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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/religious-people-experience-more-mixed-emotions-than-non-believers/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Religious people experience more mixed emotions than non-believers</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 3rd 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>Religious faith is often associated with happiness, peace of mind, and a sense of purpose. A new series of scientific analyses reveals that highly religious people also frequently experience a blend of positive and negative feelings known as mixed emotions. These findings were published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672251337120" target="_blank">Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin</a>.</p>
<p>Psychologists typically classify emotions as either strictly positive or strictly negative. Mixed emotions occur when a person feels happy and sad at the same time. This might happen during a graduation ceremony, which involves both pride in achievement and sadness about leaving friends. Vincent Y. S. Oh, a researcher at the Singapore University of Social Sciences, led an investigation into how religion influences these complex states. The research team sought to understand if the worldview provided by religion fosters a unique emotional landscape.</p>
<p>Previous research into the psychology of religion has produced divided results. Some studies indicate that faith boosts positive emotions like gratitude and joy. Other studies suggest it increases negative emotions like guilt or shame. The researchers behind the new study proposed that these perspectives might be missing a third possibility. They hypothesized that religion might provoke both types of feelings simultaneously.</p>
<p>This hypothesis stems from the contradictory nature of religious cognition. Religious teachings often encourage prosocial behavior and offer comfort during difficult times. At the same time, many religious traditions involve a deity who monitors behavior and punishes moral transgressions. This duality could theoretically lead a believer to feel safe yet scrutinized. The researchers aimed to test this idea across multiple datasets and cultural contexts.</p>
<p>The investigation involved five distinct studies encompassing a total of 8,414 participants. The team used data from two different countries to ensure the results were not limited to a single culture. They recruited participants from the United States and Singapore. This allowed for a comparison between Western and East Asian populations.</p>
<p>In the first study, the researchers surveyed 321 American adults. They measured “dispositional religiosity,” which refers to a person’s general, stable tendency to be religious. Participants rated their current emotional state on a scale. They indicated if they felt positive emotions like pride, negative emotions like fear, or mixed emotions. The mixed emotions were described as feeling a mix of happiness and sadness.</p>
<p>The data revealed a clear pattern. Participants who scored higher on religiosity reported experiencing higher levels of mixed emotions. They also reported higher positive emotions. There was no statistical link between religiosity and purely negative emotions in this first group.</p>
<p>The second study expanded this inquiry to the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. The researchers collected data from 1,061 participants in both the United States and Singapore during the early months of the global health crisis. The goal was to see if the high-stress environment changed the emotional outcome. The researchers asked participants how they felt specifically regarding the pandemic over the previous two weeks.</p>
<p>Despite the stressful backdrop of the pandemic, the results mirrored the first study. Religious individuals in both the U.S. and Singapore reported more mixed emotions than less religious individuals. The findings held true even when controlling for demographics like age, gender, and income. This suggested that the link between religion and mixed emotions is robust across different cultures and situations.</p>
<p>To confirm these initial results, the researchers conducted a third study with a pre-registered design. Pre-registration involves stating the hypothesis and analysis plan before collecting data. This practice increases scientific rigor. They surveyed 369 American participants. Once again, the analysis confirmed that dispositional religiosity predicted a higher incidence of mixed emotions.</p>
<p>The fourth study aimed to uncover the psychological mechanism driving this phenomenon. The researchers proposed three potential explanations. The first possibility was “trait dialecticism.” This is the cognitive tendency to tolerate contradiction and view issues from multiple angles. If religious people are more dialectical, they might naturally accept mixed feelings.</p>
<p>The second possibility was “cognitive reappraisal.” This is an emotion regulation strategy where a person reframes a negative situation to find meaning. Religious people often use this to cope with adversity. The process of finding a silver lining in a dark cloud could inherently generate mixed emotions.</p>
<p>The third possibility was “fear of God.” This concept refers to viewing God as a benevolent protector who also serves as a strict moral judge. The researchers theorized that this simultaneous sense of comfort and fear of punishment could trigger mixed affective states. They surveyed 380 participants and measured these three variables alongside religiosity and emotions.</p>
<p>The analysis did not support trait dialecticism or cognitive reappraisal as the primary causes. Religious participants did not show a stronger tendency toward dialectical thinking that linked to their emotions. Similarly, while religious people did use reappraisal, this did not statistically explain the increase in mixed emotions.</p>
