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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/voters-from-both-parties-largely-agree-on-how-to-punish-acts-of-political-violence/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Voters from both parties largely agree on how to punish acts of political violence</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 7th 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>Recent research published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-025-10009-7" target="_blank">Political Behavior</a></em> shows that Americans largely prioritize the severity of a violent act over the perpetrator’s political identity when determining punishment. While partisanship does influence how individuals judge political violence, the study suggests that the specific nature of the crime plays a much larger role in public opinion.</p>
<p>Political violence has become a prominent concern in the United States following high-profile events such as the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville and the January 6 Capitol attack. </p>
<p>Social scientists have debated whether the American public is becoming more tolerant of violence as a means to achieve political goals. Previous scholarship has often focused on whether individuals support violence in the abstract or in relation to specific, highly charged events. </p>
<p>The authors of the current study sought to understand how citizens apply standards of accountability when faced with concrete scenarios. They aimed to determine if Americans are willing to punish individuals from their own political group who engage in violence.</p>
<p>“We saw a good deal of unresolved scholarly debate on the extent to which Americans support political violence in surveys,” said study author <a href="https://polpsychjoe.github.io/" target="_blank">Joseph Phillips</a>, a lecturer in politics at Cardiff University.</p>
<p>However, the key scholars involved with that debate all agreed the answer likely depends on context. Therefore, we wanted to know, if we supplied people with different kinds of perpetrators who performed different acts of political violence, how would that affect their reactions?”</p>
<p>The study investigates whether the “fairness standard”—the democratic expectation that laws should be applied equally regardless of identity—holds up when political tribalism is involved. In a highly polarized environment, there is a risk that citizens might excuse violence committed by ideological allies while demanding harsh punishment for opponents. </p>
<p>The researchers designed the study to disentangle the effects of the perpetrator’s identity from the severity of their actions. This approach allows for a precise measurement of which factors weigh most heavily in the minds of American voters.</p>
<p>To test these questions, the research team recruited participants through Dynata to create a sample that approximated the demographic composition of the United States. The researchers conducted two separate pre-registered conjoint experiments. </p>
<p>Conjoint experiments are designed to present participants with hypothetical scenarios where multiple factors vary simultaneously. This method helps prevent participants from giving socially desirable answers by forcing them to weigh different attributes against one another.</p>
<p>The first experiment included 3,402 participants who evaluated a total of 17,010 different perpetrator profiles. Participants read a scenario describing a protest in a state capital that turned violent. They were presented with a single perpetrator profile that included randomized details about the person’s age, occupation, gender, race, party affiliation, and the specific act they committed. </p>
<p>The acts varied in severity and target, ranging from spraying graffiti to injuring people with weapons. Participants were asked to recommend a jail sentence for the perpetrator and to evaluate the likelihood that the person was acting for a “good cause.”</p>
<p>The second experiment involved 3,065 participants who evaluated 38,682 profiles in a “forced choice” format. In this version, participants were presented with two different perpetrators side-by-side. They were asked to decide which of the two should be allowed to walk free without charges. This design forced respondents to make difficult trade-offs and revealed which factors they considered most unforgivable.</p>
<p>The data from the first experiment revealed that the nature of the act was the single most powerful predictor of the recommended punishment. Participants recommended longer sentences for severe violence compared to minor property damage. </p>
<p>For example, acts involving severe physical injury resulted in sentence recommendations that were years longer than sentences for vandalism. The target of the violence also mattered considerably. Acts of violence directed at police officers attracted the harshest penalties. Attacks on government buildings were punished more severely than attacks on small businesses or counter-protesters.</p>
<p>The researchers found that partisanship did play a role, but its effect was secondary to the crime itself. Participants were slightly more lenient toward perpetrators from their own political party. </p>
<p>On average, an individual belonging to the opposing political party received a sentence recommendation that was approximately four months longer than a co-partisan who committed the same act. This indicates that while partisan bias exists, it does not completely override the public’s assessment of the crime’s severity.</p>
<p>A key finding from the study is the level of agreement between Democrats and Republicans regarding the hierarchy of offenses. Despite the common narrative of two distinct political realities in America, voters from both parties tended to rank the severity of different acts in the same order. </p>
