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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/scientists-trace-a-pathway-from-gut-microorganisms-to-neuropsychiatric-disorders-via-fat-molecules/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Scientists trace a pathway from gut microorganisms to neuropsychiatric disorders via fat molecules</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 2nd 2026, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>New genetic research has identified a direct causal chain connecting the microorganisms in the human digestive tract to the risk of developing severe psychiatric and neurodegenerative conditions. The findings suggest that specific gut bacteria influence the development of disorders such as depression and Alzheimer’s disease by altering the levels of fat molecules in the blood.</p>
<p>This discovery provides a potential biological roadmap for how the digestive system communicates with the brain. The study was published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2025.02.091"><em>Journal of Affective Disorders</em></a>.</p>
<p>The human gut hosts a vast community of microorganisms known as the microbiota. This ecosystem performs essential functions ranging from digestion to immune system regulation. Biologists describe the communication network between this community and the central nervous system as the gut-brain axis.</p>
<p>Previous observational research has frequently noted that patients with brain disorders tend to host different bacterial colonies compared to healthy individuals. However, these earlier observations could not determine the direction of the effect. It remained unclear whether specific bacteria caused the disease or if the disease itself altered the gut environment.</p>
<p>Biological lipids, or fats, are fundamental components of the brain’s structure. They form the membranes of nerve cells and facilitate signal transmission between neurons. Disruptions in how the body processes lipids often accompany neurological conditions.</p>
<p>The research team hypothesized that gut bacteria might influence brain health by manipulating these lipid levels. Nan Zhang from the Department of Neurology at the Seventh Clinical College of China Medical University led the investigation to test this theory.</p>
<p>To distinguish cause from effect, the researchers employed a statistical method called Mendelian randomization. This technique utilizes genetic variants as proxies for environmental exposures. Genes are randomly assigned at conception and generally remain unchanged throughout a person’s life. This random assignment mimics the conditions of a clinical trial. It allows scientists to bypass the external lifestyle factors that often confuse results in traditional observational studies.</p>
<p>The investigators analyzed summary data from large-scale genome-wide association studies. They examined genetic profiles related to the gut microbiome in over 7,700 individuals. They also utilized lipid data from a separate cohort of more than 7,000 people.</p>
<p>They compared these datasets against genetic risk profiles for seven major neuropsychiatric disorders. The conditions studied included Alzheimer’s disease, Parkinson’s disease, amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, and multiple sclerosis. The team also looked at schizophrenia, major depressive disorder, and bipolar disorder.</p>
<p>The analysis identified numerous specific bacteria that appear to act as either risk factors or protective agents. The results indicated 51 positive correlations where specific bacteria increased disease risk. They also found 47 negative correlations where bacteria seemed to lower the risk. For instance, the study suggests that the bacterial family <em>Ruminococcaceae</em> may increase the risk of Alzheimer’s disease. The analysis indicated that the <em>Bacteroides</em> family might reduce the risk of developing Parkinson’s disease.</p>
<p>The study also examined the genetic links between various lipids and these brain disorders. The team observed that distinct types of fat molecules have different impacts on disease risk. High levels of a lipid called sphingomyelin were genetically linked to an increased risk of Parkinson’s disease. In contrast, specific types of phosphatidylcholine appeared to lower the risk. These findings highlight that the chemical structure of a lipid determines its role in brain health.</p>
<p>A primary objective of the research was to determine if lipids serve as a bridge between the gut and the brain. The researchers performed a mediation analysis to investigate this possibility. This statistical approach calculates how much of an effect passes through a specific intermediate step. The team successfully identified a specific pathway involved in major depressive disorder.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed that a bacterium known as <em>Bacteroides plebeius</em> contributes to the risk of major depressive disorder. The study indicates that this bacterium exerts its influence partially by regulating the levels of a specific lipid. This lipid is identified as phosphatidylcholine (16:0_20:4).</p>
<p>The calculations suggest that this specific lipid pathway accounts for approximately 11 percent of the bacterium’s total effect on depression. This provides concrete evidence of a mechanism linking a specific microbe to a mood disorder via a metabolic product.</p>