<p>The data offered the strongest support for the “fear of God” hypothesis. Higher religiosity predicted a greater fear of God. This specific type of fear was strongly associated with experiencing mixed emotions. The researchers suggest that perceiving a supernatural agent who is both loving and punitive creates a complex emotional experience. The believer feels reverence and comfort but also anxiety about moral inadequacy.</p>
<p>The final study addressed the limitation of time. The previous four studies were cross-sectional, meaning they looked at a single snapshot in time. The fifth study utilized a longitudinal design. The researchers tracked two large samples of adults in Singapore over the course of one month. They measured religiosity at the start and emotions at both the start and the end of the month.</p>
<p>This design allowed the researchers to predict future emotions based on past religiosity. They controlled for the participants’ initial emotional states. The results showed that religiosity at the start of the study predicted increased mixed emotions one month later. This provides stronger evidence that being religious leads to these emotions, rather than the other way around.</p>
<p>A meta-analysis was performed to synthesize the data from all five studies. This statistical technique aggregates findings to estimate the overall strength of an effect. The meta-analysis confirmed a reliable positive association between religiosity and mixed emotions. It also confirmed the link to positive emotions. The link to purely negative emotions remained statistically insignificant when looking at the aggregated data.</p>
<p>The authors note that the effect sizes were in the small-to-medium range. This is common in social psychology research. It implies that while religion is a meaningful predictor of mixed emotions, it is not the sole cause. Other personality traits also play a role.</p>
<p>There are caveats to these findings. The study focused on general religiosity rather than specific religious affiliations. It is possible that different faiths emphasize the “fear of God” to varying degrees. A religion that focuses entirely on divine love might yield different emotional results than one focused on judgment.</p>
<p>The researchers also relied on self-reported measures. While standard in psychology, these measures depend on participants having accurate insight into their own feelings. The study also focused on “mixed emotions” as a general category. It did not dissect specific blends of feelings. For instance, it did not distinguish between a mix of joy and sadness versus a mix of awe and fear.</p>
<p>Future research could investigate these nuances. The authors suggest looking at specific emotional blends like awe. Awe often involves a sense of wonder mixed with a sense of smallness or fear. This emotion is frequently linked to religious experience. Understanding how specific rituals or beliefs trigger these states could provide a deeper understanding of the religious mind.</p>
<p>The study challenges the binary view of religious emotionality. It suggests that faith does not simply make people happier or more guilt-ridden. Instead, it appears to foster a complex emotional granularity. The religious experience involves navigating a world that is perceived as both divinely supported and divinely judged.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672251337120" target="_blank">Dispositional Religiosity Predicts Increased Incidence of Mixed Emotions: Evidence Across Five Studies Spanning Two Countries</a>,” was authored by Vincent Y. S. Oh, Andree Hartanto, Ringo M. H. Ho, and Eddie M. W. Tong.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/psychopathic-traits-are-associated-with-a-substantially-increased-risk-of-schizophrenia/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Psychopathic traits are associated with a substantially increased risk of schizophrenia</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 3rd 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>An analysis of hospital records combined with data from the Care Register for Health Care in Finland showed that individuals with high levels of psychopathic traits had a 9.3 times higher risk of developing schizophrenia compared to individuals with low levels of these traits. Individuals classified as psychopathic were 2.37 times more likely to develop schizophrenia compared to their non-psychopathic peers. The research was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/acps.70027"><em>Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica</em></a><em>.</em></p>
<p>Psychopathic traits are a constellation of personality characteristics involving shallow emotional experience, reduced empathy, and limited remorse for harming others. Individuals high in these traits tend to show callousness, emotional detachment, and difficulty forming genuine interpersonal bonds. They may be superficially charming and socially assertive while lacking emotional depth.</p>
<p>Psychopathic traits also include manipulativeness, deceitfulness, and a tendency to exploit others for personal gain. Impulsivity and poor behavioral control are common, leading to risk-taking and rule-breaking behavior. Some individuals display chronic irresponsibility, failing to honor obligations in work, family, or social life. These traits exist on a continuum in the general population and are not limited to criminal or clinical groups. They tend to be stable over time.</p>
<p>Study author Olli Vaurio and his colleagues wanted to explore whether psychopathic traits are associated with an increased risk of developing schizophrenia later in life. They note that neuroimaging studies point to structural similarities between the brains of patients with schizophrenia and those with pronounced psychopathic traits. Many other studies also reported correlations between specific psychopathic traits and schizophrenia.</p>