<p>Both groups viewed violence against police as particularly egregious. Republicans were slightly more punitive overall, particularly regarding property damage and crimes against police. However, the general pattern of condemnation was consistent across the political spectrum.</p>
<p>The researchers also examined the role of affective polarization, which refers to the emotional dislike of the opposing political party. Participants who scored high on measures of affective polarization were more likely to display double standards. </p>
<p>These individuals were more inclined to recommend harsher punishments for political opponents and lighter sentences for allies. This suggests that as emotional polarization increases in the general public, the impartial application of democratic norms may face greater strain.</p>
<p>“Americans, when they get the option, want to punish political violence, especially when the act is severe,” Phillips told PsyPost. “The public do let political allies off the hook to an extent, but the extent is rather small. And despite a lot of discourse, Democratic and Republican voters largely agree on which acts are worse.”</p>
<p>Perceptions of the perpetrator’s motive showed a different pattern than the sanctions themselves. Participants were often willing to attribute “good cause” motivations to perpetrators who shared their political identity or demographic characteristics. </p>
<p>However, this sympathy did not necessarily translate into leniency in sentencing. The analysis showed only a weak connection between viewing a perpetrator’s motives favorably and recommending a lighter punishment. This implies that Americans may sympathize with a cause but still believe that violent actions require legal consequences.</p>
<p>“Going from threatening a police officer to injuring one with a deadly weapon, according to our respondents, nets a perpetrator four extra years in jail,” Phillips explained. “By comparison, the perpetrator coming from the opposite party, as opposed to the same party, only nets four extra <em>months</em>.”</p>
<p>As with all research, there are some limitations. “We didn’t show people visual cues of perpetrators – we told people their characteristics through text,” Phillips noted. “It’s possible people respond to the race, class, and gender of political perpetrators more when they are simply shown, rather than explicitly stated.”</p>
<p>Additionally, the study left the specific cause of the protest vague to avoid biasing the results based on the issue being protested. This lack of context might have dampened the effects of identity, as real-world protests are often deeply intertwined with specific ideological causes.</p>
<p>Future research could address these limitations by incorporating visual media or varying the political context of the protests. The authors also suggest that future studies should investigate the communication dynamics that shape how people process news about political violence. </p>
<p>The current study focused on how people evaluate the violence itself, but it did not explore what makes people perceive an act as “political” or “violent” in the first place.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-025-10009-7" target="_blank">When Push Comes to Shove: How Americans Excuse and Condemn Political Violence</a>,” was authored by Joseph B. Phillips, B. Kal Munis, Nicole Huffman, Arif Memovic, and Jacob Ford.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/psychopathy-and-sadism-show-opposite-associations-with-reproductive-success/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Psychopathy and sadism show opposite associations with reproductive success</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 7th 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>New research published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2025.1644767" target="_blank">Frontiers in Psychology</a></em> provides evidence that personality traits associated with malevolence have contrasting relationships with reproductive success. The study suggests that while psychopathy is linked to having more children at a younger age, sadism is associated with having fewer children and starting a family later in life.</p>
<p>Behavioral scientists have spent decades categorizing dark personality traits. The most prominent model is known as the Dark Triad. This model includes psychopathy, narcissism, and Machiavellianism. Psychopathy involves a lack of empathy and high impulsivity. Narcissism is defined by grandiosity and entitlement. Machiavellianism is characterized by strategic manipulation.</p>
<p>Scholars later proposed expanding this model to the Dark Tetrad. This newer framework adds sadism to the list. Sadism is distinct because it involves deriving pleasure from inflicting pain or watching others suffer. A major question in psychology is whether sadism and psychopathy are truly different traits. Their definitions overlap significantly, leading some to argue they are the same construct.</p>
<p>Evolutionary psychologists are interested in these traits to see if they offer survival or reproductive advantages. Traits that lead to higher reproduction rates tend to persist in the gene pool. This concept is known as evolutionary fitness. </p>
<p>Prior research has suggested that <a href="https://www.psypost.org/psychopathic-men-have-more-children-study-finds/" target="_blank">psychopathy might be an adaptive strategy</a>. It may allow individuals to exploit others for resources or <a href="https://www.psypost.org/childhood-instability-primes-women-for-fast-reproductive-strategies-via-psychopathy-and-impulsivity/" target="_blank">mating opportunities</a>.</p>
