test the effects of breathing changes alone.</p>
<p>The researchers employed magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) to observe the brain in real-time. The primary focus was on the cerebral aqueduct. This is a small, fluid-filled canal located deep within the brain. It serves as a major pathway for cerebrospinal fluid to move between different brain chambers.</p>
<p>The expert meditators underwent MRI scans during two distinct conditions. First, they were instructed to engage in a “mind wandering” state. They rested with their eyes closed and allowed their thoughts to drift naturally without focusing on anything specific. This provided a baseline measurement of their fluid flow.</p>
<p>Following this, the meditators engaged in a “focused attention” style of mindfulness meditation. They were instructed to direct their attention to the physical sensations of their breath. They focused on the air moving in and out at the tip of the nose or upper lip. If their mind wandered, they gently returned their attention to the breath.</p>
<p>The imaging techniques allowed the scientists to measure the velocity and volume of fluid moving through the aqueduct. Cerebrospinal fluid flows in a pulsatile manner, driven largely by the heartbeat and respiration. With every heartbeat, blood rushes into the brain, pushing fluid out. When the heart relaxes, the fluid moves back.</p>
<p>The researchers analyzed the “regurgitant” flow of the fluid. This refers to the amount of fluid that flows backward against the primary current during the heart’s relaxation phase. In aging brains, this back-and-forth motion tends to become chaotic and less efficient. Ideally, the net flow should be smooth to facilitate waste removal.</p>
<p>The results showed a change in fluid dynamics during the meditation sessions. When the expert meditators switched from mind wandering to focused attention, the absolute flow of fluid decreased. This was driven by a reduction in the backward, regurgitant flow. The fluid movement became more efficient and coherent.</p>
<p>This pattern stands in contrast to what is typically seen in older adults or those with neurodegenerative diseases. In those populations, fluid motion often becomes hyperdynamic and turbulent. The meditation practice appeared to calm this turbulence. It shifted the fluid dynamics toward a profile more associated with younger, healthier brains.</p>
<p>The researchers also analyzed signals from the fluid near the base of the skull. They looked for rhythmic fluctuations in the MRI signal. During the focused attention state, they observed an increase in low-frequency power. These slow, rhythmic pulses were not present during the mind wandering state.</p>
<p>These low-frequency oscillations are characteristic of non-rapid eye movement sleep. During deep sleep, slow brain waves synchronize with blood flow and fluid movement to pump waste out of the brain. The study suggests that focused attention meditation generates a similar coupling of biological rhythms. The signals from the fluid became synchronized with blood flow signals in the brain’s gray matter.</p>
<p>To ensure these results were unique to meditation, the researchers examined the control groups. One control group simply rested for two consecutive scans. Their fluid dynamics remained unchanged, showing that the MRI measurements were stable. The second control group performed a breathing exercise.</p>
<p>This second control group was asked to slow their breathing to match the rate of the meditators. Slower breathing is known to affect pressure in the chest and head. The researchers needed to confirm that the changes in fluid flow were not caused solely by respiration. The results clarified this distinction.</p>
<p>While the control participants successfully slowed their breathing, they did not show the same changes in fluid flow efficiency. The reduction in regurgitant flow seen in the meditators was absent in the breath-control group. This indicates that the physical act of breathing slowly is not enough to alter neurofluid dynamics on its own. The mental state of focused attention appears to be a necessary component.</p>
<p>The study provides evidence that the brain’s waste clearance system can be modulated consciously. It links the mental practice of mindfulness to tangible physical changes in intracranial fluid mechanics. This offers a potential mechanism explaining why meditation is often associated with improved cognitive health.</p>
<p>However, like all research, the study does have some limitations. The sample size of adept meditators was relatively small. Recruiting individuals with thousands of hours of experience is a challenge for clinical research. This makes it difficult to know if the results would apply to beginners.</p>
<p>The study was also cross-sectional rather than longitudinal. It looked at a snapshot in time rather than following participants over years. It is not yet known if these short-term changes lead to long-term health benefits. We do not know if regular meditation prevents the buildup of Alzheimer’s-related proteins.</p>
<p>The researchers also noted that the MRI scans have limits in temporal resolution. Biological signals happen very fast. The scans captured data roughly once every second. Some faster physiological interactions might have been missed.</p>
<p>Future research will aim to address these gaps. The researchers suggest exploring different styles of meditation to see if they produce similar effects. Practices that involve open monitoring or compassion might yield different physiological profiles. Longitudinal studies will also be needed to track brain health over time.</p>
<p>This line of inquiry could eventually lead to new therapeutic interventions. If meditation can indeed boost the brain’s cleaning cycle, it could be prescribed as a preventative measure. It would serve as a non-pharmacological tool to combat neurodegenerative decline. The study opens the door to viewing meditation as a form of physiological maintenance for the brain.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2504961122" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Neurofluid circulation changes during a focused attention style of mindfulness meditation</a>,” was authored by Bryce A. Keating, David Vago, Kilian Hett, Ciaran Considine, Maria Garza, Caleb Han, Colin McKnight, Daniel O. Claassen, and Manus J. Donahue.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/boys-and-girls-tend-to-use-different-strategies-to-solve-math-problems-new-research-shows/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Boys and girls tend to use different strategies to solve math problems, new research shows</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 15th 2026, 20:00</div>
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<p><p>Among high school students and adults, girls and women are much more likely to use traditional, step-by-step algorithms to solve basic math problems – such as lining up numbers to add, starting with the ones place, and “carrying over” a number when needed. Boys and men are more likely to use alternative shortcuts, such as rounding both numbers, adding the rounded figures, and then adjusting to remove the rounding.</p>
<p>But those who use traditional methods on basic problems are <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/bjep.70047">less likely to solve more complex math problems</a> correctly. These are the main findings of two studies our research team published in November 2025.</p>
<p>This new evidence may help explain an apparent contradiction in the existing research – <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036620">girls do better at math in school</a>, but <a href="https://www.bestcolleges.com/research/average-sat-score-full-statistics/#demographics">boys do better on high-stakes math tests</a> and are more likely to <a href="https://www.nsf.gov/reports/statistics/diversity-stem-women-minorities-persons-disabilities-2023">pursue math-intensive careers</a>. Our research focuses not just on getting correct answers, but on the methods students use to arrive at them. We find that boys and girls approach math problems differently, in ways that persist into adulthood.</p>