<p>These researchers combined data from individuals who underwent forensic psychiatric evaluations at Niuvanniemi Hospital in Finland between 1984 and 1993 with records from the Care Register for Health Care. The Care Register for Health Care is a nationwide administrative database in Finland that systematically records information on inpatient and specialized outpatient health care visits, diagnoses, and treatments. They excluded individuals who were not criminally responsible, i.e., individuals with severe mental illness, intellectual disability, or organic psychotic disorders from analyses.</p>
<p>In total, the study included data from 341 individuals. 278 were males. Their average age was approximately 33.5 years. The Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R) was used to assess psychopathic traits. The study authors divided participants into three groups based on their scores on the PCL-R – those with low, moderate, and high levels of psychopathic traits.</p>
<p>Results showed that, compared to participants with low levels of psychopathic traits, those with moderate traits had a 5.3 times higher risk of being hospitalized for schizophrenia, while the risk was 9.3 times higher for those with high levels of psychopathic traits. When looking at individuals classified as psychopathic and those not in that category, individuals classified as psychopathic were 2.37 times more likely to develop schizophrenia. 20% of individuals classified as psychopathic developed schizophrenia over the follow-up period.</p>
<p>“The novel results suggest that there is a link between higher PCL-R scores and a higher risk of later-life schizophrenia outbreak among non-psychotic individuals undergoing FPE [forensic psychiatric evaluations],” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the links between psychopathy and schizophrenia. However, it should be noted that the study was conducted on individuals undergoing forensic psychiatric evaluations, which are clinical assessments conducted to examine a person’s mental state in relation to legal standards. They are conducted exclusively by court order. As such, these individuals are not representative of the general population of people with mental health problems.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/acps.70027">Psychopathic Traits Associate With Later Schizophrenia,</a>” was authored by Olli Vaurio, Jari Tiihonen, Markku Lähteenvuo, and Johannes Lieslehto.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/the-psychology-behind-our-anxiety-toward-black-box-algorithms/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">The psychology behind our anxiety toward black box algorithms</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 2nd 2026, 20:00</div>
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<p><p>From ChatGPT crafting emails, to AI systems recommending TV shows and even helping diagnose disease, the presence of machine intelligence in everyday life is no longer science fiction.</p>
<p>And yet, for all the promises of speed, accuracy and optimisation, there’s a lingering discomfort. <a href="https://www.turing.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2023-06/how_do_people_feel_about_ai_-_ada_turing.pdf">Some people love</a> using AI tools. Others feel anxious, suspicious, even betrayed by them. Why?</p>
<p>The answer isn’t just about <a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/artificial-intelligence-ai-90">how AI works</a>. It’s about how we work. We don’t understand it, so we don’t trust it. Human beings are more likely to trust systems they understand. Traditional tools feel familiar: you turn a key, and a car starts. You press a button, and a lift arrives.</p>
<p>But many AI systems operate as black boxes: you type something in, and a decision appears. The logic in between is hidden. Psychologically, this is unnerving. We like to see cause and effect, and we like being able to interrogate decisions. When we can’t, we feel disempowered.</p>
<p>This is one reason for what’s called algorithm aversion. This is <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/25401381/">a term popularised</a> by the marketing researcher Berkeley Dietvorst and colleagues, whose research showed that people often prefer flawed human judgement over algorithmic decision making, particularly after witnessing even a single algorithmic error.</p>
<p>We know, rationally, that AI systems don’t have emotions or agendas. But that doesn’t stop us from projecting them on to AI systems. When ChatGPT responds “too politely”, some users find it eerie. When a recommendation engine gets a little too accurate, it feels intrusive. We begin to suspect manipulation, even though the system has no self.</p>
<p>This is a form of anthropomorphism – that is, attributing humanlike intentions to nonhuman systems. Professors of communication Clifford Nass and Byron Reeves, along with others <a href="https://dl.acm.org/doi/pdf/10.1145/191666.191703">have demonstrated</a> that we respond socially to machines, even knowing they’re not human.</p>
<h2>We hate when AI gets it wrong</h2>
<p>One curious finding from behavioural science is that we are often more forgiving of human error than machine error. When a human makes a mistake, we understand it. We might even empathise. But when an algorithm makes a mistake, especially if it was pitched as objective or data-driven, we feel betrayed.</p>
<p>This links to research on <a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5446980/">expectation violation</a>, when our assumptions about how something “should” behave are disrupted. It causes discomfort and loss of trust. We trust machines to be logical and impartial. So when they fail, such as misclassifying an image, delivering biased outputs or recommending something wildly inappropriate, our reaction is sharper. We expected more.</p>
<p>The irony? Humans make flawed decisions all the time. But at least we can ask them “why?”</p>
<p>For some, AI isn’t just unfamiliar, it’s existentially unsettling. Teachers, writers, lawyers and designers are suddenly confronting tools that replicate parts of their work. This isn’t just about automation, it’s about what makes our skills valuable, and what it means to be human.</p>