<p>The researchers also investigated the possibility of reverse causality. They tested whether having a neuropsychiatric disorder might cause genetic changes that lead to altered gut bacteria or lipid levels. The statistical tests showed no evidence to support this reverse direction. This strengthens the conclusion that the microbiome alterations likely precede and contribute to the disease.</p>
<p>The study also shed light on amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, often called Lou Gehrig’s disease. The results pointed to a species called <em>Bacteroides clarus</em> as a potential risk factor. On the protective side, a bacterium known as <em>Dorea</em> appeared to lower the genetic risk for this condition. These specific associations offer new targets for researchers trying to understand the environmental triggers of this progressive disease.</p>
<p>In the context of schizophrenia, the team found that pathways involved in vitamin B1 metabolism might be protective. The analysis suggested that the body’s ability to salvage thiamin, or vitamin B1, is genetically linked to a lower risk of the disorder. This aligns with the understanding that metabolic efficiency plays a role in maintaining mental health. The bacterial families <em>Ruminococcaceae</em> and <em>Bacteroides</em> also appeared to reduce the risk of schizophrenia.</p>
<p>The research highlights the complexity of lipid interactions in multiple sclerosis. The analysis linked eight different lipids to the disease. Four of these lipids appeared to increase the risk, while the other four decreased it. This nuance suggests that broad dietary interventions might be too simple. Therapies may need to target specific lipid molecules to be effective.</p>
<p>While the use of genetic data provides stronger evidence for causality than observational studies, the research has limitations. The datasets used in the analysis were derived primarily from individuals of European ancestry. Genetic associations can vary significantly between different ethnic groups. This means the findings may not fully apply to populations with different genetic backgrounds.</p>
<p>The sample sizes for the gut microbiome data were relatively small compared to some other genetic studies. Genetic research relies on massive datasets to detect subtle effects. A smaller sample size can sometimes lead to false positives or miss weaker associations. The researchers acknowledged that larger cohorts in the future would help confirm these results.</p>
<p>Additionally, Mendelian randomization assumes a linear relationship between genes and outcomes. Biological systems often behave in non-linear ways. The current model may not capture complex interactions where the effect of a gene changes based on other factors. Future studies using more advanced statistical models could address this complexity.</p>
<p>The findings also require validation through experimental biology. Statistical associations provide a roadmap, but they do not explain the molecular details of the interaction. Scientists must now conduct experiments in laboratory models to observe how <em>Bacteroides plebeius</em> alters phosphatidylcholine levels. They must also verify that this lipid change directly affects brain function in a living organism.</p>
<p>Understanding these specific chemical pathways could eventually lead to new therapeutic strategies. Current treatments for neuropsychiatric disorders often focus on altering neurotransmitters in the brain. This study suggests that interventions in the gut could offer an alternative approach. Modifying the microbiome to encourage beneficial lipid production might serve as a complementary treatment.</p>
<p>Probiotics or prebiotics designed to support specific bacteria could one day be part of a treatment plan. Dietary changes aimed at providing the raw materials for beneficial lipids might also prove useful. However, any such treatments are still years away. The immediate value of this work lies in identifying specific targets for further investigation.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2025.02.091">Causal relationship between gut microbiota, lipids, and neuropsychiatric disorders: A Mendelian randomization mediation study</a>,” was authored by Nan Zhang and Xiaoyu Dong.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/legalized-sports-betting-linked-to-a-rise-in-violent-crimes-and-property-theft/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Legalized sports betting linked to a rise in violent crimes and property theft</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 2nd 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/15270025251396530" target="_blank">Journal of Sports Economics</a></em> has found that the legalization of sports betting in the United States is associated with an increase in violent and property crimes. The research indicates that incidents of assault and theft rise during and after sporting events in states where betting is legal, particularly when the home team loses unexpectedly. These findings suggest that the financial stress and emotional volatility tied to gambling may exacerbate aggressive behaviors among sports fans.</p>
<p>The motivation behind this research stems from a major shift in the American legal landscape regarding gambling. In 2018, the Supreme Court overturned the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA). This decision effectively ended the federal ban on sports betting and allowed individual states to legalize and regulate the practice. Prior to this ruling, legal sports wagering was largely confined to Nevada. Since 2018, dozens of states have moved to create legal markets for sports betting.</p>