<h2>A possible paradox</h2>
<p>In a 2016 study of U.S. elementary students, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/2332858416673617">boys outnumbered girls 4 to 1</a> among the top 1% of scorers on a national math test. And over many decades, boys have been about <a href="https://www.aei.org/carpe-diem/huge-gender-differences-persist-on-sat-math-test/">twice as likely as girls</a> to be <a href="https://aibm.org/research/boys-girls-and-grades-examining-gpa-and-sat-trends/">among the top scorers on the SAT</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/girls-still-fall-behind-boys-in-top-scores-for-ap-math-exams-174192">AP math</a> exams.</p>
<p>However, girls tend to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/2332858416673617">be more diligent</a> in elementary school and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036620">get better grades in math class</a> throughout their schooling. And girls and boys across the grades tend to score similarly on <a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1160364">state math tests</a>, which tend to be more aligned with the school curriculum and have more familiar problems than the SAT or other national tests.</p>
<p>Beyond grades and test scores, the skills and confidence acquired in school carry far beyond, into the workforce. In lucrative STEM occupations, such as computer science and engineering, <a href="https://www.nsf.gov/reports/statistics/diversity-stem-women-minorities-persons-disabilities-2023">men outnumber women 3 to 1</a>. Researchers have considered several explanations for this disparity, including differences in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0157447">math confidence</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0165025415616201">occupational values</a>, such as prioritizing helping others or making money. Our study suggests an additional factor to consider: gender differences in approaches to math problems.</p>
<p>When older adults think of math, they may recall memorizing times tables or doing the tedious, long-division algorithm. Memorization and rule-following can pay off on math tests focused on procedures taught in school. But rule-following has its limits and seems to provide more <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/2332858416673617">payoff among low-achieving than high-achieving students</a> in classrooms.</p>
<p>More advanced math involves <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/002205741619600202">solving new, perplexing problems</a> rather than following rules.</p>
<h2>Differing strategies</h2>
<p>In looking at earlier studies of young children, our research team was struck by findings that young boys use <a href="https://doi.org/10.3102/0013189X027005006">more inventive strategies</a> on computation problems, whereas girls more often use standard algorithms <a href="https://www.ucviden.dk/en/publications/sex-differences-in-mental-strategies-for-single-digit-addition-in-2">or counting</a>. We wondered whether these differences disappear after elementary school, or whether they persist and relate to gender disparities in more advanced math outcomes.</p>
<p>In an earlier study, we surveyed students from two high schools with different demographic characteristics to see whether they were what we called <a href="https://doi.org/10.5951/jresematheduc-2020-0136">bold problem-solvers</a>. We asked them to rate how much they agreed or disagreed with specific statements, such as “I like to think outside the box when I solve math problems.” Boys reported bolder problem-solving tendencies than girls did. Importantly, students who reported bolder problem-solving tendencies scored higher on a math problem-solving test we administered.</p>
<p>Our newer studies echo those earlier results but reveal more specifics about how boys and girls, and men and women, approach basic math problems.</p>
<h2>Algorithms and teacher-pleasing</h2>
<p>In the first study, we gave three questions to more than 200 high school students: “25 x 9 = ___,” “600 – 498 = ___,” and “19 + 47 + 31 = ___.” Each question could be solved with a traditional algorithm or with a mental shortcut, such as solving 25 x 9 by first multiplying 25 x 8 to get 200 and then adding the final 25 to get 225.</p>
<p>Regardless of their gender, students were equally likely to solve these basic computation items correctly. But there was a striking gender difference in how they arrived at that answer. Girls were almost three times as likely as boys – 52% versus 18% – to use a standard algorithm on all three items. Boys were far more likely than girls – <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/bjep.70047">51% versus 15%</a> – to never use an algorithm on the questions.</p>
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<p>We suspected that girls’ tendency to use algorithms might stem <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177%2F1477878508099748">from greater social pressure toward compliance</a>, including complying with traditional teacher expectations.</p>
<p>So, we also asked all the students eight questions to probe how much they try to please their teachers. We also wanted to see whether algorithm use might relate to gender differences in more advanced problem-solving, so we gave students several complex math problems from national tests, including the SAT.</p>
<p>As we suspected, we found that girls were more likely to report a desire to please teachers, such as by completing work as directed. Those who said they did have that desire used the standard algorithm more often.</p>
<p>Also, the boys in our sample scored higher than the girls on the complex math problems. Importantly, even though students who used algorithms on the basic computation items were just as likely to compute these items correctly, algorithm users did worse on the more complex math problems.</p>
<h2>Continuing into adulthood</h2>
<p>In our second study, we gave 810 adults just one problem: “125 + 238 = ___.” We asked them to add mentally, which we expected would discourage them from using an algorithm. Again, there was no gender difference in answering correctly.</p>
<p>But 69% of women, compared to 46% of men, reported <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/bjep.70047">using the standard algorithm for their mental calculation</a>, rather than using another strategy entirely.</p>
<p>We also gave the adults a more advanced <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S1930297500001819">problem-solving test</a>, this time focused on probability-related reasoning, such as the chances that rolling a seven-sided die would result in an even number. Similar to our first study, women and those who used the standard algorithm on the computation problem performed worse on the reasoning test.</p>
<h2>The importance of inventiveness</h2>
<p>We identified some factors that may play a role in these gender differences, including spatial-thinking skills, which <a href="https://doi.org/10.3758/s13423-019-01694-7">may help people develop alternate calculation approaches</a>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10615806.2010.488723">Anxiety about taking tests</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-022-09931-8">perfectionism</a>, both more prevalent among women, may also be a factor.</p>
<p>We are also interested in the power of gender-specific social pressures on girls. National data has shown that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/2332858416673617">young girls exhibit more studious behavior than do boys</a>. And the high school girls we studied were more likely than boys to report they made a specific effort to meet teachers’ expectations.</p>
