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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/researchers-identify-personality-traits-linked-to-trumps-cult-like-followership/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Researchers identify personality traits linked to Trump’s “cult-like” followership</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 14th 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>New research published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12991" target="_blank">Political Psychology</a></em> has found that the most devoted supporters of Donald Trump share a distinct set of personality traits. The study suggests that high levels of conscientiousness, particularly the facet of self-discipline, characterize individuals who exhibit cult-like loyalty to the former president.</p>
<p>Political commentators and news organizations have frequently described the base of the former president as a “cult” following his rise in 2016. This terminology usually implies a level of devotion that persists regardless of policy outcomes or controversial behavior. </p>
<p>The authors of this paper sought to investigate whether this description has an empirical basis in psychology. They aimed to determine if specific personality characteristics make certain voters more inclined toward unwavering obedience and dogmatic followership.</p>
<p>“In the mainstream media, supporters of Donald Trump are often referred to as a personality cult,” said study authors <a href="http://lars-moen.com/" target="_blank">Lars J. K. Moen</a> and <a href="https://scholar.google.com.au/citations?user=PHJSBhMAAAAJ&hl=en" target="_blank">Benjamin E. Goldsmith</a>. Moen is a postdoctoral fellow at the University of Vienna and author of <em>The Republican Dilemma: Promoting Freedom in a Modern Society</em>. Goldsmith is a professor at the Australian National University and member of the <a href="https://politicsir.cass.anu.edu.au/research/projects/atrocity-forecasting" target="_blank">Atrocity Forecasting Project</a>. </p>
<p>“We wanted to explore whether the most loyal Trump followers share characteristics that can plausibly be thought to make them inclined to the kind of committed obedience that is associated with members of a personality cult. We also saw a glaring need for a study of the psychology of individuals associated with personality cults, as most studies of this phenomenon focus on leaders.”</p>
<p>The researchers developed theoretical expectations based on the Big Five personality framework. This framework divides human personality into five major dimensions: Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism. </p>
<p>The investigators hypothesized that individuals susceptible to extreme political loyalty might exhibit specific patterns within these dimensions. For instance, they examined whether such followers might display lower levels of openness or higher levels of neuroticism.</p>
<p>To test these ideas, the researchers conducted two separate studies. The first involved a survey designed specifically for this project. It was fielded online in April 2021 and included a sample of 1,038 adults living in the United States. This timing allowed the researchers to assess loyalty following the 2020 election loss and the end of the Trump presidency.</p>
<p>Participants in Study 1 completed the Big Five Inventory to assess their personality traits. This 44-item measure provides a detailed look at the five dimensions and allows for the analysis of specific facets, such as self-discipline. The survey also included a series of questions to identify what the authors termed “Trump Followers.”</p>
<p>The researchers defined these followers using strict criteria to capture extreme loyalty rather than simple political preference. To be categorized as a Trump Follower in Study 1, a respondent had to agree with seven specific statements. These included having voted for Trump in 2020 and strongly approving of his performance as president.</p>
<p>The criteria also required believing that Trump would go down in history as an outstanding president. Respondents had to believe he acted responsibly after the 2020 election. They also needed to agree that Republican leaders should follow his direction and that the media treated him unfairly.</p>
<p>To validate their initial findings, the researchers analyzed a second dataset for Study 2. They utilized the 2016 American National Election Study. This dataset contained responses from over 2,800 individuals collected during the 2016 election cycle.</p>
<p>Study 2 used a shorter personality measure known as the Ten-Item Personality Inventory. The researchers constructed a similar index to identify loyal supporters based on the available data. This included voters who showed a strong preference for Trump and reported finding nothing to dislike about him.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed a consistent pattern across both studies. The data indicated that high scores on Conscientiousness were significantly associated with being a loyal Trump Follower. This relationship held true even after the researchers controlled for a wide range of other factors.</p>
<p>Conscientiousness is a personality trait associated with being organized, reliable, and efficient. Individuals high in this trait often value order and duty. The study found that as a person’s level of conscientiousness increased, the probability of them being a die-hard Trump supporter also rose.</p>
<p>“The basic results we reported were actually surprising,” Moen and Goldsmith told PsyPost. “First, we did not expect that the most loyal Trump supporters would be distinguished by the Conscientiousness as opposed to other of the Big Five personality characteristics.” </p>
<p>“Second, the degree to which the pattern we uncovered was robust across both our own online survey conducted in 2021 and the 2016 American National Election Study was unexpected for us. We were not aware of the 2016 ANES’s inclusion of the Big Five when we designed our survey, but only found this later in response to colleagues’ feedback.”</p>
<p>In Study 1, the researchers were able to break down the Conscientiousness trait into two sub-categories: Order and Self-Discipline. The results showed that the link to Trump loyalty was primarily driven by the Self-Discipline facet. This specific characteristic involves the capacity to persist at difficult or boring tasks and to resist distractions.</p>
<p>The authors assessed whether this finding was simply a reflection of the known link between conscientiousness and traditional conservatism. Previous psychological research has established that conservative individuals tend to score higher on conscientiousness. To address this, the statistical models included controls for self-identified conservatism and Republican Party affiliation.</p>
<p>Even with these political identities taken into account, the association between conscientiousness and extreme loyalty to Trump remained significant. This suggests that the personality profile of a Trump “cultist” is distinct from that of a standard conservative voter. The analysis indicated that while the facet of Order was associated with general conservatism, Self-Discipline was uniquely tied to Trump loyalty.</p>
<p>The findings indicate “that firm Trump supporters are distinguishable in terms of their personality, and especially high levels of conscientiousness and self-discipline,” Moen and Goldsmith said. “Obedient, cult-like followership might, at least in part, be explainable in terms of an individual’s perceived self-discipline and desire for order in their life. Trump, as a leader who claims to possess a unique ability to ensure a safe and well-ordered society, might appeal to such individuals because of these psychological characteristics.”</p>
<p>The researchers also examined other personality traits but found less consistent evidence. They initially conjectured that loyalists might score low on Agreeableness or Openness. They also speculated that high Neuroticism, which involves anxiety and emotional instability, might drive individuals to seek a strong leader for security.</p>
<p>However, the results for these other traits were mixed or disappeared when controls were applied. For example, an initial link between lower Openness and loyalty was largely explained by the fact that loyalists tended to be conservative. Once conservatism was controlled for, the independent effect of Openness diminished. Similarly, the data did not support the hypothesis that high anxiety or neuroticism drives this specific type of political devotion.</p>