<p>Sadism has received less attention in this evolutionary context. It is often viewed as a more severe and dysfunctional form of aggression. </p>
<p>“This study was primarily motivated by an ongoing debate regarding whether dark personality traits – particularly psychopathy and sadism – reflect evolutionarily adaptive strategies or maladaptive by-products,” explained study author Ivana Hromatko, a professor of biological psychology at the University of Zagreb.</p>
<p>“The evolutionary interpretations of psychopathy are well developed, but the direct evidence linking Dark Tetrad traits to core fitness indicators (such as the number of children and age of first reproduction) remains scarce and inconsistent. We had the opportunity to examine these associations in a demographically representative sample, so we aimed to provide clearer evidence on the evolutionary relevance and potential selection pressures acting on dark personality traits.”</p>
<p>The study utilized a sample of 690 citizens from Croatia. The researchers used a stratified sampling method. This ensured the group represented the national population in terms of region and settlement size. The sample was also balanced for age and education level.</p>
<p>The participants were recruited through an online panel managed by the research agency Ipsos. The data collection took place in March 2025. The sample included 348 women and 342 men. The average age of the participants was approximately 48 years old.</p>
<p>The participants varied widely in their educational backgrounds. About 55 percent had completed vocational school. Roughly 12 percent held a bachelor’s degree. The participants’ average income aligned with the national median wage. This diversity helps ensure the findings apply to the general public rather than just university students.</p>
<p>Participants completed the Short Dark Tetrad scale. This psychological assessment consists of 28 items. It includes seven statements for each of the four dark traits. Participants rated their agreement with each statement on a 5-point scale.</p>
<p>The researchers also asked participants about their reproductive history. They reported the total number of children they had. They also reported their age when their first child was born. These two metrics served as the primary indicators of fertility.</p>
<p>The researchers analyzed the data using regression models. These statistical tools allow scientists to predict an outcome while controlling for other factors. The models accounted for sex, age, education, socioeconomic status, and the size of the community where the participant lived.</p>
<p>The results showed a positive connection between psychopathy and fertility. Individuals with higher psychopathy scores tended to have more children. This relationship held true even after adjusting for demographic factors.</p>
<p>The researchers also found a link between psychopathy and the timing of parenthood. Higher levels of psychopathy predicted a younger age of first reproduction. This suggests that impulsive or risk-taking behaviors associated with psychopathy may lead to earlier mating.</p>
<p>Sadism showed the exact opposite pattern. Higher scores in sadism predicted having fewer children. This trait was also associated with a delayed start to reproduction. Individuals with high sadism scores tended to have their first child at an older age than those with low scores.</p>
<p>Mediation analysis provided further insight into these patterns. This statistical method helps identify the potential mechanism behind a relationship. The analysis revealed that the age of first reproduction explains the link between personality and the number of children.</p>
<p>For psychopathy, the tendency to reproduce earlier leads to a higher total number of offspring. For sadism, the tendency to delay reproduction results in fewer offspring. This mechanism was consistent in the final path analysis.</p>
<p>The researchers also tested for associations with narcissism and Machiavellianism. In the initial correlations, these traits appeared to have negative links to fertility. However, these effects disappeared in the more rigorous regression models. Once the researchers controlled for other variables, narcissism and Machiavellianism did not significantly predict the number of children.</p>
<p>The study also explored whether biological sex influenced these relationships. Previous theories suggested that dark traits might be more adaptive for males than females. The data from this study did not support that hypothesis. The relationships between dark traits and fertility were similar for both men and women.</p>
<p>These findings contribute to the debate regarding the redundancy of sadism and psychopathy. If the two traits were merely different names for the same thing, they should relate to fertility in the same way. The fact that they have opposite effects suggests they are distinct behavioral dispositions.</p>
<p>“The main takeaway is that traits often grouped together as ‘dark’ differ substantially in their real-world consequences,” Hromatko told PsyPost. “Psychopathy and sadism, despite appearing similar, show opposite associations with reproduction, indicating that they may have very different long-term implications for individuals and populations.”</p>
<p>The results support the idea that <a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-research-frames-psychopathy-as-a-potential-survival-adaptation-to-severe-early-adversity/" target="_blank">psychopathy fits a “fast life history strategy.”</a> In evolutionary biology, this strategy involves prioritizing rapid reproduction over long-term stability. The data suggests psychopathy facilitates this approach through earlier childbearing.</p>