<p>More research definitely is needed to better understand this dynamic, but we hypothesize that the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2006/10/21/opinion/l21girls.html">expectation some girls feel to be compliant and please others</a> may drive teacher-pleasing tendencies that result in girls using algorithms more frequently than boys, who are more socialized to be <a href="https://doi.org/10.1006/jecp.2000.2572">risk-takers</a>.</p>
<p>While compliant behavior and standard math methods often lead to correct answers and good grades in school, we believe schools should prepare all students – regardless of gender – for when they face unfamiliar problems that require inventive problem-solving skills, whether in daily life, on high-stakes tests or in math-intensive professions.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/269059/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
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<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/girls-and-boys-solve-math-problems-differently-with-similar-short-term-results-but-different-long-term-outcomes-269059">original article</a>.</em></p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/religious-attendance-linked-to-better-mental-health-in-older-adults/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Religious attendance linked to better mental health in older adults</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 15th 2026, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>Older adults who participate in religious services often report better mental health than those who do not, but the reasons for this benefit have not been fully understood. A new study suggests that the connection is partly explained by an increase in psychological well-being, which acts as a bridge between religious attendance and reduced rates of anxiety and depression. By fostering a sense of purpose and self-acceptance, religious involvement appears to provide a protective buffer against mental distress over time. These findings were published recently in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/gps.70171" target="_blank">International Journal of Geriatric Psychiatry</a></em>.</p>
<p>As the global population ages, mental health challenges among the elderly have become a pressing public health concern. The World Health Organization estimates that a substantial portion of individuals over the age of 60 suffer from mental disorders. Depression and anxiety are particularly common in this demographic. These conditions reduce quality of life and place a heavy strain on families and healthcare systems.</p>
<p>Geriatric researchers have sought to identify factors that might protect against these declines in mental health. Previous investigations have frequently observed a link between attending religious services and lower risks of depression. However, the specific mechanisms driving this relationship remain a subject of inquiry.</p>
<p>Many prior studies focused on social mechanisms to explain this benefit. The prevailing theory has been that religious communities provide social support and a sense of belonging, which helps alleviate loneliness. While social connections are undoubtedly important, they do not account for the entirety of the mental health boost observed in religious attendees.</p>
<p>Zhiya Hua, a researcher at the School of Government at the Shanghai University of Political Science and Law in China, designed a study to look beyond social factors. Hua focused on “psychological well-being” as a potential internal mechanism. This concept differs from the simple absence of illness. It refers to positive mental states, such as having a meaningful purpose in life and feeling a sense of continued personal growth.</p>
<p>The study relied on the framework of psychological well-being developed by psychologist Carol Ryff. This framework includes dimensions such as self-acceptance, autonomy, and environmental mastery. Hua hypothesized that religious attendance might enhance these specific internal resources. If these resources are strengthened, they might subsequently reduce the severity of anxiety and depression.</p>
<p>To test this hypothesis, the researcher utilized data from the National Health and Aging Trends Study (NHATS). This is a large, ongoing survey that tracks a representative sample of Medicare beneficiaries in the United States. The analysis focused on a group of 2,767 older adults who were interviewed annually over a seven-year period, from 2015 to 2021.</p>
<p>The participants had an average age of about 75 years at the beginning of the study. The sample was predominantly female and White, reflecting the demographics of the surviving cohort in this age range. To ensure accuracy, the researcher only included individuals who participated in all seven rounds of interviews.</p>
<p>The study measured three primary variables each year. First, participants were asked a simple yes-or-no question regarding whether they had attended religious services in the past month. Second, they completed a survey designed to measure their psychological well-being. This survey included statements about having purpose, feeling confident, and liking one’s living situation.</p>
<p>Finally, the researcher assessed mental health issues using a standardized screening tool known as the Patient Health Questionnaire for Depression and Anxiety (PHQ-4). This tool asks participants how often they feel down, hopeless, or unable to control worrying. Higher scores on this scale indicate more severe symptoms of mental distress.</p>
<p>Hua employed a statistical method called longitudinal mediation analysis within a Bayesian framework. This advanced approach allows researchers to look at changes over time rather than just a snapshot of a single moment. It helps determine if a change in one variable, like religious attendance, precedes a change in another, like well-being.</p>
<p>The analysis included strict controls for various sociodemographic and health factors. Hua accounted for age, sex, race, education level, and marital status. The study also controlled for physical health conditions, such as the burden of chronic diseases and self-rated health, as well as cognitive function. This was done to ensure that the results were not simply due to healthier people being more able to attend services.</p>
<p>The results showed a clear pattern over the seven-year period. Attending religious services was a strong predictor of improved psychological well-being in subsequent years. Older adults who went to services reported a greater sense of purpose and self-acceptance compared to those who did not attend.</p>
<p>Furthermore, higher levels of psychological well-being were strongly linked to reductions in mental health issues. As participants’ sense of purpose and mastery increased, their reports of depressive symptoms and anxiety decreased. This aligns with broader psychological research suggesting that a meaningful life buffers against emotional distress.</p>
<p>The central finding of the study was the mediation effect. The analysis indicated that psychological well-being served as a partial mediator in the relationship. Specifically, the boost in psychological well-being accounted for 26.7 percent of the total beneficial effect of religious attendance on mental health.</p>
<p>This implies that roughly one-quarter of the mental health advantage gained from going to religious services comes specifically from how it improves a person’s internal outlook and sense of self. The remaining effect is likely due to other factors not measured in this specific model, such as the previously mentioned social support or spiritual comfort.</p>
<p>The study also captured the disruptive impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. The data showed that religious attendance dropped sharply in 2020, likely due to safety restrictions and facility closures. Attendance fell from about 61.5 percent in 2019 to 37.5 percent in 2020. During this same period, scores for mental health issues increased across the sample.</p>