<p>This can activate a form of identity threat, <a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/doiLanding?doi=10.1037%2F0003-066X.52.6.613">a concept explored</a> by social psychologist Claude Steele and others. It describes the fear that one’s expertise or uniqueness is being diminished. The result? Resistance, defensiveness or outright dismissal of the technology. Distrust, in this case, is not a bug – it’s a psychological defence mechanism.</p>
<h2>Craving emotional cues</h2>
<p>Human trust is built on more than logic. We read tone, facial expressions, hesitation and eye contact. AI has none of these. It might be fluent, even charming. But it doesn’t reassure us the way another person can.</p>
<p>This is similar to the discomfort of the uncanny valley, a term coined by Japanese roboticist Masahiro Mori to describe the eerie feeling when something is almost human, but not quite. It looks or sounds right, but something feels off. That emotional absence can be interpreted as coldness, or even deceit.</p>
<p>In a world full of deepfakes and algorithmic decisions, that missing emotional resonance becomes a problem. Not because the AI is doing anything wrong, but because we don’t know how to feel about it.</p>
<p>It’s important to say: not all suspicion of AI is irrational. Algorithms have been shown to <a href="https://theconversation.com/when-ai-plays-favourites-how-algorithmic-bias-shapes-the-hiring-process-239471">reflect and reinforce bias</a>, especially in areas like recruitment, policing and credit scoring. If you’ve been harmed or disadvantaged by data systems before, you’re not being paranoid, you’re being cautious.</p>
<p>This links to a broader psychological idea: learned distrust. When institutions or systems repeatedly fail certain groups, scepticism becomes not only reasonable, but protective.</p>
<p>Telling people to “trust the system” rarely works. Trust must be earned. That means designing AI tools that are transparent, interrogable and accountable. It means giving users agency, not just convenience. Psychologically, we trust what we understand, what we can question and what treats us with respect.</p>
<p>If we want AI to be accepted, it needs to feel less like a black box, and more like a conversation we’re invited to join.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/268588/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
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<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-do-some-of-us-love-ai-while-others-hate-it-the-answer-is-in-how-our-brains-perceive-risk-and-trust-268588">original article</a>.</em></p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/lifetime-estrogen-exposure-associated-with-better-cognitive-performance-in-women/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Lifetime estrogen exposure associated with better cognitive performance in women</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 2nd 2026, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/13872877251372430" target="_blank">Journal of Alzheimer’s Disease</a></em> suggests that women who experience greater lifetime exposure to estrogen may exhibit better cognitive performance and maintain larger brain volumes as they age. The research indicates that factors such as a later age of menopause, a higher number of live births, and the use of hormone replacement therapy are linked to indicators of better brain health. These findings add to a growing body of evidence attempting to explain the biological underpinnings of sex differences in neurodegenerative diseases.</p>
<p>Dementia represents a significant decline in mental function that interferes with daily life, with Alzheimer’s disease being the most prevalent form. It is a well-documented fact in epidemiology that women face a higher lifetime risk of developing dementia compared to men. Despite this known disparity, the scientific understanding of how sex and gender influence the risk of Alzheimer’s disease has historically lagged behind other medical fields, such as cardiovascular research.</p>
<p>Scientists have sought to determine if this increased risk is connected to reproductive and hormonal factors unique to women. Estrogen is known to have various effects on the brain, but previous studies investigating its relationship with dementia have produced conflicting results. </p>
<p>Some research has suggested that longer exposure to natural estrogen is protective, while other studies have found no association or even potential harm. To clarify these complex relationships, a research team led by Emer R. McGrath from the University of Galway and the Framingham Heart Study conducted a comprehensive investigation. They aimed to determine how specific reproductive milestones relate to brain structure and mental sharpness in a large community-based sample of healthy women.</p>
<p>The researchers utilized data from the Framingham Heart Study Offspring cohort. This is a long-term research project that has tracked the health of participants and their descendants since the early 1970s. For this specific investigation, the team focused on women who attended their seventh examination cycle, which took place between 1998 and 2001.</p>
<p>The primary analysis involved 1,329 women who underwent neurocognitive testing and 1,165 women who underwent magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) of the brain. The average age of these participants was approximately 60 years. It is important to note that all subjects were confirmed to be free of dementia and stroke at the time of these examinations.</p>
<p>The team collected extensive data on reproductive history. They recorded the age at which each participant began menstruation (menarche) and the age at which they entered menopause. They also documented the number of live births each woman had and whether they had ever used post-menopausal hormone replacement therapy. In addition to historical data, the researchers analyzed blood samples to measure the concurrent concentrations of hormones, specifically estradiol and estrone.</p>