<p>State governments often view legalization as a means to generate tax revenue and curb illegal black-market gambling. However, the social costs associated with this rapid expansion remain under-examined. Previous psychological research has established links between problem gambling and impulsive behavior, alcohol consumption, and aggression. </p>
<p>The authors of the new study sought to determine if these individual psychological risks translate into broader societal harms, specifically in the form of increased criminal activity. They investigated whether the introduction of legal betting markets changes the nature of fan behavior, turning sporting events into catalysts for violence and property crime.</p>
<p>“We began this research in 2022 after observing growing interest in sports betting among both industry practitioners and the academic community. At the time, most existing studies focused on marketing-related questions, such as how betting promotions and advertising influence consumer decisions,” said study author NAME, who conducted the research while an assistant professor at the University of Michigan. </p>
<p>“However, we identified a gap in the literature regarding rigorous empirical evidence on whether sports betting causes harm to consumers and society more broadly. To address this gap, we collected relevant crime data and designed this study.”</p>
<p>“Our work was inspired by <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjr001" target="_blank">David Card and Gordon Dahl’s study</a> examining the relationship between NFL game outcomes and domestic violence, which found that upset losses were associated with more domestic violence,” added Hua Gong, an assistant professor at Rice University.</p>
<p>“When individuals are allowed to bet on sports, game outcomes may matter even more. We are therefore interested in exploring whether legalized sports betting amplifies emotional responses to game results and, in turn, leads to more irrational behavior or potentially more crime among bettors.”</p>
<p>To investigate this relationship, the researchers utilized a difference-in-differences study design. This statistical method allows scientists to compare changes in outcomes over time between a group that is exposed to a treatment and a group that is not. In this context, the “treatment” was the legalization of sports betting. The researchers compared crime rates on game days versus non-game days. They also compared crime rates in states before and after they legalized betting, using states that had not yet legalized betting as a control group.</p>
<p>The study relied on data from the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS). This is a comprehensive database maintained by the FBI that compiles detailed crime statistics provided voluntarily by law enforcement agencies across the country. </p>
<p>The researchers collected incident-level data from 2017 to 2021. This timeframe covers the period immediately before and after the Supreme Court decision. It also encompasses the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis focused on four specific types of crime: assault, destruction of property, larceny, and vehicle theft. These offenses were chosen because they are often associated with impulsive aggression and have been linked to sports events in prior literature.</p>
<p>The sports data included in the analysis covered games from the four major North American professional leagues. These are the National Football League (NFL), the National Basketball Association (NBA), Major League Baseball (MLB), and the National Hockey League (NHL). </p>
<p>The researchers gathered information on game schedules, locations, and final scores. They also obtained historical betting odds from Sportsbook Review. These odds were used to determine which teams were favored to win and by how much. This allowed the authors to identify games where the outcome was unexpected, such as when a heavily favored home team lost.</p>
<p>The sample was divided into two distinct periods due to the disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The pre-pandemic sample included 1,641 games occurred between April 2017 and March 2020. The post-pandemic sample consisted of 772 games played between July 2020 and December 2021. The researchers focused specifically on crimes reported from the start of a game until four hours after it concluded. They compared these numbers to crime reports from the same time window on the day prior to the game.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed a statistically significant increase in crimes in states with legal sports betting markets. This uptick was observed during the window of time surrounding the games. The data showed that the legalization of betting led to a rise in total incidents, including assaults and larcenies. The effect was present for both home and away games but was notably stronger for home games.</p>
<p>The researchers found that the nature of the game’s outcome played a substantial role in the magnitude of the crime increase. The study highlights that aggression was most pronounced when the home team lost a game they were expected to win. In the pre-pandemic period, home games with such unexpected outcomes were associated with a roughly 93 percent increase in assaults compared to the baseline. This suggests that the frustration of losing a bet, compounded by the disappointment of a home team loss, acts as a powerful trigger for violence.</p>
<p>The study also identified “spillover effects” in regions adjacent to states with legal betting. Many metropolitan areas in the United States span across state lines. In cases where one state legalized betting while its neighbor did not, residents of the non-legal state might travel across the border to place wagers. The data showed increased crime rates in these neighboring border counties on game days. This implies that fans may be traveling to place bets and bringing their betting-induced aggression back to their home communities.</p>