<p>The researchers also measured social attitudes known as Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation. Right-Wing Authoritarianism involves submission to authority and aggression toward outsiders. Social Dominance Orientation reflects a preference for hierarchy and inequality among social groups.</p>
<p>Unsurprisingly, the results showed that loyal Trump supporters scored high on both of these measures. Yet, the connection between Conscientiousness and loyalty persisted even when these powerful social attitudes were included in the analysis. This reinforces the idea that fundamental personality traits play a unique role in explaining this political phenomenon.</p>
<p>The researchers interpret these findings through the lens of psychological needs. They argue that individuals with high self-discipline may desire a world that is orderly and predictable. They may be drawn to a leader who demands absolute loyalty and promises to impose order on a chaotic society.</p>
<p>Donald Trump often presented himself as the only person capable of fixing the nation’s problems. He demanded total commitment from his subordinates and supporters. This leadership style likely appeals to those who prioritize discipline and unwavering commitment in their own lives.</p>
<p>“The phenomenon of a personality cult is commonly associated with authoritarian states, where the government can use its control over the media and education to create a glorified image of an amazingly capable leader,” Moen and Goldsmith said. “It is clearly significant if such loyalty to a leader can emerge also in a democratic system.” </p>
<p>“It would also be concerning, as it involves support for a leader due to belief in their abilities without critical evaluation of their policies. Such uncritical support is far from the ideal citizen who is concerned about policy issues or values and ready to challenge a leader for any act perceived as an abuse of political power.”</p>
<p>There are some limitations to this research that should be considered. The study relies on correlational data. This means it cannot prove that high conscientiousness causes someone to become a loyalist, only that the two are linked.</p>
<p>Additionally, Study 1 used an online sample that may not be perfectly representative of the entire population, though efforts were made to match demographic quotas. The researchers also acknowledge that the concept of a “personality cult” is difficult to operationalize fully in a survey format.</p>
<p>“Our study should be seen as exploratory and aimed at building theory, rather than testing it,” the researchers explained. “We only claim to evaluate ‘conjectures,’ rather than test hypotheses based on established theory. Our findings and the implications of our ideas should be tested on new data, both in the United States and cross-nationally. We hope to do this and encourage others to do so.”</p>
<p>Future research is needed to determine if these findings apply to other political contexts. It remains to be seen if similar personality patterns appear among supporters of other populist leaders around the world. </p>
<p>“Our findings are robust across two nationwide American studies, but further studies would provide better insight into the connection between personality and strong loyalty to President Trump,” Moen and Goldsmith said. “We also intend to test whether our results should be understood as U.S.-specific, or whether they can be found also in other countries. A particularly interesting case we plan to explore is India, where Prime Minister Modi has also been said to enjoy the support of a personality cult.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12991" target="_blank">The personality of a personality cult? Personality characteristics of Donald Trump’s most loyal supporters</a>,” was authored by Benjamin E. Goldsmith and Lars J. K. Moen.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-psychology-research-shows-that-hatred-is-not-just-intense-anger/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New psychology research shows that hatred is not just intense anger</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 14th 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study suggests that anger and hatred are not merely different intensities of the same feeling but are distinct emotional systems with unique evolutionary functions. The study indicates that while anger motivates individuals to negotiate for better treatment, hatred drives them to neutralize or remove a threat. These findings were published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2025.106776" target="_blank">Evolution and Human Behavior</a></em>.</p>
<p>Scientists have long debated the relationship between anger and hatred. Some psychological models suggest hatred is simply a more intense or durable form of anger. Other perspectives argue they are qualitatively different.</p>
<p>The authors of the current study approached this debate through an adaptationist framework. This perspective views human emotions as evolved mechanisms designed to solve specific problems faced by our ancestors.</p>
<p>“Anger and hatred are both central to conflict and aggression, but in everyday conversation—and often in research—they get treated as basically the same thing, just different intensities of ‘being mad,” said study author Mitchell Landers, a postdoctoral Scholar at the University of California, San Diego. </p>
<p>“From an evolutionary perspective, that’s a strong claim. But if instead they’re distinct emotions, they should be specialized for different problems and produce different behavioral patterns. We were motivated by a simple idea: If you confuse anger with hatred, you’ll misunderstand what angry or hateful people are trying to accomplish, and you’ll likely apply the wrong strategy for resolving the conflict as a result.”</p>
<p>From this evolutionary standpoint, anger and hatred appear to solve different adaptive problems. The researchers propose that anger evolved as a bargaining system. It functions to recalibrate a relationship when a cooperative partner undervalues the angry individual. The biological logic here involves a concept called the welfare tradeoff ratio. This ratio represents how much one person values another person’s well-being relative to their own.</p>
<p>When a partner’s welfare tradeoff ratio is too low, they may impose costs on an individual. Anger arises to signal that this treatment is unacceptable. It uses threats of cost-imposition or the withdrawal of benefits to pressure the target into treating the angry person better. The ultimate goal of anger is to restore a cooperative relationship by forcing the target to care more.</p>
<p>Hatred addresses a fundamentally different problem. The researchers argue that hatred evolved to handle “toxic” individuals. These are people whose mere existence or well-being imposes a net cost on an individual’s fitness. In these cases, bargaining is ineffective. The problem is not that the target undervalues the hater. The problem is that the target is an enemy or a liability.</p>
<p>Consequently, the functional goal of hatred is not to improve the relationship. It is to neutralize the threat. This is achieved through strategies that reduce the cost the target can impose. Such strategies include distancing oneself, damaging the target’s status, or eliminating the target entirely. </p>
<p>The researchers hypothesized that if these emotions are distinct adaptations, they should trigger predictable and distinct behavioral strategies. To test this hypothesis, the authors utilized a first-person recall design. They recruited participants from two separate national samples. One sample included 368 participants from the United States. The second sample included 357 participants from the United Kingdom.</p>
<p>Participants were randomly assigned to one of two conditions. In the anger condition, they were asked to recall a person they were “very angry at, but do not hate.” In the hatred condition, they were asked to recall the person they “hate most in the world.” They then wrote a brief description of why they felt this way to bring the emotion to the forefront of their minds.</p>
<p>Following this induction, participants rated their agreement with 16 behavioral strategies and goals. Eight of these items represented recalibrational tactics associated with anger. Examples included “confront them to talk about the problem” or “ask them to apologize so we can put it behind us.” </p>
<p>The other eight items represented neutralizing tactics associated with hatred. Examples included “never speak to them for the rest of my life” or “fantasize about killing them.”</p>