<p>Sadism appears to be evolutionarily maladaptive in this context. The pleasure derived from harming others does not seem to translate into reproductive benefits. Instead, it correlates with a slower and less successful reproductive trajectory. It may be that the socially repellent nature of sadism hinders mating opportunities.</p>
<p>There are some limitations to this study that warrant consideration. The data was cross-sectional. This means it was collected at a single point in time. It is impossible to determine strict causality with this type of design. Longitudinal research that follows people over their lifetimes would provide more definitive evidence.</p>
<p>This research highlights that not all “dark” traits function the same way in an evolutionary sense. Psychopathy appears to carry certain reproductive advantages in the current environment. Sadism appears to come with reproductive costs. But these biological associations do not imply moral justification. </p>
<p>“We would like to stress that evolutionary associations do not imply social desirability or moral value,” Hromatko noted. “The fact that a trait is associated with higher fertility does not mean it is beneficial, admirable, or advisable at the individual or societal level. Moreover, these findings reflect probabilistic, population-level tendencies rather than deterministic outcomes for individuals.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2025.1644767" target="_blank">Adaptiveness of dark personalities: psychopathy and sadism have opposite associations with fertility</a>,” was authored by Janko Međedović and Ivana Hromatko.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/adults-with-adhd-crave-more-relationship-support-but-often-feel-shortchanged/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Adults with ADHD crave more relationship support but often feel shortchanged</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 6th 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>Adults with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder often experience a profound disconnect between the emotional help they crave and the support they feel they receive from romantic partners. A new study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/02654075251332687" target="_blank">Journal of Social and Personal Relationships</a></em> indicates that the severity of ADHD symptoms directly influences these interpersonal dynamics. The findings suggest that the specific cognitive and emotional patterns associated with the condition can make navigating relationship support uniquely challenging.</p>
<p>Social support is a foundational element of close human bonds. Researchers typically categorize this support into five distinct types. Emotional support involves expressions of empathy and caring. Esteem support focuses on validating a person’s capabilities and worth.</p>
<p>Network support refers to messages that create a sense of belonging or inclusion. Informational support consists of giving advice or helpful facts. Finally, tangible support involves providing material aid, such as money or physical help with tasks.</p>
<p>In a typical relationship, partners expect to give and receive these forms of aid. When a person feels they are getting less help than they need, sociologists refer to this as a “support gap.” These gaps can lead to lowered self-esteem and relationship dissatisfaction.</p>
<p>Most existing research on these gaps relies on data from neurotypical populations. This leaves an open question regarding how neurodivergent individuals navigate these exchanges. Adults with ADHD often process information and regulate emotions differently than the general population.</p>
<p>Lindsay A. Duede, a researcher at Louisiana State University, led an investigation to address this lack of data. Duede worked alongside Colter D. Ray from the University of Tampa and Kellie St.Cyr Brisini from Louisiana State University. The team aimed to understand how specific ADHD symptoms shape the desire for and perception of support.</p>
<p>The researchers focused on three primary symptoms associated with the condition. The first is inattention, often manifesting as difficulty focusing or forgetfulness. The second is hyperactivity, characterized by restlessness or high energy.</p>
<p>The third symptom is emotional dysregulation. This refers to a struggle to manage intense emotional responses. It can lead to sudden mood shifts or an overwhelming sense of frustration during stress.</p>
<p>To conduct the study, the team recruited 286 adults who met the diagnostic criteria for ADHD. Each participant was currently involved in a romantic relationship. The participants completed a series of detailed online surveys.</p>
<p>The first section of the survey assessed the severity of their ADHD symptoms. Participants rated how frequently they experienced issues like trouble concentrating or feeling overwhelmed by emotions. The second section focused on their romantic relationship.</p>
<p>Participants rated how much of each of the five types of support they desired from their partner. They then rated how much of that support they believed they actually received. Finally, they answered questions regarding feelings of “hurt” stemming from these interactions.</p>
<p>The data revealed a clear pattern regarding the desire for help. Participants with more severe ADHD symptoms reported a higher desire for almost all types of support. This was particularly true for emotional, esteem, informational, and tangible support.</p>
<p>The intensity of a person’s symptoms appeared to increase their perceived need for reassurance and aid. However, the study found a disconnect between this desire and the support participants felt they received. In many cases, wanting more help did not correlate with feeling supported.</p>