<p>Despite this disruption, the statistical relationship between attendance, well-being, and mental health remained robust when analyzing the full seven-year trajectory. The connection persisted even when accounting for the fluctuations caused by the pandemic.</p>
<p>There are several limitations to this study that warrant consideration. A primary concern is the high rate of attrition. Over the seven years, many original participants dropped out of the survey, mostly due to death or severe illness. The individuals who remained in the study were generally healthier, younger, and had higher cognitive function than those who left.</p>
<p>This creates a potential selection bias. The study may underestimate the challenges faced by older adults with severe health limitations who cannot attend services. The findings apply most directly to the segment of the elderly population that is healthy enough to participate in community activities and annual interviews.</p>
<p>Additionally, the measurement of religious attendance was relatively simple. The survey only asked if the person attended services in the last month. It did not capture the frequency of attendance, private religious practices like prayer, or the depth of personal belief. A more nuanced measure might reveal different patterns.</p>
<p>The scale used to measure psychological well-being was also a shortened version. While valid for broad surveys, it may not capture the full complexity of Ryff’s original framework. Future research using more comprehensive psychological assessments could provide a sharper picture of which specific aspects of well-being are most affected.</p>
<p>The demographic makeup of the sample also limits generalizability. Because the sample was majority White and female, the results may not fully reflect the experiences of men or minority groups. Cultural context plays a large role in how religion is practiced and experienced, so these findings should be tested in more diverse populations.</p>
<p>Finally, while the longitudinal design helps suggest the direction of the effect, it cannot prove causality. It is possible that reverse causality plays a role. People who already have better mental health and a sense of purpose may simply be more motivated to attend religious services.</p>
<p>Despite these caveats, the study offers evidence that religious participation can be a resource for healthy aging. It suggests that the benefits of such participation go beyond social interaction. The rituals, teachings, and community of religious life appear to reinforce an internal sense of value and purpose.</p>
<p>For caregivers and health professionals, these findings imply that supporting religious engagement could be a valid part of mental health care for older adults. Helping elderly individuals overcome barriers to attendance, such as transportation issues, might have positive ripple effects on their psychological state. As Hua concludes in the paper, “supporting older adults who wish to attend religious services may be linked to better psychological well-being and mental health.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/gps.70171" target="_blank">Religious Attendance, Psychological Well‐Being, and Mental Health Issues Among Older Adults: A Seven‐Year Longitudinal Study in the United States</a>,” was authored by Zhiya Hua.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/how-social-status-psychologically-shapes-racial-bias-in-children/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">How social status psychologically shapes racial bias in children</a>
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<p><p>Recent analysis of psychological literature indicates that racial bias in childhood is driven by more than just a preference for those who look similar to oneself. A review of existing research suggests that children’s observations of social hierarchies and wealth disparities play a primary role in shaping their racial attitudes. Children as young as three years old associate high social status with positive traits, often leading them to favor White individuals over people of color in societies marked by inequality. The paper was published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/spc3.70098" target="_blank">Social and Personality Psychology Compass</a></em>.</p>
<p>Researchers have documented for decades that children develop racial biases early in life. A common pattern observed in social development is “in-group preference,” where individuals prefer members of their own social category. This pattern holds true for categories like gender, where boys tend to prefer boys and girls tend to prefer girls.</p>
<p>However, the pattern becomes inconsistent when researchers examine race. White children in the United States typically demonstrate a strong preference for other White children. In contrast, children of color frequently do not show this same level of preference for their own group.</p>
<p>Some studies show that children of color may even display a preference for White people over members of their own racial background. Amber D. Williams and Xinguo Zhang, researchers at the University of Washington, sought to understand the reasons behind this discrepancy. They proposed that the variation in bias is partially explained by how children perceive and process social status.</p>
<p>Social status is defined by an individual or group possessing greater access to resources, power, or influence. In the United States, historical systems have created a reality where White people generally hold more wealth and political power than Black people. Williams and Zhang examined how children’s awareness of these disparities interacts with their developing cognitive abilities.</p>
<p>The authors began by reviewing the historical context that created the status differences children observe. They noted that centuries of slavery, followed by segregation and discriminatory housing policies, established a persistent wealth gap between Black and White Americans. These structural factors result in disparities that are visible in daily life.</p>
<p>Children are keen observers of their environments. The review highlights research showing that children recognize indicators of social status by age three or four. These indicators include physical size, the possession of new or branded clothing, and decision-making power.</p>
<p>Once children identify who holds high status, they tend to form specific social preferences. The researchers found a robust body of evidence showing that young children prefer to befriend high-status individuals. Children also predict that high-status people possess positive personality traits, such as generosity and competence.</p>
<p>This preference for status appears to transfer to racial groups. Because children frequently observe White people in positions of higher status compared to Black people, they often extend their status-based preference to the racial group as a whole. This helps explain why White children show strong in-group bias, as their racial identity aligns with the high-status group.</p>
<p>It also explains why children of color may show out-group preference. They are navigating a conflict between their own identity and a social environment that signals that the out-group possesses more value or resources. The researchers identified several cognitive mechanisms that reinforce this link between status and racial bias.</p>
<p>One such mechanism is known as “affective tagging.” This process involves the automatic association of positive feelings with individuals who experience positive outcomes. Research shows that children prefer people who are lucky over those who are unlucky, even when the outcome is entirely random.</p>
<p>This mental association is “sticky” and difficult to reverse. When children see a group with more resources, they “tag” that group with positive affect. This occurs regardless of how the resources were acquired.</p>
<p>Another cognitive factor is the “inherence heuristic.” This is a mental shortcut that leads humans to attribute patterns they observe to the inherent traits of the people involved. When children see inequality, they rarely assume it is caused by external forces like history or luck.</p>