<p>The researchers also included seven distinguishing questions to probe social attitudes. These items measured constructs such as the perceived effectiveness of apologies and the willingness to cooperate. Participants rated how likely they would be to help the target if they were in distress. They also rated how willing they would be to listen to the target’s side of the story.</p>
<p>The results provided evidence for the distinct evolutionary functions of these emotions. Across both the American and British samples, the patterns of behavior were consistent. Participants in the anger condition showed a strong preference for recalibrational strategies. They wanted to confront the target, explain their point of view, and receive an apology.</p>
<p>In contrast, participants in the hatred condition endorsed neutralizing strategies. They expressed desires to inflict financial, social, or physical harm on the target. They also showed a strong preference for permanent avoidance. The data suggests that hatred activates a motivational system designed to sever ties rather than repair them.</p>
<p>“The differences were large and consistent,” Landers told PsyPost. “Across two national samples (U.S. and U.K.; total N = 725), the ‘anger profile’ strongly favored reconciliation-oriented responses, while the ‘hatred profile’ strongly favored distancing and neutralizing responses. These aren’t subtle, academic distinctions. People reliably separate these states in the kinds of action they feel pulled toward.”</p>
<p>The distinguishing items further illuminated these differences. Angry participants generally viewed apologies as effective. They indicated a willingness to listen to the target and potentially restore the relationship. </p>
<p>Hateful participants did not view apologies as effective. They were unwilling to listen and showed an “irrational” avoidance, meaning they would avoid the target even if it came at a personal cost.</p>
<p>The researchers also examined how emotional intensity influenced these behaviors. Increased intensity of anger was associated with a greater endorsement of bargaining strategies. However, very intense anger also showed some association with neutralizing strategies. This suggests that when bargaining fails repeatedly, anger may escalate toward hatred.</p>
<p>On the other hand, increased intensity of hatred was associated with a decrease in bargaining strategies. As hatred becomes more severe, the desire to communicate or repair the relationship vanishes almost entirely. This supports the idea that hatred is not just “loud anger” but a shift into a different cognitive mode.</p>
<p>“Anger is designed for bargaining; hatred is designed for elimination,” Landers explained. “When people feel anger, they want explanation, dialogue, apology, and behavior change. This reflects the fact that angry people implicitly value the target of their anger: They want the relationship to continue, but they want to negotiate a better ‘exchange rate’ in the relationship.” </p>
<p>“When people feel hatred, on the other hand, the pattern flips: The dominant impulses are to undermine the target, to remove them from one’s social world entirely, or even destroy them. The practical implication is that if someone is angry with you, apologies and explanations can help. But if someone is in a hatred state, pushing for reconciliation may backfire, because the goal isn’t repair—it’s distance or destruction.”</p>
<p>As with all research, there are some limitations. The study relied on self-reported thoughts and desires rather than observed behaviors. While thoughts often predict actions, they are not identical. Additionally, the samples were drawn from Western, educated, and democratic nations. It remains to be seen if these distinct functional profiles hold true across all cultures.</p>
<p>“One important caveat: Our framework is descriptive, not moral,” Landers noted. “Saying hatred functions to neutralize a perceived threat is not the same as endorsing hatred as good or justified.”</p>
<p>Future research could investigate the transition points between these emotions. Understanding exactly when and why anger gives way to hatred could help in preventing the escalation of conflict. The authors also suggest studying non-violent manifestations of hatred. This would further clarify the boundaries between these two emotional systems.</p>
<p>“We’d like to test these predictions with behavioral outcomes, examine more diverse populations beyond the U.S. and U.K., and map turning points for when and why anger de-escalates into repair versus escalates into hatred and permanent severing,” Landers said.</p>
<p>“We’d also like to investigate situations in which hatred shows signs of low anger, i.e., cases where someone has written another person off entirely without the ‘hot’ intensity we associate with conflict. This would further support the idea that hatred isn’t just anger that’s boiled over but a unique cognitive system with a distinct function.”</p>
<p>“A broader goal is to build emotion theories that make clear, testable predictions about what people will try to do in conflicts, because that’s where emotions matter most in the real world.”</p>
<p>“One broader implication is for conflict resolution,” Landers added. “Distinguishing whether someone is angry versus hateful can help you choose interventions that match what’s actually going on psychologically, whether in relationships, workplaces, or intergroup settings.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2025.106776" target="_blank">The evolutionary logic of anger and hatred: an empirical test</a>,” was authored by Mitchell Landers, Aaron Sell, Coltan Scrivner, and Anthony Lopez.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-study-suggests-memory-games-with-emotional-cues-can-reduce-anxiety-driven-focus/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New study suggests memory games with emotional cues can reduce anxiety-driven focus</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 13th 2026, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>New research suggests that a specific type of brain training could help socially anxious individuals break the habit of instantly focusing on threatening social cues. A study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2025.120358" target="_blank">Journal of Affective Disorders</a></em> demonstrates that incorporating emotional images into memory exercises alters how the eyes automatically orient toward angry faces. These findings offer a potential pathway for computer-based therapies to address the automatic cognitive patterns that fuel social anxiety.</p>
<p>Social anxiety is often characterized by a hyper-vigilance to rejection or criticism. This condition manifests physically in how a person observes their environment. Individuals with high levels of social anxiety tend to scan crowds for signs of disapproval.</p>
<p>This phenomenon is known as attentional bias. It acts as a filter that prioritizes threatening information over neutral or positive details. This bias typically happens so quickly that the individual is not consciously aware of it.</p>
<p>Researchers have previously attempted to correct this habit using cognitive training programs. These programs usually involve working memory tasks. Working memory is the brain’s system for temporarily holding and processing information.</p>
<p>Standard training methods typically use neutral shapes or numbers to boost general cognitive control. The theory is that a stronger brain can better regulate fear responses. However, these neutral methods often fail to help people regulate actual emotions.</p>
<p>Huan Zhang and colleagues at Northwest Normal University in China hypothesized that the training needed to be more specific. They proposed that the exercises should include emotional content to be effective. This approach is called emotional working memory training.</p>
<p>The researchers aimed to test whether this emotional integration would produce better results than standard training. They designed a two-part investigation involving university students. Their goal was to first map the eye movements associated with anxiety and then attempt to change them.</p>
<p>In the first experiment, the team sought to confirm exactly how anxiety changes gaze patterns. They recruited 69 undergraduate students for the study. The researchers divided these participants into two groups based on their scores on a standard social anxiety scale.</p>
<p>One group consisted of students with high levels of social anxiety. The other group had low levels of anxiety. The researchers used high-precision eye-tracking technology to monitor where participants looked on a computer screen.</p>
<p>The participants performed a task known as the dot-probe paradigm. The screen flashed two faces simultaneously for a brief moment. One face was neutral, while the other displayed either an angry or a happy expression.</p>