<p>This disconnect was most visible regarding hyperactivity. The researchers found that hyperactivity widened the gap between desired and experienced support. This was statistically evident for both emotional and tangible support.</p>
<p>When an individual reported high levels of hyperactivity, their desire for support had no relationship to what they felt they received. The researchers suggest that hyperactivity might interfere with communication. It could make it difficult for an individual to slow down and process the help being offered.</p>
<p>Alternatively, hyperactivity might lead to impulsive communication styles. A partner might not understand what is needed if the request is unclear. This could result in the ADHD adult feeling their needs are unmet, regardless of the partner’s effort.</p>
<p>The study also examined the emotional fallout of these interactions. The authors looked specifically at “hurt feelings.” This is a social emotion often caused by a sense of rejection or criticism.</p>
<p>The analysis showed that emotional dysregulation was a strong predictor of feeling hurt. Individuals who struggle to regulate their emotions reported higher levels of pain during support interactions. This aligns with the idea that ADHD involves a heightened sensitivity to negative feedback.</p>
<p>Inattention and hyperactivity were also linked to increased hurt feelings. The authors proposed a mediation model to explain this. They found that the heightened desire for support was a key factor.</p>
<p>High levels of symptoms led to a high desire for support. This intense longing for connection appeared to make individuals more vulnerable. When a person needs a great deal of validation, even a small perceived slight can cause significant emotional pain.</p>
<p>The findings challenge the “medical model” of disability often used in psychology. This model views ADHD as a defect within the individual that needs fixing. Instead, the authors framed their work within a “social model.”</p>
<p>The social model suggests that disability arises from the interaction between a person and their environment. In this context, the issue is not just the ADHD brain. It is the mismatch between the ADHD adult’s communication style and the norms of supportive behavior.</p>
<p>Relationship satisfaction played a major role in the results. Participants who were happier in their relationships generally reported receiving more support. They also reported feeling less hurt, regardless of their symptom severity.</p>
<p>This suggests that a strong emotional bond can act as a buffer. It may help ADHD adults interpret their partner’s actions more positively. However, the underlying cognitive challenges remain a factor in how support is processed.</p>
<p>The authors noted several limitations to their methodology. The study relied entirely on self-reported data. This captures the ADHD partner’s reality but does not objectively measure the support provided.</p>
<p>The researchers also did not survey the romantic partners. Understanding the partner’s perspective would clarify if the support gap is perceptual or actual. It is unclear if partners are withholding support or if the ADHD adult is simply not noticing it.</p>
<p>The study was also cross-sectional, meaning it captured a snapshot in time. It cannot prove that ADHD symptoms cause the support gap, only that they are related. Long-term studies would be needed to track these dynamics over the course of a relationship.</p>
<p>Future research should investigate specific communication strategies. The authors speculate that direct support-seeking might be more effective than indirect hints. ADHD adults often fear rejection, leading them to mask their needs.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/02654075251332687" target="_blank">Preferences for social support and perceived support gaps among attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) adults</a>,” was authored by Lindsay A. Duede, Colter D. Ray, and Kellie St.Cyr Brisini.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/women-experiencing-more-sexual-guilt-have-worse-sexual-functioning/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Women experiencing more sexual guilt have worse sexual functioning</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 6th 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A study of sexually active women in Indonesia found that women who experience stronger sexual guilt and sexual anxiety tend to have worse sexual functioning. The research was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.4087/UMLS7561"><em>Papers from the International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology Conferences</em></a>.</p>
<p>Sexual functioning is the ability to experience healthy and satisfying sexual activities across different phases of sexual encounters. In women, sexual functioning is the capacity to experience desire, arousal, lubrication, orgasm, and satisfaction, as well as the absence of pain during sexual activity. It is influenced by biological factors such as hormones and health, psychological factors such as mood and self-image, and relational factors such as partner responsiveness and trust.</p>
<p>Cultural and social norms shape how women perceive and express their sexuality. These expressions can change across the lifespan, for example, during puberty, pregnancy, postpartum periods, and menopause. Medical conditions and medications may also temporarily or permanently alter sexual functioning. When a person consistently experiences difficulties in sexual functioning, this is referred to as sexual dysfunction.</p>