<p>Instead, children tend to assume that the wealthier group is inherently smarter, harder working, or better in some way. The review cites studies where children attributed wealth differences to individual abilities rather than inheritance or luck. This internal attribution makes the inequality seem fair and justified in the child’s mind.</p>
<p>The concept of “social essentialism” further cements these views. Essentialism is the belief that social categories like race are based on deep, biological differences that determine a person’s nature. While race is actually a social construct, many children and adults view it as a biological reality.</p>
<p>When children view race as an essential trait, they are more likely to believe that the status differences they see are natural and unchangeable. The authors note that this belief system predicts stronger negative attitudes toward lower-status groups. It creates a logic where biological differences explain why one group has more than another.</p>
<p>The review also emphasizes the role of socialization. Children do not develop these ideas in a vacuum. The messages they receive from parents and their broader culture shape how they interpret inequality.</p>
<p>When adults explain inequality through the lens of meritocracy—suggesting that people have what they earn through hard work—it reinforces the inherence heuristic. It implies that those with less simply did not work hard enough. Conversely, explaining the structural or unfair reasons for inequality can reduce bias.</p>
<p>The authors point to research demonstrating that children’s attitudes shift when they are taught about external barriers. For example, when children learned that a group lost a game due to rigged rules rather than lack of skill, they showed less preference for the winners. This suggests that how adults frame the world matters.</p>
<p>The identity of the child also influences these processes. The review indicates that children who belong to marginalized groups perceive inequality differently than those in dominant groups. As they get older, children from lower-status groups are less likely to view the social hierarchy as fair.</p>
<p>The researchers also discussed the developmental trajectory of these biases. The tendency to rely on internal explanations for inequality is strongest in younger children. As children enter late childhood and adolescence, they become more capable of understanding complex, structural arguments.</p>
<p>This developmental shift offers a window for intervention. Older children and adolescents are better able to grasp concepts like discrimination and historical injustice. This understanding can lead to a decrease in bias as they realize the system is not necessarily fair.</p>
<p>Despite the strong evidence gathered, the authors acknowledge limitations in the current field of study. Much of the research on inequality relies on “novel group” paradigms. In these studies, researchers create fictional groups (e.g., “Red Team” vs. “Blue Team”) to test how children react to status differences.</p>
<p>This method is used to avoid reinforcing actual racial stereotypes during experiments. However, the authors argue that novel groups cannot fully capture the reality of race in the United States. Race is deeply embedded in history and culture in a way that random team assignments are not.</p>
<p>The researchers call for future work that bridges the gap between social psychology and cognitive development. Social psychologists often focus on identity and cultural context. Cognitive developmentalists often focus on mental mechanics like the inherence heuristic.</p>
<p>Combining these perspectives could provide a more holistic understanding of racial bias. The authors suggest that future studies should safely examine how children reason about real-world racial inequality. This would require sensitive protocols to ensure children are not left with negative impressions.</p>
<p>The review ultimately argues that tackling racial bias requires addressing how children understand social status. Simply telling children that everyone is equal may not be enough if they observe stark inequalities in their daily lives. Interventions must help children understand why those inequalities exist.</p>
<p>By providing structural explanations for the disparities children see, adults may be able to interrupt the cognitive processes that lead to bias. The authors conclude that understanding these mechanisms is a necessary step toward fostering a more equitable society.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/spc3.70098" target="_blank">The Role of Social Status in the Development of Racial Bias in Childhood</a>,” was authored by Amber D. Williams and Xinguo Zhang.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/childfree-people-are-viewed-as-competent-but-lacking-in-warmth-compared-to-parents/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Childfree people are viewed as competent but lacking in warmth compared to parents</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 15th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A set of three studies examining how individuals who are childfree by choice are perceived found that they are seen as less warm compared to adoptive parents, childless people, and parents. However, they were generally seen as higher in competence compared to parents and childless people. Childfree women were rated lower in warmth than childfree men. The paper was published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00224545.2025.2573719"><em>Journal of Social Psychology</em></a>.</p>
<p>Childfree people are adults who consciously and voluntarily choose not to have children, viewing this as a long-term or permanent life decision rather than a temporary circumstance. They differ from people who are childless (i.e., those who want children but do not have them due to infertility, partnership status, or other constraints).</p>
<p>One group of childfree individuals makes this choice for personal or lifestyle reasons, such as valuing autonomy, time, mobility, or career flexibility. Another group is motivated by economic considerations, including financial insecurity, housing costs, or concerns about long-term economic stability. Some childfree people cite psychological or relational reasons, such as a low desire for parenting, a preference for different forms of intimacy, or awareness of personal limits. </p>
<p>Others emphasize ethical or environmental concerns, including climate change, overpopulation, or reluctance to bring children into an uncertain world. There are also childfree individuals whose decision is shaped by health considerations, including physical or mental health risks associated with pregnancy or parenting.</p>
<p>In recent decades, the proportion of childfree people has been increasing, especially in high-income countries and urban areas. This trend is linked to later partnership formation, greater access to contraception, expanded educational opportunities, and changing gender norms. </p>
<p>Estimates suggest that, in the Western world, approximately 10–20% of individuals are childfree. Childfree people are estimated to make up as many as 30% of people without children. A recent study found that 47% of 18-to-49-year-olds who do not have children report that they would be unlikely to have children because they do not want them.</p>
<p>Study author Nida Denson and her colleagues wanted to examine whether people who are childfree are targets of negative bias. The authors expected that childfree individuals would be evaluated more negatively than parents, childless people, and people who have adopted children. They also expected that childfree people would be evaluated similarly to, or more negatively than, common targets of prejudice in Western society. Additionally, the authors hypothesized that childfree women would be evaluated more negatively than childfree men.</p>