<p>The researchers conducted further analysis to understand the mechanisms driving this aggression. They sought to distinguish between aggression caused by financial loss and aggression caused by general emotional stress. To do this, they categorized games based on their predictability. A loss in a “predictable” game implies a shock to the bettor who likely wagered on the favorite. A loss in an “unpredictable” game is a risk the bettor likely accepted in advance.</p>
<p>In the pre-pandemic period, the increase in crime was primarily driven by unexpected outcomes in predictable games. This points to financial loss as the main culprit. Bettors likely placed money on “safe” bets and reacted aggressively when those bets failed. However, the pattern shifted in the post-pandemic period.</p>
<p>After games resumed following the COVID-19 hiatus, the link between aggression and strictly financial indicators weakened slightly. Instead, the researchers found that “stressful” games—those with close scores or overtime finishes—contributed to higher crime rates regardless of whether the outcome was a massive upset. </p>
<p>This indicates that as the sports betting market matured, the general anxiety and emotional arousal associated with wagering became a significant driver of aggression. The excitement and stress of the gamble itself, alongside the potential for loss, appear to fuel hostile behavior.</p>
<p>“The main takeaway from our study is that the introduction of legal sports betting is associated with a significant increase in crime on game days, particularly assaults,” Wang told PsyPost. “We also find spillover effects in neighboring states where sports betting had not yet been legalized: areas with close proximity to major sports teams experienced similar increases in crime.” </p>
<p>“In addition, bettors initially tended to wager on more predictable games, with aggression typically arising from financial losses. Over time, however, they shifted toward more unpredictable contests. These games are more likely to generate heightened excitement and in-game stress, which can increase aggression even in the absence of financial losses.”</p>
<p>As with all research, there are some limitations to note. The analysis used local games as a proxy for periods of high betting activity. However, modern sports betting allows individuals to wager on games happening anywhere in the country or the world. This means the study likely underestimates the total impact of betting on crime, as it does not capture incidents related to betting on non-local games. The findings essentially represent a lower bound of the true effect.</p>
<p>Another limitation involves the geographic variation in the data. The specific states included in the pre-pandemic and post-pandemic samples differed based on when they legalized betting. This makes it difficult to perfectly compare the two time periods. It is possible that the observed shift in bettor behavior is partly due to differences in the populations of the states that legalized betting later.</p>
<p>Future research is needed to explore these dynamics in greater detail. The current study focused on regular season and playoff games for four major leagues. It did not analyze major standalone events like the Super Bowl or the NCAA “March Madness” basketball tournament. These events attract massive betting volumes and could generate different patterns of behavior. </p>
<p>Future studies could also examine the long-term trends to see if the novelty of betting wears off, potentially reducing aggression over time. Investigating specific geographic differences could also help policymakers tailor regulations to their specific communities.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/15270025251396530" target="_blank">The Impact of Legalized Sports Betting on Aggression</a>,” was authored by Wenche Wang and Hua Gong.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/large-study-links-abdominal-obesity-to-increased-risk-of-migraines/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Large study links abdominal obesity to increased risk of migraines</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 1st 2026, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A massive new longitudinal study conducted in South Korea indicates that obesity is a risk factor for the development of migraines in young adults. The research suggests that abdominal obesity, measured by waist circumference, is a stronger predictor of this neurological condition than general body mass index. The findings were published in the medical journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1212/wnl.0000000000214252" target="_blank">Neurology</a></em>.</p>
<p>Migraine is a debilitating headache disorder that imposes a heavy burden on individuals and society. While genetics play a major role in who develops migraines, environmental and lifestyle factors are also significant contributors. Medical professionals have long recognized that managing comorbidities is a key part of treatment.</p>
<p>Obesity is a known risk factor for many diseases and has been linked to the worsening of existing migraine conditions. This process is often called chronification. However, the question of whether obesity actually causes the onset of migraines in people who did not previously have them has been less clear. </p>