<p>To assess brain function, the participants completed a battery of neuropsychological tests. These assessments measured various cognitive domains, including abstract reasoning, visual-spatial skills, verbal memory, and processing speed. The researchers used standardized scores to compare performance across the group.</p>
<p>For the structural assessment, the researchers used MRI scans to measure total cerebral brain volume. They also specifically measured the volume of the hippocampus. The hippocampus is a critical brain structure involved in learning and memory, and its shrinkage is often one of the earliest signs of Alzheimer’s disease. Additionally, the team calculated a composite score designed to reflect cortical atrophy in regions typically affected by Alzheimer’s disease.</p>
<p>Beyond the cross-sectional analysis of brain scans and tests, the study included a longitudinal component. The researchers followed a sub-group of 921 women for a median period of ten years to track the incidence of new dementia cases. This allowed them to see if the reproductive factors measured at the start of the study predicted who would eventually develop the condition.</p>
<p>The study revealed several associations between markers of estrogen exposure and cognitive ability. Women who reported using hormone replacement therapy performed better on tests of abstract reasoning compared to those who did not. Similarly, women who had higher levels of estradiol in their blood showed superior reasoning skills.</p>
<p>The age at which a woman’s reproductive life began also appeared to matter. Women who experienced their first menstrual cycle at age 14 or older tended to have lower scores in abstract reasoning compared to those who started menstruation between ages 12 and 13. This suggests that an earlier start to menstruation, and thus a potentially longer total duration of estrogen exposure, was linked to better cognitive outcomes.</p>
<p>Visual-spatial performance was another area where reproductive history showed an impact. Women who reached menopause at age 52 or older scored higher on visual organization tests than those who reached menopause at the average age of 50 or 51. The number of children a woman had was also a strong predictor in this domain. Women with one or more live births demonstrated better visual-spatial skills than women who had no live births.</p>
<p>When analyzing the MRI data, the researchers found that reproductive history correlated with physical brain structure. Women who experienced menopause at age 49 or younger had significantly smaller hippocampal volumes compared to those who reached menopause at age 50 or 51.</p>
<p>The number of live births was positively associated with total brain size. Women who had given birth to at least one child had greater total cerebral brain volume than those with no children. Those with three or more children showed even greater volume and less atrophy in regions susceptible to Alzheimer’s disease.</p>
<p>However, the study also produced some findings that appeared contradictory. While hormone replacement therapy was linked to better reasoning skills, its use was associated with smaller total brain volumes. A similar pattern was observed for women with higher levels of estrone in their blood. Upon further investigation, the researchers noted that this negative association between hormone therapy and brain volume was only evident in women who were aged 60 or older at the time of the scan.</p>
<p>The longitudinal analysis provided evidence regarding the long-term risk of dementia. During the ten-year follow-up period, 93 women were diagnosed with dementia. The statistical models showed that women who entered menopause at age 49 or younger faced a higher risk of developing the condition. Specifically, early menopause was associated with an 80 percent increase in dementia risk compared to women who reached menopause at the reference age of 50 to 51.</p>
<p>In contrast, the use of hormone replacement therapy appeared to offer a protective benefit against the development of clinical dementia. Women who had used these therapies had approximately a 47 percent lower risk of developing dementia compared to those who had never used them.</p>
<p>While the results provide evidence supporting the neuroprotective role of estrogen, there are still limitations to consider. Because the study is observational, it can identify associations but cannot definitively prove that estrogen exposure causes better brain health. The data regarding the age of menarche and menopause relied on self-reporting by the participants, which introduces the possibility of recall errors.</p>
<p>The measurement of hormone levels was restricted to a single point in time. This snapshot may not accurately reflect a woman’s cumulative hormone exposure over decades. Furthermore, the researchers lacked detailed information on the specific types, doses, and duration of hormone replacement therapy used by the participants. They also did not have precise data on when women started therapy relative to the onset of menopause.</p>
<p>This missing information regarding timing is significant. Some theories suggest a “critical window” hypothesis, where hormone therapy may be beneficial if started near the onset of menopause but potentially neutral or harmful if started years later. The conflicting findings regarding brain volume in older women observed in this study might relate to this timing issue.</p>
<p>The researchers also pointed out that they lacked data on pregnancy complications such as gestational diabetes or pre-eclampsia. These conditions can influence long-term vascular health and might interact with dementia risk.</p>