<p>These authors conducted three studies. The first two studies used an attitude thermometer, an instrument that asks people to rate how favorably they view different groups of people. Participants also rated these groups on how warm and competent they considered them to be, and reported their own expectations and desires regarding having children.</p>
<p>Participants in both studies were recruited via Amazon MTurk from the U.S. The first sample happened to be predominantly comprised of people without children, while the second sample was intentionally selected to comprise solely individuals who currently have children. There were 475 participants in the first study and 450 in the second.</p>
<p>Participants in the third study were 293 individuals from the U.K. recruited via Prolific. They completed the same assessments as in the previous two studies, along with additional assessments of dehumanization (towards parents and childfree people, e.g., “I feel like this group of people lack self-restraint, like animals”) and endorsement of pronatalist norms (e.g., “People should have children”).</p>
<p>Additionally, they completed several assessments regarding their perceptions of childfree people, including realistic and symbolic threat (e.g., “If people don’t have children, the economy will collapse”), envy towards childfree people (e.g., “Sometimes I wish I could live a childfree lifestyle”), perceived narcissism (e.g., “People who choose not to have children are selfish”), and endorsement of discrimination against such individuals (e.g., “People who choose not to have children should be given fewer paid holidays than people who have children”).</p>
<p>Results of the first study showed that the ratings of childfree people were not particularly negative. The most favorable ratings were assigned to educated people, dog owners, and adoptive parents. Childfree people fell near the middle of the group; they were rated comparably to Asian Americans and African Americans, and more favorably than groups such as drug addicts and politicians.</p>
<p>The second study saw adoptive parents rated as the most favorable category again, followed by parents, childless people, and educated people. Childfree people’s favorability ratings were lower than in the previous study. Their favorability ratings were significantly higher than ratings of vegans and comparable to ratings of Buddhists.</p>
<p>In these studies, childfree people were perceived as lower in warmth compared to adoptive parents, parents, and childless people. However, childfree people tended to be rated as higher in competence compared to biological parents and childless people. Childfree women were seen as less warm than childfree men.</p>
<p>In the third study, involving U.K. participants, childfree people were rated somewhat more favorably than in the U.S. parent sample, with average ratings similar to those of parents and British people (as a group). However, they were still rated less favorably than adoptive parents and childless people. This study also revealed that individuals who supported discrimination against childfree individuals tended to be those who dehumanized them, perceived them as narcissistic, and endorsed pronatalist norms.</p>
<p>“This research provides evidence of a negative bias toward people who choose not to have children,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to scientific knowledge about the public perception of childfree people. However, all three studies were conducted using paid participants recruited through online crowdsourcing platforms. Studies on groups more representative of the general populations of the U.S. and the U.K. might yield different results.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00224545.2025.2573719">Evidence of a negative bias toward people who are childfree by choice,</a>” was authored by Nida Denson, Diana Ferreira, and Thomas F. Denson.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/mind-diet-may-protect-the-brain-by-slowing-biological-aging/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">MIND diet may protect the brain by slowing biological aging</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 15th 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study indicates that specific eating habits may provide broad protection against a variety of brain diseases. Researchers found that the MIND diet is particularly effective at lowering the risk of conditions such as dementia, stroke, depression, and anxiety. These findings were published recently in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eclinm.2025.103616" target="_blank">eClinicalMedicine</a></em>.</p>
<p>Neurological and psychiatric disorders represent a leading cause of disability worldwide. As the global population ages, the burden of these conditions continues to grow. Doctors currently possess few curative options for diseases like dementia. This reality makes prevention a primary goal for public health officials. Prior research has identified links between nutrition and individual health outcomes. However, previous studies often examined single dietary patterns or single diseases in isolation. This fragmented approach has left gaps in understanding how different diets compare directly against one another.</p>
<p>A team of researchers sought to address these knowledge gaps. They wanted to determine which dietary patterns offer the most comprehensive benefits for the brain. The investigation was led by Yisen Shi, Yixiang Lin, and Yiling Zheng from Fujian Medical University Union Hospital in China. They aimed to create a holistic picture of the connection between food and neurological health. Their team also sought to uncover the specific biological mechanisms that explain why certain foods help or harm the brain.</p>
<p>The researchers analyzed data from the UK Biobank to conduct their investigation. This is a massive biomedical database containing health information from residents of the United Kingdom. The study included nearly 170,000 participants. These individuals were between the ages of 37 and 73. None of the selected participants had a diagnosis of a brain disorder at the start of the study. The research team tracked the health of these individuals for a median period of roughly ten years.</p>
<p>The team evaluated ten different healthy eating scores. These included well-known regimens like the Mediterranean diet and the DASH diet. They also assessed the Mediterranean-DASH Intervention for Neurodegenerative Delay, or MIND diet. In addition to healthy patterns, they calculated the intake of ultra-processed foods. These are industrial food products that typically contain additives, preservatives, and artificial flavorings.</p>
<p>The researchers used statistical models to compare these diets against the incidence of five major disorders. These disorders were dementia, Parkinson’s disease, stroke, depression, and anxiety. The analysis revealed that the MIND diet offered the broadest neuroprotective effects. This eating pattern combines elements of the Mediterranean and DASH diets. It specifically emphasizes green leafy vegetables, berries, nuts, whole grains, and fish. It also advises limiting butter, cheese, and red meat.</p>
<p>Participants who adhered closely to the MIND diet saw significant benefits. The data showed a reduced likelihood of developing dementia. The risk of suffering a stroke was also lower in this group. Mental health outcomes were similarly positive. High adherence to the MIND diet correlated with lower risks for both depression and anxiety. The study did not find a significant link between the MIND diet and Parkinson’s disease.</p>
<p>The results for ultra-processed foods were starkly different. High consumption of these foods was associated with negative health outcomes. The analysis linked processed food intake to an increased risk of dementia. It also showed a correlation with higher risks for depression and anxiety. Unlike the healthy dietary patterns, high consumption of ultra-processed foods was also linked to a greater risk of Parkinson’s disease.</p>