<p>Previous research on this topic often relied on cross-sectional data. Such studies look at a population at a single point in time. This makes it difficult to determine whether obesity leads to migraines or if the condition leads to lifestyle changes that cause obesity.</p>
<p>The authors of the new study sought to establish a clearer causal link. They designed a prospective cohort study to observe changes over time. Their primary goal was to investigate the association between obesity and the risk of developing migraines. They also aimed to see if the risk increased in proportion to the severity of obesity.</p>
<p>To achieve this, the researchers utilized the extensive database of the Korean National Health Insurance Service. This service covers approximately 99 percent of the South Korean population. The team focused their analysis on young adults aged 20 to 39. These individuals underwent general health examinations between the years 2009 and 2012.</p>
<p>The scale of the study was exceptionally large. The initial dataset included over six million people. The researchers applied strict exclusion criteria to ensure the validity of their results. They removed anyone who had a recorded history of migraine prior to the study. They also excluded individuals with missing data regarding body measurements or lifestyle factors.</p>
<p>To avoid counting cases that might have been present but undiagnosed at the start, they excluded anyone diagnosed with migraine within the first year of the study. This resulted in a final sample size of 6,106,560 participants. The average age of the participants was roughly 30 years old. About 39 percent of the sample was female.</p>
<p>Participants were followed from their initial health exam until the end of 2018. The researchers tracked medical claims to identify new cases of migraine. They specifically looked for the International Classification of Diseases code G43. The average follow-up duration was seven years.</p>
<p>During the health examinations, medical staff collected precise body measurements. They measured height, weight, and waist circumference while participants wore light clothing. Body mass index was calculated by dividing weight in kilograms by the square of height in meters.</p>
<p>The researchers categorized body mass index into five groups. These ranged from underweight to stage 2 obesity. Waist circumference was divided into six levels, with increments of 5 centimeters. This allowed the team to assess abdominal obesity specifically.</p>
<p>The study included detailed information on lifestyle and demographic factors. Participants completed questionnaires about their smoking status and alcohol consumption. They also reported their physical activity levels and income. Blood tests provided data on cholesterol, glucose levels, and other metabolic indicators.</p>
<p>The results showed a clear association between body composition and migraine risk. In the initial analysis, the risk of developing migraine increased as body mass index increased. Individuals with stage 2 obesity had a higher likelihood of diagnosis compared to those with a normal weight.</p>
<p>This relationship was even more pronounced when looking at waist circumference. The researchers observed a dose-dependent relationship. This means that as waist size increased, the risk of migraine rose in a step-by-step fashion. This trend held true even after the researchers adjusted their statistical models for various confounding factors.</p>
<p>The team ran multiple statistical models to isolate the specific effects of different types of obesity. When they adjusted for waist circumference, the link between general body mass index and migraine became less direct. However, the link between waist circumference and migraine remained robust even when body mass index was taken into account.</p>
<p>This suggests that abdominal obesity acts as a stronger independent risk factor than total body obesity. The researchers found that individuals with the largest waist measurements had a significantly higher hazard ratio for migraine. Conversely, those with the smallest waist measurements showed a decreased risk.</p>
<p>The study also shed light on the relationship between being underweight and migraine risk. Initial unadjusted data seemed to suggest underweight individuals had a higher risk. However, this association disappeared in the fully adjusted models. This indicates that being underweight itself may not be a direct cause of migraine.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed complex interactions regarding muscle mass. When waist circumference was controlled for, extremely low body mass index was linked to higher migraine risk. The authors suggest this might be related to low muscle mass. Skeletal muscle plays a role in regulating inflammation in the body.</p>
<p>Inflammation is a key suspect in the biological mechanism linking obesity and migraine. Fat tissue, particularly visceral fat located deep in the abdomen, is metabolically active. It secretes various substances, including proinflammatory cytokines.</p>
<p>Visceral fat produces more of these inflammatory markers than subcutaneous fat. This biological difference might explain why waist circumference was a better predictor of migraine than general weight. The inflammatory state caused by excess abdominal fat could potentially lower the threshold for migraine attacks.</p>
<p>The researchers also conducted subgroup analyses to see if the results varied by demographic. They found that the association between abdominal obesity and migraine was modified by age. The link was stronger in adults under the age of 30 compared to those in their thirties.</p>