<p>Future research is needed to validate these findings in more diverse populations, as the current sample was primarily of European ancestry. Subsequent studies should aim to capture more granular data on the timing of hormone therapy initiation. Investigating the potential anti-inflammatory properties of estrogen in the human brain could also help explain the mechanisms behind these observed benefits.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/13872877251372430" target="_blank">The association between reproductive factors and neurocognitive and neuroimaging markers of brain aging</a>,” was authored by Emer R. McGrath, Matthew R. Scott, Rachel F. Buckley, Claudia L. Satizabal, Amy E. Werry, Charles S. DeCarli, Saptaparni Ghosh, Ramachandran S. Vasan, Shalender Bhasin, Joanne M. Murabito, Alexa S. Beiser, and Sudha Seshadri.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/loneliness-and-self-doubt-mediate-the-link-between-depression-and-meaning-in-life/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Loneliness and self-doubt mediate the link between depression and meaning in life</a>
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<p><p>A new study suggests that depression diminishes a person’s sense of meaning in life by triggering feelings of loneliness and lowering their self-evaluation. The research identifies specific psychological pathways that vary across different developmental stages, from adolescence to middle adulthood. These findings were published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00221678251377106" target="_blank">Journal of Humanistic Psychology</a></em>.</p>
<p>The concept of meaning in life is considered a fundamental human need. It generally refers to a subjective experience where an individual feels their life has coherence, purpose, and significance. Mental health professionals recognize that this sense of meaning is closely tied to overall psychological well-being. </p>
<p>Depression is known to disrupt this sense of purpose, often leaving individuals feeling disconnected or aimless. While the link between depression and a lack of meaning is well-established, the specific psychological mechanisms that drive this relationship have been less clear.</p>
<p>The authors of the nwe study sought to understand how depression ultimately erodes a person’s sense of meaning. They proposed that two specific factors might act as intermediaries: loneliness and core self-evaluation. Loneliness involves a distressing feeling of social isolation or a lack of connection. </p>
<p>Core self-evaluation is a broad personality trait that encompasses an individual’s subconscious appraisal of their own worth, capability, and emotional stability. The researchers hypothesized that depression might increase loneliness, which in turn damages self-evaluation, finally resulting in a loss of meaning.</p>
<p>Another primary goal of the investigation was to view these dynamics through a developmental lens. Most prior research has treated the relationship between mental health and meaning as static. However, psychological needs and challenges change as people age. Adolescents face different existential questions than middle-aged adults. The research team aimed to determine if the pathways connecting depression to meaning in life differ depending on whether a person is in high school, college, or mid-life.</p>
<p>To investigate these questions, the researchers recruited a total of 1,255 participants from China. The sample was stratified into four distinct groups to represent different life stages. This included 203 junior high school students and 225 senior high school students. The sample also included 524 college students and 303 middle-aged adults. The ages of the participants ranged from 11 to 76 years.</p>
<p>Participants completed a series of standardized questionnaires via an online platform. To assess their sense of purpose, they completed the Quadripartite Existential Meaning Scale. This measure evaluates four dimensions of meaning: comprehension, purpose, internal value, and external value. The severity of depressive symptoms was measured using the Patient Health Questionnaire-9.</p>
<p>The researchers also assessed feelings of isolation using the Loneliness Scale. This tool asks participants to rate the frequency of feelings such as lacking companionship or feeling that no one can be trusted. Finally, the Core Self-Evaluations Scale was used to measure participants’ fundamental beliefs about their own competence and worth. The researchers then used statistical modeling to analyze the relationships between these variables.</p>
<p>The results provided evidence for a negative correlation between depression and meaning in life across the entire sample. As depression scores increased, reported meaning in life tended to decrease. The statistical analysis supported the researchers’ hypothesis of a “chain mediation” model. The data suggests that depression first acts to increase feelings of loneliness. This heightened loneliness then predicts a decrease in core self-evaluation. Finally, this lowered sense of self-worth predicts a reduction in the sense of meaning in life.</p>
<p>Beyond the general model, the study revealed significant differences based on age. For senior high school students, the link between depression and loneliness was stronger than in any other group. The researchers suggest this may be due to the intense identity formation and academic pressure that characterizes this life stage in China. Late adolescence is a period of high sensitivity to social inclusion and peer relationships. Consequently, depressive symptoms in this group appear to manifest heavily as feelings of social isolation.</p>
<p>For college students, the results indicated that core self-evaluation was the strongest predictor of meaning in life. This developmental stage is often defined by career exploration and the solidification of an independent identity. College students are actively assessing their capabilities and potential for future success. A positive self-assessment appears to be the primary driver for finding meaning during these years.</p>
<p>In contrast, the middle-aged group showed a different pattern. For these adults, depression had a more direct negative impact on meaning in life compared to the younger groups. This impact was less dependent on the mediating factors of loneliness or self-evaluation. Developmental theories suggest that middle adulthood involves a review of one’s life and accomplishments. Depression at this stage may directly attack a person’s sense of coherence and significance, particularly if they are grappling with unrealized ambitions or role transitions.</p>