<p>After the images disappeared, a dot appeared in the location of one of the faces. The participants had to press a button to indicate where the dot was. The eye tracker recorded exactly where their eyes moved during the few milliseconds the faces were visible.</p>
<p>The results revealed a clear distinction between the two groups. The students with high social anxiety demonstrated a strong bias toward the angry faces. Their eyes tended to dart toward the threatening image immediately upon its appearance.</p>
<p>This specific metric is called “first fixation orientation.” It measures what the eyes look at first. The high-anxiety group not only looked at the threat first but also spent more time looking at it overall.</p>
<p>In contrast, the low-anxiety group displayed the opposite pattern. They tended to look at the happy faces first. This suggests that non-anxious individuals may have a protective bias toward positive social cues.</p>
<p>The researchers found that the high-anxiety students had difficulty disengaging from the angry faces. Once their attention locked onto a threat, it remained stuck there. This confirmed that early vigilance is a key feature of social anxiety.</p>
<p>With this baseline established, the researchers moved to the second experiment. They invited 58 students with high social anxiety to participate in a training program. These students were randomly assigned to one of two groups.</p>
<p>One group received the experimental emotional working memory training. The other group received a standard, non-emotional version of the training to serve as a control. Both groups attended 20 training sessions over the course of a month.</p>
<p>The training utilized a task called the “dual n-back.” This is a cognitively demanding exercise that requires participants to monitor two streams of information at once. They must remember a sequence of items and identify when a current item matches one from several steps back.</p>
<p>The control group performed this task using shapes and numbers. The emotional training group performed the same mental gymnastics but using emotional faces and words. The difficulty level adjusted automatically based on their performance.</p>
<p>After the month of training was complete, the students returned to the lab. They repeated the eye-tracking test to see if their gaze patterns had changed. The researchers compared these post-training results to their initial scores.</p>
<p>The data showed a specific and distinct improvement in the group that used emotional training. These participants showed a marked reduction in their tendency to look at angry faces first. Their “first fixation orientation” bias toward threat had decreased.</p>
<p>This change suggested that the emotional training successfully recalibrated their automatic attention. By practicing memory tasks with emotional distractors, their brains learned to filter out irrelevant threat cues. The control group did not show this specific improvement.</p>
<p>While the emotional training changed the initial direction of the gaze, it did not change everything. The training did not produce a statistical difference in how long the participants looked at the faces once they were fixated. The duration of their gaze remained similar to pre-training levels.</p>
<p>This indicates that the intervention primarily affected the early, automatic stage of attention. It helped prevent the initial “snap” of attention toward danger. It was less effective at helping them look away once they were already focused.</p>
<p>Both groups showed improvements in general cognitive tasks. They got better at memory and switching between numbers. However, only the emotional training group saw the transfer of these skills to the processing of facial expressions.</p>
<p>The study authors note that the specific content of the training matters. Improving general brain power does not automatically fix emotional biases. The brain appears to need practice dealing with emotional data to improve emotional regulation.</p>
<p>There are limitations to this study that affect how the results should be interpreted. The participants were university students with high anxiety scores, not clinical patients diagnosed with Social Anxiety Disorder. The results might differ in a population with more severe clinical symptoms.</p>
<p>Additionally, the emotional words used in the training were generally negative, such as “grief” or “failure.” They were not specifically related to social rejection. Using words more specific to social fears might produce stronger effects in the future.</p>
<p>The study also only looked at immediate effects after the training month concluded. It is not known how long these benefits last without continued practice. Future research would need to follow participants over a longer period to assess long-term efficacy.</p>
<p>Despite these caveats, the research provides evidence for a mechanism of change. It supports the idea that early attentional processes are malleable. The eye-tracking data offers objective proof that cognitive training can alter rapid physiological reactions.</p>
<p>This approach could eventually serve as a supplement to traditional therapies. Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) often involves exposure to feared situations. Reducing the automatic bias to spot threats could make such exposure exercises easier for patients to tolerate.</p>
<p>The study highlights the intricate link between cognitive control and emotional processing. It suggests that by strengthening the brain’s ability to handle emotional information, we can dampen the automatic reflex to find fear in a crowded room.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2025.120358" target="_blank">Impact of emotional working memory training on threat-related attentional bias in social anxiety: Evidence from eye movement</a>,” was authored by Huan Zhang, Keyin Chen, Pengfei Xu, and Xin Zhao.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/link-between-inflammation-and-distress-is-stronger-in-people-with-poor-emotion-regulation/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Link between inflammation and distress is stronger in people with poor emotion regulation</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 13th 2026, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A study in Japan found that the associations between inflammation markers and psychological symptoms such as depression, anxiety, fatigue, and somatic complaints are stronger in individuals with poor emotion regulation or low-quality sleep. On the other hand, these associations were attenuated or even reversed in individuals with effective emotion regulation or high-quality sleep. The paper was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bbih.2025.101135"><em>Brain, Behavior, & Immunity – Health</em></a>.</p>
<p>Inflammation is a biological response of the immune system to injury, infection, or other forms of threat to the body. It involves the activation of immune cells and the release of signaling molecules such as cytokines that help eliminate harmful agents and initiate tissue repair. Acute inflammation is usually short-term and adaptive, supporting healing and recovery. Chronic inflammation, however, persists over time and can become harmful, contributing to a wide range of physical and mental health problems.</p>
<p>Inflammation can also be local or systemic. Local inflammation occurs in a specific tissue or area of the body in response to injury, infection, or irritation. Systemic inflammation, on the other hand, refers to inflammation that is spread throughout the body, reflected in elevated circulating inflammatory markers (such as C-reactive protein or cytokines in the blood).</p>
<p>In recent research, systemic inflammation has been increasingly linked to psychophysiological states such as fatigue, depression, anxiety, and somatic complaints. Elevated inflammatory markers tend to be associated with persistent tiredness and reduced energy, even in the absence of clear physical illness.</p>
<p>Inflammation can also influence brain function by altering neurotransmitter systems and neural circuits involved in mood regulation. This helps explain why chronic, systemic inflammation is linked to depressive symptoms such as low mood, anhedonia, and cognitive slowing.</p>
<p>Anxiety has likewise been associated with inflammatory processes, possibly through heightened stress reactivity and altered immune signaling. Somatic complaints, including pain, gastrointestinal discomfort, and bodily tension, are common in states of chronic inflammation.</p>