<p>The researchers sought to confirm these findings in other populations. They utilized data from two independent groups. These were the U.S. Health and Retirement Study and the Chinese Longitudinal Healthy Longevity Survey. This validation step ensures that the results are not specific to just one region or culture. The protective associations of the MIND diet held true in these diverse cohorts. The diet was linked to better cognitive performance and fewer symptoms of depression and anxiety in both the American and Chinese groups.</p>
<p>A key innovation of this study was its focus on biological mechanisms. The researchers wanted to understand how diet physically alters the body to protect the brain. They analyzed blood samples and brain imaging data from a subset of the participants. They looked at biomarkers related to metabolism, inflammation, and aging.</p>
<p>The study suggests the MIND diet works through several specific pathways. One major pathway involves metabolism. The diet appears to improve the body’s lipid profile. This includes how the body processes cholesterol and triglycerides. A favorable metabolic signature explained a large proportion of the reduced risk for stroke. It also accounted for a significant part of the reduction in depression and anxiety risks.</p>
<p>Another pathway involves the biological aging process. The researchers measured markers that indicate how fast the body’s cells are aging relative to chronological age. Adherence to the MIND diet was associated with slower biological aging. This deceleration in aging appeared to be the primary way the diet reduces the risk of dementia.</p>
<p>Body composition played a role as well. The MIND diet was linked to a lower Body Mass Index. This reduction in obesity contributed to the lowered risk of depression and anxiety. The diet also seemed to reduce chronic inflammation in the body. Lower inflammation levels are generally associated with better long-term health outcomes.</p>
<p>Brain imaging provided physical evidence of these benefits. The researchers examined magnetic resonance imaging scans. They found that people who followed the MIND diet had preserved brain volume in key areas. These areas included the pallidum and the thalamus. These brain structures are essential for processing sensory information and regulating emotions. High intake of ultra-processed foods was linked to reduced volume in these same areas.</p>
<p>The team also performed a detailed analysis of proteins in the blood. This technique is known as proteomics. They identified specific proteins that act as mediators between diet and disease. One protein called GDF-15 was highlighted. Changes in levels of this protein helped explain the link between processed foods and depression. The analysis indicated that these proteins are involved in immune responses and metabolic regulation.</p>
<p>The study also utilized a technique called Mendelian randomization. This method uses genetic data to infer potential causal relationships. The results supported the idea that the diet’s metabolic effects directly influence aging and obesity markers. This strengthens the argument that the diet causes the health improvements rather than just being associated with them.</p>
<p>There are limitations to this research. It is primarily an observational study. This design can identify strong associations but cannot definitively prove cause and effect. Participants reported their own dietary intake through questionnaires. Self-reported data is subject to memory errors and may not capture long-term changes in eating habits.</p>
<p>The study population in the UK Biobank is predominantly of European descent. While the validation cohorts included American and Chinese participants, the results may not apply perfectly to every global population. The researchers attempted to adjust for lifestyle factors like smoking and exercise. However, residual factors could still influence the results.</p>
<p>Future research is necessary to confirm these findings. The authors suggest that randomized controlled trials are the next logical step. Such trials would assign participants to specific diets and monitor their health over time. This would provide more definitive evidence of the biological pathways involved. Researchers should also investigate how these dietary changes affect brain health at different stages of life.</p>
<p>This study provides a detailed roadmap of how food impacts the brain. It highlights the MIND diet as a promising strategy for reducing the burden of neurological and psychiatric disorders. It also identifies ultra-processed foods as a significant modifiable risk factor. The findings offer potential targets for future medical interventions and public health guidelines.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eclinm.2025.103616" target="_blank">Association between different dietary patterns and the risk of major brain disorders: a prospective multi-cohort study</a>,” was authored by Yisen Shi, Yixiang Lin, Yiling Zheng, Xinxi Yu, Binfan Ou, Kaitai Yang, Fabin Lin, Xinyang Zou, Jiayi Zheng, Ruitian Zeng, Xuan Lin, Qinyong Ye, Lina Chen, Yuqi Zeng, and Guoen Cai.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/high-dose-birth-control-pills-linked-to-elevated-fear-in-safe-contexts/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">High-dose birth control pills linked to elevated fear in safe contexts</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 15th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41386-025-02208-x" target="_blank">Neuropsychopharmacology</a></em> suggests that the use of oral contraceptives may influence how the brain regulates fear responses in safe environments. The research indicates that women who use birth control pills, particularly those with higher doses of synthetic estrogen, may experience elevated fear in safe contexts compared to women who have never used hormonal contraception. The findings also imply that these alterations in fear processing could persist for a significant period after an individual stops taking the medication.</p>
<p>Anxiety disorders and post-traumatic stress disorder are nearly twice as prevalent in women as they are in men. Biological factors likely contribute to this disparity, with sex hormones acting as potential mediators. Specifically, the hormone estradiol plays a significant role in how the brain manages fear and memory.</p>
<p>Effective fear regulation requires the ability to distinguish between a threat and a safety signal based on the surrounding environment. For example, seeing a snake in a forest might require a fear response, while seeing a snake in a zoo enclosure should not. This process is known as contextual fear regulation.</p>
<p>Failures in this regulation process can lead to maladaptive fear, where a person feels threatened even when they are in a safe place. This inability to inhibit fear in safe contexts is a hallmark of anxiety-related conditions. While scientists know that natural estradiol helps extinguish fear associated with specific cues, animal research suggests a different effect regarding the context.</p>
<p>Studies in rodents indicate that high doses of externally administered estradiol can cause fear to generalize to safe contexts. This means the animals display fear behavior in environments that should be recognized as safe. Because combined oral contraceptives deliver a daily dose of synthetic estradiol, researchers aimed to determine if similar effects occur in humans.</p>
<p>The authors behind the new study sought to investigate whether hormonal status and the history of contraceptive use influence contextual fear responses. The researchers also wanted to examine if the dosage of the synthetic hormone ethinyl estradiol creates different outcomes. </p>
<p>“Women are about twice as likely as men to develop anxiety, which is linked to heightened fear levels, even in safe contexts and/or situations,” said study author Lisa-Marie Davignon, a PhD student at the Université du Québec à Montréal. “Some recent studies suggest that the contraceptive pill could play a role in anxiety. Our study explored whether pill use is linked to heightened fear in safe situations, which might help explain why anxiety is more common in women.”</p>