<p>The findings indicate that while depression is universally harmful to a sense of meaning, the route it takes varies by age. For adolescents, the pathway runs strongly through social isolation. For young adults, it runs through their sense of competence. For older adults, the existential threat of depression appears more immediate and direct.</p>
<p>There are limitations to this study that should be noted. The research utilized a cross-sectional design, meaning all data was collected at a single point in time. This prevents the researchers from establishing a definitive cause-and-effect relationship. It is possible that a lack of meaning could contribute to depression, rather than the other way around. Longitudinal studies would be required to confirm the direction of these effects.</p>
<p>Additionally, the study was conducted exclusively within a Chinese cultural context. China is often described as having a collectivist culture that emphasizes social harmony and interdependence. This cultural backdrop may influence how individuals experience loneliness and meaning. The strong link between relationships and meaning observed in this study might present differently in more individualistic cultures. Future research would need to replicate these methods in diverse cultural settings to verify the universality of the findings.</p>
<p>The sample composition also presents some constraints. The participants were predominantly from rural areas, and the middle-aged group had a wide age range that might obscure differences between early and late middle age. The study relied on self-reports for health status, meaning that participants were not clinically diagnosed with depression. Future scholarship could benefit from using clinical samples and more detailed demographic data.</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, the study offers practical insights for mental health interventions. The results imply that supporting adolescents requires a focus on reducing social isolation and loneliness. </p>
<p>Interventions for college students might be most effective if they focus on boosting self-efficacy and self-worth. For middle-aged adults, therapy might need to address the existential symptoms of depression directly. By understanding the age-specific mechanisms that erode meaning, practitioners can better tailor their support to the developmental needs of their clients.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00221678251377106" target="_blank">Relationship Between Depression and Meaning in Life: Mediating Roles of Loneliness and Core Self-Evaluation</a>,” was authored by Junjun Fu, Yanzhen Zhang, Yu Tian, Shifeng Li, and Liling Wang.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/masculine-personality-traits-predict-drinking-after-romantic-fights/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Masculine personality traits predict drinking after romantic fights</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 2nd 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/02654075251389249" target="_blank">Journal of Social and Personal Relationships</a></em> investigates how personality traits associated with masculinity and femininity influence alcohol use following romantic conflicts. The findings suggest that individuals with higher levels of masculine orientation are more likely to drink alcohol after a disagreement, largely due to the intense negative emotions they experience.</p>
<p>Psychological research has historically examined alcohol consumption through the lens of biological sex. Previous studies have consistently shown that men tend to consume alcohol more frequently and in greater quantities than women. Men also tend to experience a higher rate of alcohol-related health problems.</p>
<p>However, recent trends indicate a shift in these patterns. Rates of heavy drinking among young adult women are increasing and converging with those of men. Women also tend to progress from heavy drinking to dependence more quickly than men, a phenomenon known as telescoping.</p>
<p>Given these shifts, relying solely on biological sex to explain drinking behaviors may lack necessary precision. The authors of the new study sought to investigate gender role orientations as a more nuanced predictor. These orientations refer to the degree to which an individual identifies with behaviors and interests traditionally ascribed to men or women.</p>
<p>People of any biological sex can possess high or low levels of masculine and feminine traits. The researchers proposed that these personality dimensions might better explain why some individuals turn to alcohol after a fight with their partner. They specifically aimed to understand the role of emotion regulation in this process.</p>
<p>People often use alcohol to manage their emotional states. Some individuals drink to cope with negative feelings, while others drink to enhance positive ones. Relationship conflicts typically elicit strong negative emotions, such as anger or sadness.</p>
<p>Yet, conflict resolution can also generate positive emotions, such as relief or a sense of connection. The research team investigated whether specific emotional responses to conflict act as a mechanism linking gender role orientations to drinking behavior. They hypothesized that the types of emotions felt would differ based on these personality orientations.</p>
<p>To test their hypotheses, the researchers recruited a sample of 410 adults. Participants were residents of the United States and Canada. To be eligible, individuals had to be in a committed romantic relationship for at least three months.</p>
<p>They also needed to be regular consumers of alcohol. This was defined as having consumed at least 12 alcoholic drinks within the past year. The average age of the participants was approximately 36 years old.</p>