<p>Study author Kao Yamaoka and their colleagues wanted to explore the relationship between systemic inflammation and psychophysiological states, including symptoms of depression and anxiety. They note that elevated inflammatory markers are generally associated with worsened psychological outcomes, but that this is not the case in all individuals.</p>
<p>They hypothesized that emotion regulation, interoception (the ability to perceive sensations from the body), and sleep moderate this relationship. They expected individuals with greater interoceptive sensitivity, stronger emotion regulation abilities, and better sleep quality to be more resilient to the detrimental psychological effects of increased inflammation.</p>
<p>Study participants were 155 healthy adults between 30 and 59 years of age. They were required to have a body mass index of between 18.5 and 30.0 kg/m <sup>2</sup> and to have graduated from high school. Candidates were excluded if they had a current or past diagnosis of dementia, depression, or other psychiatric disorders, if they were pregnant or breastfeeding, if they were smokers, or could not discontinue medications or health supplements that could influence study outcomes.</p>
<p>Study participants completed assessments of emotion regulation skills (multiple assessments), sleep quality (the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index), interoceptive sensitivity (the Multidimensional Assessment of Interoceptive Awareness), maladaptive interoceptive processing (the Somatosensory Amplification Scale), fatigue (the Cumulative Fatigue Symptoms Index), depressive symptoms (the Beck Depression Inventory – II), mood (the Profile of Mood States 2-A Short Form), anxiety symptoms (the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory), and multiple assessments of stress responses.</p>
<p>Participants also completed a questionnaire assessing gastrointestinal symptoms and gave blood samples, allowing researchers to assess the levels of inflammatory markers.</p>
<p>Results showed that the associations between inflammatory markers and symptoms such as fatigue, somatic complaints, depression, and anxiety were stronger in individuals with poor emotion regulation or low-quality sleep. Conversely, in individuals with effective emotion regulation or high-quality sleep, this association was attenuated or even reversed. The moderating effects of interoceptive awareness were weaker or depended on the context.</p>
<p>“This study demonstrated that individual differences in emotion regulation, sleep, and interoception significantly influenced the relationship between inflammation and subjective mental and physical well-being. In particular, individuals with poor emotional regulation or low sleep quality were more vulnerable to the negative effects of elevated inflammatory markers, such as CRP, IL-6, and TNF-α, associated with greater fatigue, somatic complaints, depression, and anxiety.”</p>
<p>“Conversely, when emotion regulation and sleep were adequate, these associations were diminished or, in some cases, even reversed, which suggested that inflammation did not uniformly lead to adverse health outcomes; rather, it interacted dynamically with personal traits,” study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the links between inflammation and psychological states. However, it should be noted that the study was conducted on a relatively small sample. Also, the design of the study does not allow any definitive causal inferences to be derived from the results.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bbih.2025.101135">Moderating Effects of Individual Factors on the Relationship Between Inflammation and Psychophysiological States in Healthy Adults</a>,” was authored by Kao Yamaoka, Yuri Ishii, and Yuri Terasawa.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/adhd-diagnoses-among-mothers-surge-in-the-years-following-childbirth/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">ADHD diagnoses among mothers surge in the years following childbirth</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 13th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>For many women, the transition to parenthood is a life-altering event filled with new challenges and responsibilities. A new study suggests that for some, this period may also reveal previously undiagnosed Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD). Researchers in Denmark found that while diagnosis rates drop during pregnancy, they rise noticeably in the years following childbirth. This research was published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/10870547251372730" target="_blank">Journal of Attention Disorders</a></em>.</p>
<p>ADHD is a neurodevelopmental condition often characterized by inattention, impulsivity, and hyperactivity. Historically, medical professionals diagnosed boys much more frequently than girls. This gender gap often leaves women undiagnosed until they reach adulthood. Women often present with inattentive symptoms rather than disruptive behavior. These symptoms can be easier to overlook or misattribute to personality traits.</p>
<p>Many adult women manage their symptoms by creating structured environments and routines. These coping mechanisms allow them to function well in professional and personal settings. However, major life transitions can disrupt these systems. The arrival of a child introduces sleep deprivation, unpredictable schedules, and a high cognitive load. This change in environment may cause compensatory strategies to fail.</p>
<p>Biological factors also play a role in the expression of ADHD symptoms. Fluctuations in hormones, specifically estrogen and progesterone, impact brain function. These hormonal shifts occur rapidly during pregnancy and the postpartum period. The combination of biological changes and environmental stress may make ADHD symptoms more visible.</p>
<p>Researchers wanted to understand how the timeline of childbirth relates to when women receive an ADHD diagnosis. They hypothesized that the demands of parenting might prompt women to seek professional help. The study aimed to track the incidence of new diagnoses in the years surrounding childbirth. The lead author of the study is Kathrine Bang Madsen from the University of Southern Denmark.</p>
<p>The research team conducted a population-based cohort study using data from Danish nationwide registers. Denmark maintains comprehensive health and civil records for its entire population. This allows scientists to track medical histories with high accuracy without relying on participants’ memories. The study focused on mothers who gave birth between 2010 and 2018.</p>
<p>The researchers identified 363,904 mothers who had a total of 524,936 childbirths during this period. They looked for any record of an ADHD diagnosis or a filled prescription for ADHD medication. The team tracked these women from five years before childbirth to five years after. They excluded any women who had already been diagnosed with ADHD before this ten-year window began.</p>
<p>This method ensured that the study focused only on new, incident cases. The researchers divided the timeline into four distinct periods to compare rates. These periods were pre-pregnancy, pregnancy, the first two years postpartum, and two to five years postpartum. They used statistical models to calculate the rate of diagnosis while adjusting for calendar years.</p>
<p>The findings revealed a distinct pattern in how diagnosis rates changed over time. During pregnancy, the rate of new ADHD diagnoses dropped substantially. The incidence rate during this time was roughly 72 percent lower than it was in the pre-pregnancy period. This decline suggests that pregnancy might be a period where symptoms are less bothersome or less likely to be treated.</p>
<p>Researchers offer a few explanations for this decrease. It is possible that biological changes during pregnancy temporarily mask symptoms. Alternatively, women may be less likely to seek psychiatric help while pregnant. Doctors may also be hesitant to diagnose a new condition or prescribe medication during pregnancy due to safety concerns.</p>
<p>After the child was born, the diagnosis rates remained low for the first two years. The rates during this early postpartum phase were still lower than pre-pregnancy levels. This might reflect the societal normalization of the “exhausted new mother.” Difficulties with focus and organization are often expected during the infancy stage.</p>
<p>However, the trend shifted as the children grew older. Between two and five years after childbirth, the rate of new ADHD diagnoses began to climb. By four to five years postpartum, the rate was significantly higher than it was before the women became pregnant. The peak occurred at the tail end of the study period.</p>