<p>The research team recruited 147 healthy adult participants for a comprehensive two-day experiment. The sample consisted of men, women with natural menstrual cycles, current oral contraceptive users, and women who had used the pill in the past but had stopped at least a year prior. This diverse sample allowed for comparisons across biological sex, current hormonal status, and history of use.</p>
<p>The study participants underwent a fear conditioning and extinction protocol. On the first day, they entered a virtual environment, such as an image of an office, which served as the “threat context.” In this context, specific visual cues were paired with a mild electric shock to the fingers.</p>
<p>Later on the same day, the participants underwent a procedure called extinction learning. They viewed a different background, such as a library, which served as the “safety context.” In this environment, the previously dangerous cues were presented without any electric shocks, allowing the participants to learn that the cues were now safe.</p>
<p>On the second day, the researchers tested the participants’ memory of these safety signals. They presented the cues again in both the threat context and the safety context. The primary goal was to measure “fear return,” or how much the fear response reappeared when the participant was placed back in the safe environment.</p>
<p>To measure these fear responses objectively, the team recorded skin conductance responses. This physiological measure tracks the electrical conductivity of the skin, which changes based on sweat gland activity controlled by the nervous system. Higher skin conductance indicates a stronger physiological arousal or fear response.</p>
<p>In addition to skin conductance, the researchers used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to observe brain activity. They focused on specific regions known to be involved in fear and memory. These included the hippocampus, the ventromedial prefrontal cortex, and the anterior cingulate cortex.</p>
<p>The results showed that biological sex and natural endogenous estradiol levels were not related to contextual fear responses. Men and women with natural cycles showed similar patterns of fear regulation in the safe context. However, significant differences emerged when analyzing the groups based on contraceptive use history.</p>
<p>Women who were currently using oral contraceptives showed higher fear returns in the safety context compared to women who had never used them. This suggests an impairment in retrieving the safety memory associated with the context. The fear response remained elevated even though the environment signaled safety.</p>
<p>A parallel finding emerged regarding women who had used the pill in the past. Past users, who had discontinued use for more than a year, also exhibited higher fear returns in the safe context compared to never-users. This indicates that the modulation of fear regulation associated with contraceptive use may have lasting residual effects.</p>
<p>The researchers also analyzed the impact of hormone dosage among the current users. They divided the current users into low-dose and high-dose groups based on the amount of ethinyl estradiol in their pills. The analysis revealed a dose-dependent effect on fear regulation.</p>
<p>Women taking high-dose ethinyl estradiol formulations showed significantly greater fear returns in the safe context than never-users. Those taking lower-dose formulations did not differ significantly from the never-users, though they also did not differ from the high-dose group. This suggests that the quantity of exogenous hormones may be a relevant factor in the degree of fear generalization.</p>
<p>The brain imaging data provided a neural correlate for these physiological findings. Across all participants, lower activity in the hippocampus and the ventromedial prefrontal cortex was associated with higher fear returns in the safe context. These brain regions are essential for processing contextual information and inhibiting fear responses.</p>
<p>The hippocampus is particularly sensitive to estrogen and is central to distinguishing between different environments. The ventromedial prefrontal cortex helps suppress the amygdala, the brain’s fear center, when a situation is deemed safe. The reduced engagement of these areas aligns with the observed difficulty in suppressing fear within the safe context.</p>
<p>There were no significant differences found between the groups regarding fear responses in the threat context. The differences were specific to the safe context. This implies that the issue is not a general increase in fear, but rather a specific difficulty in recognizing or using safety signals from the environment.</p>
<p>“In our study, higher-dose contraceptive pills were linked to differences in how the brain processes fear, such as showing excessive fear in safe situations compared to women who have never used the pill,” Davignon told PsyPost. “Interestingly, women who stopped using the pill over a year ago also showed stronger fear in safe situations than women who never used it. This research helps women understand how the pill may be connected to anxiety and mental health, how some effects could last even after stopping the pill, and how hormone dose might play an important role.”</p>
<p>These findings align with previous animal models showing that high levels of exogenous estrogen can disrupt the hippocampus. This disruption leads to an inability to separate neutral contexts from threatening ones. The current study provides evidence that a similar mechanism may be at play in humans taking synthetic hormones.</p>
<p>It is important to address potential misinterpretations of this research. The results do not imply that oral contraceptives are unsafe or that women should discontinue their use. The study highlights a specific neurobiological effect that may be relevant for understanding anxiety susceptibility.</p>
<p>“Our study is not meant to encourage women to stop using the pill, as this research area is still too new to draw firm conclusions,” Davignon said. “Instead, our results highlight the importance of continuing to study associations between pill use and mental health, so that women can make more informed contraceptive choices.”</p>
<p>There are also some limitations to consider. The sample consisted of healthy individuals without a history of psychiatric disorders. It remains unknown whether these effects would be more pronounced or different in women with diagnosed anxiety or PTSD.</p>
<p>The experimental setup used brief exposures to static images to represent contexts. Real-world environments are more complex and immersive. Future research could utilize virtual reality to create more realistic contextual experiences.</p>
<p>“These results were found in a highly controlled lab experiment, and it will be important to see in the future whether they also appear in more real-world situations,” Davignon explained. “Moreover, our sample was composed of women without any psychopathology – reproducing such experiment in populations where anxiety levels are higher or even clinical could provide important clinical insight.”</p>
<p>Future investigations could explore the role of progestins, the other hormone component in birth control pills. Progestins vary widely in their chemical structure and effects, and they may also contribute to the observed changes in fear regulation. Understanding the combined influence of synthetic estrogen and progestin is essential.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41386-025-02208-x" target="_blank">Lasting effects of oral contraceptives on fear responses to a safe context</a>,” was authored by Lisa-Marie Davignon, Alexandra Brouillard, and Marie-France Marin.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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