<p>The study utilized an online survey format to collect data. Participants first provided demographic information, including their biological sex and gender identity. They then completed the Open Sex-Role Inventory to assess their gender role orientations.</p>
<p>This inventory measures masculine and feminine traits on two separate dimensions. Items assessing masculine orientation included statements about interests in mechanics or military service. Items assessing feminine orientation included statements regarding journaling or decorating personal items.</p>
<p>Participants were then asked to recall and describe the most significant disagreement they had with their partner in the past 30 days. They rated the intensity of various emotions experienced during or after this conflict. The rating scale ranged from 0, representing “not at all,” to 100, representing “very intensely felt.”</p>
<p>The researchers provided a list of specific emotions for these ratings. This list included negative states such as feeling powerless, angry, ashamed, and lonely. It also included positive states such as feeling validated, understood, and connected.</p>
<p>Following the emotion ratings, participants reported their alcohol use. They indicated whether they drank alcohol after the described conflict. If they did drink, they estimated the specific number of drinks consumed.</p>
<p>The researchers employed a statistical technique called zero-inflated negative binomial modeling. This approach allowed them to analyze two distinct aspects of drinking behavior simultaneously. One part of the model predicted the likelihood of drinking at all, while the other predicted the number of drinks consumed among those who drank.</p>
<p>The results indicated that masculine orientation was a significant predictor of post-conflict drinking. Individuals with higher scores on the masculinity scale had greater odds of consuming alcohol after a disagreement. This association held true even after accounting for biological sex.</p>
<p>In terms of emotional responses, masculine orientation was linked to a wide array of negative feelings. These individuals reported higher intensities of sadness, disgust, powerlessness, and anger. They also reported feeling unheard and lonely.</p>
<p>Conversely, feminine orientation was not directly associated with the likelihood of drinking alcohol after a conflict. However, it was associated with a different profile of emotional experiences. High scores in femininity were linked to positive emotions like happiness and feeling understood.</p>
<p>Despite the association with positive affect, feminine orientation was also linked to specific negative emotions. These included feelings of vulnerability, embarrassment, and jealousy. This suggests a complex emotional landscape for individuals with high feminine traits during conflicts.</p>
<p>The study found that negative emotions were a strong driver of alcohol use for the entire sample. Experiencing higher levels of negative affect significantly increased the odds of drinking. It also predicted the consumption of a greater number of drinks.</p>
<p>This pattern was consistent across all specific negative emotions measured. Feelings of anxiety, fear, sadness, and anger all predicted increased alcohol use. In contrast, positive emotions generally did not predict drinking behavior or the amount consumed.</p>
<p>The researchers then performed analyses to determine if emotions explained the link between personality and drinking. They found that negative emotions fully explained the relationship between masculine orientation and alcohol use. The tendency for masculine individuals to drink was largely due to the intense negative feelings they experienced.</p>
<p>For feminine orientation, the pathway to drinking was indirect. Although there was no direct main effect, specific emotions served as connecting links. Feminine orientation was associated with drinking through feelings of anxiety, fear, and guilt.</p>
<p>This suggests that for those with high feminine traits, drinking may be a coping mechanism for internalizing distress. The study also found that jealousy was a mediator for both masculine and feminine orientations. This indicates that feelings of jealousy may be a universal trigger for alcohol use in romantic conflicts.</p>
<p>Positive emotions like validation and relief also played a minor role in the indirect pathways for feminine orientation. This implies that some individuals might use alcohol to celebrate or enhance the positive feelings of conflict resolution. However, the dominant driver remained negative affect.</p>
<p>There are some limitations to the study. The reliance on retrospective self-reports introduces the potential for memory bias. Participants may not have perfectly recalled their emotions or drink counts from a conflict that occurred up to a month prior.</p>
<p>Additionally, the sample was restricted to regular drinkers. The findings may not generalize to individuals who drink rarely or those who abstain from alcohol completely. The study also cannot definitively establish causality due to its cross-sectional design.</p>
<p>It is possible that the act of drinking influenced the emotions recalled by the participants. For example, drinking might have exacerbated feelings of sadness or alleviated feelings of anxiety. Future research would benefit from using real-time tracking methods to capture these events as they happen.</p>
<p>The study did not account for the resolution status of the conflict. Whether a fight was resolved or remained ongoing could significantly impact emotional responses and subsequent drinking. Future investigations should include measures of conflict resolution.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/02654075251389249" target="_blank">Masculine and feminine orientations on emotions and alcohol use in response to romantic conflict</a>,” was authored by Lindsey M. Rodriguez, Jennifer Leckey, Sean Mackinnon, Clayton Neighbors, Simon B. Sherry, Catrina G. Brown, Raquel Nogueira-Arjona and Sherry H. Stewart.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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