<p>This delay suggests that women might not seek help immediately. They may struggle for years before realizing their difficulties go beyond normal parenting stress. As the child enters the toddler and preschool years, the demands on the mother’s executive functions increase. Managing a mobile, active child requires different cognitive resources than caring for an infant.</p>
<p>One specific finding regarding mental health history is particularly notable. The researchers looked at what happened to these women before they received their ADHD label. They found that more than half of the mothers diagnosed with ADHD postpartum had prior contact with psychiatric services.</p>
<p>Specifically, 53.9 percent of these women had received treatment for other mental health issues in the time between giving birth and their ADHD diagnosis. They had either visited a clinic for depression, anxiety, or substance use, or filled prescriptions for medications to treat these conditions. This indicates a high level of distress preceding the identification of ADHD.</p>
<p>It is common for ADHD to coexist with anxiety and depression. However, this timeline suggests a potential issue with misdiagnosis or delayed identification. Women may present to their doctors with complaints of feeling overwhelmed, anxious, or unable to cope. Clinicians might treat the mood disorder without recognizing the underlying neurodevelopmental cause.</p>
<p>Postpartum depression shares several symptoms with inattentive ADHD. Both conditions can involve difficulty concentrating, brain fog, and a sense of being overwhelmed. If a doctor focuses solely on the mood symptoms, the core issue remains untreated. The researchers suggest that the “depression” might sometimes be a consequence of untreated ADHD.</p>
<p>The researchers calculated incidence rate ratios to quantify these trends. Compared to the pre-pregnancy baseline, the rate ratio during pregnancy was 0.28. This indicates a very strong reduction in new cases. In the period from two to five years postpartum, the ratio rose to 1.24.</p>
<p>This increase to 1.24 means the diagnosis rate was 24 percent higher than before the women became pregnant. This statistical rise supports the idea that the years following childbirth are a critical time for symptom emergence. The “unmasking” of symptoms appears to be a gradual process rather than an immediate event.</p>
<p>The study also noted demographic differences. Mothers who received an ADHD diagnosis were, on average, younger when they had their first child compared to those who did not. The mean age for the ADHD group was 26.9 years, while the non-ADHD group was 29.3 years. This aligns with previous research linking ADHD to earlier parenthood.</p>
<p>There are limitations to this study that affect how the results should be interpreted. The reliance on registry data means the researchers could not interview the women. They do not know the specific reasons why a woman sought help at a particular time. The data only captures those who received a formal medical diagnosis or prescription.</p>
<p>Women who struggle with symptoms but do not seek medical help are not counted. This means the actual number of women dealing with postpartum attention issues could be higher. Additionally, the study cut off at five years postpartum. It is unknown if the upward trend in diagnoses continues as children enter school age.</p>
<p>The researchers also used medication prescriptions as a proxy for diagnosis in some cases. While private psychiatrists in Denmark prescribe these medications, they do not always report the diagnosis code to the central register. This proxy is generally considered reliable but is not a perfect measure.</p>
<p>Despite these caveats, the sheer size of the study population provides weight to the findings. The trends observed across hundreds of thousands of births offer a clear picture of when diagnoses happen. The pattern of a dip followed by a delayed rise is consistent and statistically robust.</p>
<p>These findings have practical implications for healthcare providers. Doctors and midwives should be aware that ADHD can present for the first time in the years after childbirth. The symptoms may not look like the stereotypical hyperactivity seen in boys. Instead, they may manifest as chronic disorganization, emotional dysregulation, or an inability to manage household demands.</p>
<p>The high rate of prior treatment for depression and anxiety suggests a need for better screening. When a mother seeks help for mood issues, clinicians should consider screening for ADHD as well. Early identification could prevent years of struggle and ineffective treatment.</p>
<p>Future research needs to investigate the mechanisms behind the postpartum rise. Scientists need to determine if the increase is due to biological changes, the psychosocial stress of parenting, or a combination of both. Qualitative studies involving interviews with mothers could provide insight into their lived experiences.</p>
<p>Understanding the specific challenges mothers with ADHD face is essential for providing better support. Parenting interventions that are tailored to the ADHD brain could be beneficial. Standard advice on organization and discipline may not work for a mother with executive function deficits.</p>
<p>The authors conclude that the postpartum period represents a window of vulnerability. The cognitive demands of raising a child can exceed the coping capacity of women with undiagnosed ADHD. Recognizing this pattern is the first step toward improving mental health care for new mothers.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/10870547251372730" target="_blank">Maternal ADHD Diagnoses Before and After Childbirth: A Danish Population-Based Cohort Study</a>,” was authored by Kathrine Bang Madsen, Mette Winther, Amalie Thea Jensen, Katrine Marcussen, Trine Munk-Olsen, Rikke Wesselhoeft, and Sarah Kittel-Schneider.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/fragmented-sleep-predicts-slower-mental-processing-speed-the-next-day-in-older-adults/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Fragmented sleep predicts slower mental processing speed the next day in older adults</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 13th 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>New research published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sleh.2025.11.010" target="_blank">Sleep Health</a></em> has found that sleep fragmentation, which refers to the amount of time spent awake in bed after initially falling asleep, is linked to slower mental processing speeds the next day in older adults. The findings suggest that the continuity of sleep may be more relevant to daily cognitive functioning in later life than the total number of hours slept.</p>
<p>Sleep is widely recognized as a fundamental pillar of physical health, yet its specific relationship to cognitive maintenance in older age remains a subject of scientific inquiry. Much of the existing data regarding sleep and aging relies on information collected at a single point in time, often asking participants to recall their general sleep habits over weeks or months. </p>
<p>This approach provides a broad overview but often misses the dynamic, day-to-day variations in rest and mental acuity that define daily living. The authors of the current study sought to fill this gap by observing how fluctuations in sleep quality on a specific night relate to cognitive performance on the immediately following day. </p>
<p>By focusing on older adults without dementia, the research team aimed to clarify if sleep disturbances act as a precursor to cognitive difficulties, which could inform preventative strategies for conditions like Alzheimer’s disease.</p>
<p>“We are interested in the role of sleep in Alzheimer’s disease and cognitive impairment with aging,” said study author Orfeu M. Buxton,<br>
a professor of biobehavioral health and director of <a href="https://hhd.psu.edu/bbh/sleep-health-and-society" target="_blank">the Sleep, Health & Society Collaboratory</a> at Pennsylvania State University.</p>
<p>“A Lancet Commission report in 2024 described modifiable factors for Alzheimer’s disease. They concluded that it wasn’t clear if sleep problems come before or after cognitive impairment, due to lack adequate data.” </p>
<p>“We wanted to expand our understanding of the role of sleep in cognition in older adults, and inform this consensus. Is sleep a modifiable factor that could be used to prevent or slow cognitive decline?”</p>
<p>The research team analyzed data from the Einstein Aging Study, utilizing a systematic random sampling method to recruit older adults residing in Bronx County, New York. </p>