<p>Study authors Mia Audina Olivia and Ahmad Naufalul Umam note that traditional moderate Islamic values embodied in the “ideal morality” discourage discussions of sexual issues in Indonesian society. Sex remains a more or less taboo topic. As a consequence, young people in Indonesia are confronted with conflicting social and cultural views, contributing to the development of sexual guilt and sexual anxiety.</p>
<p>Sex guilt is a generalized expectation of a punishment that may be received for violating or anticipating violations of standards of appropriate sexual behavior. Individuals experiencing strong sexual guilt tend to be reluctant to engage in sexual activity, lack sexual initiative, and show an inability to process sexual stimuli effectively.</p>
<p>Sex anxiety, on the other hand, is a generalized expectation of external punishment that may be received for violating or anticipating a violation of perceived norms regarding acceptable sexual behavior. Defined this way, sex anxiety and sex guilt are similar concepts; however, the study authors emphasize that sex guilt reflects an individual’s moral stance on sexual behavior, while sex anxiety is primarily concerned with the opinions of others and potential violations of societal norms.</p>
<p>Study participants were 169 females between the ages of 19 and 40 recruited from Greater Jakarta. They completed an online survey shared through social media and WhatsApp. Of the participants, 59% were married, 44% had children, and 56% held a bachelor’s or master’s degree.</p>
<p>Participants completed assessments of sexual functioning (using the Female Sexual Function Index), sex guilt (the 10-item Brief Mosher Sex Guilt Inventory), and sex anxiety (the Sex Anxiety Inventory).</p>
<p>Results showed that participants who reported higher levels of sex guilt and sex anxiety tended to report worse sexual functioning. There were no differences in sex guilt, sexual functioning, or sex anxiety between participants with and without children. Single women tended to report worse sexual functioning compared to other groups.</p>
<p>“Our main finding confirmed the global dynamics on how sexual guilt and anxiety may hinder one’s sexual functioning, while the demographic data showed that sexual functioning in Indonesian women’s context is tied with normative relationship of marriage,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to scientific knowledge regarding psychological factors relevant to sexual functioning. However, it should be noted that the design of the study does not allow any causal inferences to be derived from the results.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.4087/UMLS7561">The Relationship Between Sex Guilt and Sex Anxiety on Sexual Function in Sexually Active Adult Women</a>,” was authored by Mia Audina Olivia and Ahmad Naufalul Umam.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/early-life-adversity-may-fundamentally-rewire-global-brain-dynamics/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Early life adversity may fundamentally rewire global brain dynamics</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 6th 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>Traumatic experiences during infancy and childhood can leave a lasting imprint on an individual’s health. New research indicates that these adverse events may fundamentally reorganize how the brain functions across its entire network, rather than just in isolated areas. A study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2506140122" target="_blank">Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences</a></em> reveals that early life adversity predisposes the adult brain to a state of heightened activity and alters how it responds to threats later in life.</p>
<p>The persistent impact of childhood hardship on adult mental health is a well-established concept in psychology and neuroscience. Researchers have previously identified links between neglect or abuse and conditions such as anxiety, depression, and addiction. However, the specific biological mechanisms that drive these vulnerabilities remain difficult to pinpoint.</p>
<p>Past investigations often focused on individual brain regions. This approach left a gap in understanding how different areas of the brain coordinate with one another after trauma. To address this, a team of researchers sought to map brain-wide activity in adults who experienced adversity as infants.</p>
<p> The study was led by Taylor W. Uselman, a doctoral student at the University of New Mexico. He collaborated with senior authors Elaine L. Bearer of the University of New Mexico and the California Institute of Technology, and Russell E. Jacobs of the University of Southern California.</p>
<p>The researchers conducted their experiments using mice. This allowed them to control environmental factors in a way that is impossible in human studies. They divided the mice into two groups. The first group served as a standard control and was raised in typical conditions.</p>
<p>The second group was exposed to a model of early life adversity. The researchers provided the mothers of these mice with limited bedding material. This shortage creates a stressful environment for the mother, which leads to fragmented care for the pups. This model mimics the effects of neglect or instability found in human adverse childhood experiences.</p>
<p>To visualize brain activity, the team utilized a specialized imaging technique known as manganese-enhanced magnetic resonance imaging, or MEMRI. Manganese is a chemical element that acts similarly to calcium in the body. When neurons become active, they take up calcium—and manganese along with it.</p>
<p>By injecting the mice with manganese and then performing MRI scans, the researchers could see exactly which parts of the brain had been active over a period of time. This method provided a functional map of the brain in living animals. It allowed the team to observe brain states during normal behavior and in response to stress.</p>