<p>The final analysis included 261 participants who were at least 70 years old and free of dementia. The group was diverse, with approximately 47 percent identifying as non-Hispanic White and 40 percent as non-Hispanic Black. The average age of the cohort was around 77 years.</p>
<p>Over a period of 16 days, participants engaged in a rigorous ambulatory assessment protocol designed to capture real-world data. They wore a device called an Actiwatch on their non-dominant wrist continuously to objectively measure sleep patterns. </p>
<p>Unlike self-reported sleep diaries which can be inaccurate due to memory errors, actigraphy uses sensitive motion sensors to estimate sleep and wake intervals based on physical activity. This allowed the researchers to derive precise metrics regarding sleep timing and quality.</p>
<p>To measure brain function, participants used study-provided smartphones to complete brief cognitive tests six times per day. These assessments occurred in the morning, four times throughout the day at semi-random intervals, and once before bed. </p>
<p>This high-frequency testing allowed the researchers to collect a substantial amount of data, totaling over 20,000 valid cognitive assessments across the sample. The tests were specifically designed to evaluate domains often affected by aging and mild cognitive impairment.</p>
<p>The cognitive battery included four specific tasks. The Grid Memory task assessed visuospatial working memory by asking participants to recall the location of dots on a grid after a brief delay. The Symbol Search task measured processing speed, requiring users to quickly identify matching symbol pairs. </p>
<p>The Color Dots task evaluated visual working memory by asking participants to recall the color and location of specific items. Finally, the Color Shapes task tested the ability to bind features together, requiring participants to detect changes in combinations of shapes and colors.</p>
<p>The researchers examined several specific sleep characteristics derived from the actigraphy data. They calculated total nighttime sleep duration and sleep timing, defined as the midpoint of the sleep cycle. They also measured napping behavior, including the frequency and duration of daytime naps. </p>
<p>A primary focus was Wake After Sleep Onset, or WASO, which quantifies the total minutes spent awake during the night after the individual has initially fallen asleep. Higher WASO indicates more fragmented and disrupted sleep.</p>
<p>The statistical analysis utilized multilevel linear mixed-effect models to separate the results into two categories: between-person effects and within-person effects. </p>
<p>Between-person effects compare one individual’s average performance to another’s. Within-person effects compare an individual’s performance on a specific day to their own average performance, allowing the researchers to see how daily deviations in sleep impacted the next day’s brain function.</p>
<p>When looking at differences between people, the researcher found that participants with higher average levels of sleep fragmentation performed worse on several cognitive measures. Individuals who typically experienced more minutes of wakefulness at night exhibited slower average processing speeds on the Symbol Search task. </p>
<p>These individuals also demonstrated poorer performance on working memory tasks and the visual memory binding assessment. These associations held true even after the researchers adjusted for potential confounding variables.</p>
<p>To ensure the connections between sleep and cognition were robust, the statistical models included adjustments for various factors that could influence the results. The researchers controlled for age, sex, race and ethnicity, years of education, and income level. They also accounted for health-related variables such as history of stroke or heart attack and symptoms of depression. </p>
<p>Importantly, the analysis adjusted for sleep-disordered breathing and oxygen levels, which were measured using a single night of home pulse oximetry.</p>
<p>The within-person analysis revealed that on days following a night where a participant experienced more sleep fragmentation than their personal average, they exhibited slower processing speeds. </p>
<p>For every 30-minute increase in wakefulness during the night compared to the person’s norm, there was a measurable slowing of reaction time on the symbol search task the next day. This finding provides evidence that the immediate aftermath of a restless night includes a reduction in mental quickness.</p>
<p>The data indicated that total sleep duration was not a significant predictor of cognitive performance in this sample. Neither the total number of hours slept nor the frequency of naps showed a statistical association with the outcomes of the daily cognitive tests. </p>
<p>The results suggest that for this age group, the continuity and consolidation of sleep may play a stronger role in immediate cognitive functioning than the sheer quantity of sleep obtained.</p>
<p>“People with disrupted sleep had, on average, slightly worse cognitive performance,” Buxton told PsyPost. “We also found a small but significant relationship between last night’s sleep and today’s performance. Having a better night’s sleep with fewer disruptions is related to better cognitive performance the next day.”</p>
<p>The lack of association between sleep duration and cognition aligns with some previous research suggesting that sleep quality often outweighs quantity in older populations. As people age, sleep naturally becomes lighter and more fragmented, but the degree of that fragmentation appears to be the critical factor for mental performance. The study did not find that variations in sleep timing or napping habits influenced the next day’s cognitive scores in a significant way.</p>
<p>The authors discuss potential biological mechanisms that might explain why broken sleep harms cognitive speed. One theory involves the glymphatic system, a waste clearance pathway in the brain that is most active during deep sleep. </p>
<p>Chronic sleep fragmentation may interrupt this cleaning process, potentially allowing metabolic waste products to accumulate. Even short-term disruptions might interfere with synaptic function or neuronal communication, manifesting as slower reaction times the following day.</p>
<p>There are some limitations to the study. The sixteen-day assessment window, while intensive, is relatively short and may not account for seasonal variations in sleep or long-term health changes. Additionally, the study focused on a community-based sample, which increases the generalizability of the findings compared to clinical samples, but the results may not apply to younger adults or populations with different demographic profiles. </p>
<p>“We looked at effects day to day,” Buxton said. “We are still most interested in these types of relationships over time in years, and as cognitive function may decline. Does sleep quality decline before cognitive function differently than sleep after Mild Cognitive Impairment or Alzheimer’s Disease?”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sleh.2025.11.010" target="_blank">Within- and between-person associations of sleep characteristics with daily cognitive performance in a community-based sample of older adults</a>,” was authored by Orfeu M. Buxton, Qi Gao, Jonathan G. Hakun, Linying Ji, Alyssa A. Gamaldo, Suzanne M. Bertisch, Martin J. Sliwinski, Cuiling Wang, and Carol A. Derby.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/exposure-to-excessive-heat-appears-to-hinder-psychological-development/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Exposure to excessive heat appears to hinder psychological development</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 13th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>New research has found that early childhood exposure to high ambient temperatures may hinder the development of foundational skills. The findings indicate that children living in environments with average maximum temperatures exceeding 32 degrees Celsius, or roughly 90 degrees Fahrenheit, are less likely to reach developmental milestones, particularly in literacy and numeracy. This study was published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jcpp.70081" target="_blank">Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry</a></em>.</p>
<p>Global temperatures reached record highs in 2024, raising concerns about the cascading effects of a warming planet on human health. Previous scientific inquiries have established links between extreme heat and various physical ailments in both children and adults. Less is known regarding how heat exposure during the formative years of life affects cognitive and psychosocial growth.</p>
<p>The first few years of life represent a sensitive period for brain maturation. Biological systems in young children are not fully developed, making them less efficient at regulating body temperature through mechanisms like sweating. Young children also rely entirely on adults to modify their environment or provide hydration.</p>
<p>Heat may disrupt development through several biological and ecological pathways. High temperatures can cause dehydration and sleep disruption, both of which are detrimental to learning. Heat stress can also trigger neuroinflammation and heighten the body’s stress response systems.</p>
<p>Beyond direct physiological effects, heat can alter a child’s environment. Extreme weather can compromise food security by damaging crops or increasing food contamination risks. It may also increase the prevalence of disease vectors, such as mosquitoes, leading to illnesses that stunt growth.</p>
<p>“We know extreme heat affects physical health, but there was very limited evidence on how it shapes early child development, especially in low- and middle-income settings. This study addresses that gap by showing that heat exposure is also a developmental risk factor during early childhood,” said study author <a href="https://cuartaslab.com/" target="_blank">Jorge Cuartas</a>, an assistant professor at New York University and co-director of <a href="https://fundacionapapacho.org/en/inicio-final-english/" target="_blank">Fundación Apapacho</a>.</p>
<p>To investigate these potential impacts, the researchers utilized a large dataset comprising 19,607 children. The participants were three and four years old. They resided in six diverse nations: Georgia, The Gambia, Madagascar, Malawi, Sierra Leone, and the State of Palestine.</p>
<p>These specific countries were selected based on the availability of precise data. The researchers needed geolocated household clusters that also contained detailed information on child development. The data collection took place between 2017 and 2020.</p>
<p>The investigators combined survey data with high-resolution climate records. They used the Early Childhood Development Index (ECDI) to assess the children’s progress. This index is a standardized tool developed by UNICEF to track developmental milestones.</p>
<p>The ECDI relies on parent reports regarding specific skills and behaviors. It covers four distinct domains: literacy-numeracy, physical development, social-emotional functioning, and approaches to learning. A child is considered “on track” if they can perform a majority of the tasks in a given domain.</p>
<p>For climate data, the team used the ERA5-Land Monthly Aggregated Climate Dataset. This allowed them to calculate the mean monthly maximum temperature each child was exposed to from birth until the date of their interview. The researchers matched the geographic coordinates of each child’s home cluster with historical weather patterns.</p>
<p>The statistical analysis employed linear probability models. The researchers included geographic and seasonality fixed effects. This means they compared children living in the same subnational regions who were born at different times of the year, rather than comparing children across vastly different climates.</p>
<p>This approach helped account for baseline differences between hot and cold regions. It allowed the researchers to isolate the specific effect of temperature anomalies and sustained heat exposure. They also controlled for variables such as household wealth, maternal education, and whether the home was in an urban or rural area.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed a negative association between high heat and overall development. Children exposed to average monthly maximum temperatures above 32 degrees Celsius were less likely to be developmentally on track. This effect persisted even when the researchers accounted for baseline climate conditions and socioeconomic factors.</p>
<p>“Extreme heat doesn’t just make children uncomfortable; it can quietly interfere with how they learn, communicate, and develop basic skills,” Cuartas told Psypost. “As heat waves become more common, protecting children from heat exposure is increasingly a developmental issue that might have long-term consequences for individuals and societies.”</p>
<p>When the researchers broke the data down by specific domains, the results varied. The negative impact of heat was most evident in literacy and numeracy skills. Children exposed to the highest temperatures showed a statistically significant drop in these cognitive milestones compared to those in cooler environments.</p>
<p>The researchers also found a link between heat and lower social-emotional scores at 32 degrees Celsius. However, this association was not consistent across all higher temperature brackets. Physical development showed a slight positive association with moderate warmth but no clear trend at extreme highs.</p>
<p>The results highlighted significant inequalities regarding who is most affected by rising temperatures. The burden of heat was not shared equally across all demographics. Children from economically disadvantaged households showed a steep decline in developmental scores as temperatures rose.</p>
<p>In contrast to the poorer households, children from wealthier families did not exhibit the same negative trajectory. This suggests that financial resources may provide a buffer against the detrimental effects of heat. Wealthier families might have better access to cooling technologies or better nutrition to counteract heat stress.</p>
<p>Geography and infrastructure also played a role in the findings. The negative effects of heat were more pronounced for children living in urban areas compared to rural ones. This aligns with the “urban heat island” effect, where cities trap and retain heat more than open countryside.</p>
<p>Access to basic services proved to be a major factor as well. Children living in households without access to improved water sources and sanitation suffered greater developmental losses when exposed to heat. Water access is essential for hydration and cooling, while sanitation prevents disease, which spreads more easily in hot conditions.</p>
<p>The researchers also conducted exploratory analyses regarding prenatal exposure. They looked at temperature data corresponding to the time the children were <em>in utero</em>. The results suggested some negative associations between heat during the third trimester and developmental outcomes, though the pattern was less consistent than postnatal exposure.</p>
<p>“The stronger effects among younger children and those in more vulnerable contexts were particularly striking,” Cuartas said.</p>
<p>There are some potential misinterpretations to avoid when considering these findings. It would be incorrect to assume that children in naturally hot regions are inherently less developed than those in cooler regions. The study design specifically controlled for regional differences to avoid this conclusion.</p>
<p>“Our study does not compare regions, but rather children from the same areas who happened to be exposed to different temperatures at different times,” Cuartas explained. “Heat exposure does not determine a child’s future, and many children are resilient, but it adds an avoidable risk that can compound existing inequalities, making prevention and adaptation especially important.”</p>
<p>As with all research, the study also has some limitations. The primary measure of development was parent-reported. Caregivers may not always assess their children’s skills with perfect accuracy. This introduces a degree of measurement error that could affect the precision of the estimates.</p>
<p>Another limitation is the assumption of residential stability. The researchers assigned temperature exposure based on where the child lived at the time of the survey. They assumed the child had lived in that same cluster since birth, which may not be true for families who migrated.</p>
<p>“Our next steps are to better understand the mechanisms linking heat to development and to identify which policies or family-level interventions can buffer children from these effects,” Cuartas said. “We are especially interested in solutions that are feasible in low-resource settings.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jcpp.70081" target="_blank">Ambient heat and early childhood development: a cross-national analysis</a>,” was authored by Jorge Cuartas, Lenin H. Balza, Andrés Camacho, and Nicolás Gómez-Parra.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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