<p>The study followed the mice into adulthood. The researchers imaged the brains of both groups under three distinct conditions. The first condition was a baseline measurement taken while the mice were in their home cages. The second measurement occurred immediately after the mice were exposed to a predator odor, which was the scent of fox urine. This served as an acute threat. The final measurement took place nine days after the threat exposure to assess long-term recovery.</p>
<p>The results showed clear disparities between the two groups. In the safety of their home cages, the mice raised with adversity displayed heightened neural activity compared to the standard mice. Their brains appeared to be in a state of high alert even without any immediate danger.</p>
<p>This baseline hyperactivity was evident in regions associated with emotional processing and sensory input. The researchers noted that the brain state of these unprovoked mice resembled the state of a standard mouse that had actually been threatened.</p>
<p>When the researchers introduced the predator odor, both groups of mice reacted with fear. However, the internal neural response differed. The standard mice showed a specific pattern of activation that subsided over time. The mice exposed to early adversity exhibited a widespread reconfiguration of brain activity.</p>
<p>Nine days after the threat, the differences remained visible. The standard mice largely returned to their baseline states. In contrast, the mice with early adversity histories maintained high levels of activity in specific stress-related brain regions.</p>
<p>The areas that remained overactive included the amygdala, which processes fear, and the hypothalamus, which regulates stress hormones. The locus coeruleus, a region involved in panic and arousal, also showed sustained engagement.</p>
<p>Uselman noted the breadth of these changes in a press statement. “These results reveal functional imbalances that arise between multiple brain systems after early life adversity,” Uselman said. The findings suggest that early trauma sensitizes the brain. It creates a new “normal” where the neural circuits for threat detection are perpetually engaged.</p>
<p>These results align with and expand upon other recent findings regarding brain development and adversity. For instance, a study using data from the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development Study found that adversity is <a href="https://www.psypost.org/adversity-in-childhood-linked-to-accelerated-brain-development/" target="_blank">linked to changes in connectivity</a> between cortical and subcortical regions. That research suggested these changes might actually be adaptive in the short term, helping children regulate emotions in stressful homes, even if they cause problems later.</p>
<p>Similarly, research from the Singapore Institute for Clinical Sciences found that early adversity <a href="https://www.psypost.org/the-startling-impact-of-early-life-adversity-revealed-in-new-neuroscience-research/" target="_blank">might accelerate brain maturation</a>. In that study, children exposed to high levels of maternal stress showed a faster decline in structure-function coupling. This implies that the brain rushes to mature to handle a harsh environment. The hyperactivity observed in the current mouse study could be the functional outcome of such accelerated or altered development.</p>
<p>Another study from the National Institute of Mental Health and Neurosciences in India utilized artificial intelligence to analyze brain scans of young people. They found that abuse and neglect were <a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-study-reveals-lasting-impact-of-childhood-adversity-on-brain-development/" target="_blank">strongly associated with atypical activity</a> in the default mode network. This network is involved in self-reflection. The PNAS study complements this by showing that such atypical patterns extend beyond the default mode network and involve deep brain structures responsible for basic survival instincts.</p>
<p>There are limitations to the current study that must be considered. While mouse models share many neurobiological systems with humans, they do not perfectly replicate the complexity of human experience or the human brain. The imaging resolution, while high for this type of work, still aggregates the activity of many neurons into single pixels.</p>
<p>Additionally, the use of anesthesia during the MRI scans is a necessary procedure for animal imaging. The researchers took steps to minimize its impact and verify that the manganese uptake reflected activity while the mice were awake. However, anesthesia remains a variable in functional imaging studies.</p>
<p>Future research will likely focus on the specific chemical messengers involved in these altered states. Identifying the molecular pathways that keep the brain in a hyperactive mode could lead to new treatments. If scientists can pinpoint which circuits are sensitized, they may be able to develop interventions that reset the brain’s response to stress.</p>
<p>“If we understand what regions are sensitized to threat, we can also potentially treat them in a way that even if they were exposed to a threat or some fearful experience, they would not develop depression or anxiety or PTSD,” Uselman said.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2506140122" target="_blank">Reconfiguration of brain-wide neural activity after early life adversity</a>,” was authored by Taylor W. Uselman, Russell E. Jacobs, and Elaine L. Bearer.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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