<p>Lifestyle factors also played a modifying role. The association was stronger in non-smokers than in smokers. It was also more intense in heavy drinkers. Alcohol consumption has known vasodilatory effects, which can trigger headaches.</p>
<p>The combination of alcohol use and obesity appeared to compound the risk. The researchers proposed that the physiological effects of alcohol might interact with the inflammatory state of obesity. This could make individuals more susceptible to the onset of the disorder.</p>
<p>There are some limitations to consider. The reliance on health insurance claims means that only treated cases of migraine were counted. Many people suffer from migraines without seeking professional medical help. This could lead to an underestimation of the true incidence rate.</p>
<p>The study was also limited to the Korean population. Body composition and fat distribution can vary among different ethnic groups. The specific cut-off points used for waist circumference and body mass index might not apply universally. The gender ratio in the study was also imbalanced due to the nature of the screening program.</p>
<p>The observational nature of the study means it cannot definitively prove causation. While it establishes a strong temporal association, other unmeasured variables could be at play. The researchers attempted to control for many factors, but residual confounding is always possible in epidemiological research.</p>
<p>Future research is needed to validate these findings in other populations. Studies with more detailed clinical information could provide further insight. Investigating the specific biological pathways, such as the role of specific adipokines, would also be beneficial.</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, the study provides evidence that maintaining a healthy weight may be important for migraine prevention. It highlights that body shape and fat distribution matter just as much as the number on the scale. The findings suggest that clinicians should consider abdominal obesity when assessing migraine risk in young adults.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1212/wnl.0000000000214252" target="_blank">Association Between Obesity and the Risk of Migraine: A Nationwide Cohort Study in South Korea</a>,” was authored by Soo-Im Jang, Namoh Kim, Kyungdo Han, and Mi Ji Lee.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/gen-z-reports-highest-anxiety-levels-as-screen-time-increases/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Gen Z reports highest anxiety levels as screen time increases</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 1st 2026, 12:00</div>
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<p><p><a href="https://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/statistics/any-anxiety-disorder">Over 40 million American adults</a> – approximately 19% – live with an <a href="https://www.nami.org/about-mental-illness/mental-health-conditions/anxiety-disorders/">anxiety disorder</a>, according to the National Institutes of Health.</p>
<p>Studies show this anxiety is <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10804-023-09442-x">most prevalent in young people</a>. In recent years, social psychologists such as <a href="https://www.anxiousgeneration.com/book">Jonathan Haidt</a> have started to draw connections between tech use and anxiety. They argue that the ubiquity of smartphones and social media may affect not only the habits and emotions of young people but also key aspects of their brain development during adolescence.</p>
<p>Maintaining a constant online presence can result in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00221309.2020.1743228">excessive social comparison</a>, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11920-024-01481-9">disrupted sleep</a>, <a href="https://www.apa.org/news/podcasts/speaking-of-psychology/attention-spans">fragmented attention</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2021.674298">increased exposure to cyberbullying</a> – all of which can increase the prevalence of anxiety.</p>
<p>We’re <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=6eJfXioAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">public health and policy researchers</a> with an <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=1li36vMAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">interest in mental health</a>. We understand that this problem goes well beyond youthful angst. Evidence increasingly links this type of prolonged anxiety to a number of detrimental health issues, including <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16996-1_6">weakened immune function</a>, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11920-016-0739-5">increased cardiovascular risk</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41380-023-01986-4">impaired cognitive performance</a>. Over time, these effects can <a href="https://doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2022.9817">increase the risk of chronic illness and other negative health outcomes</a>.</p>
<p>So, in May 2025 we <a href="https://www.usf.edu/arts-sciences/departments/public-affairs/documents/news-items/spa-health-anxiety-supplement-survey-results-2025.pdf">conducted our own survey</a> to measure the prevalence of anxiety in the state where we live, Florida, and explore whether it is, in fact, related to age and social media use.</p>
<h2>What our survey asked</h2>
<p>We surveyed 500 adults, and we designed our research to ensure that our survey group matched the state’s population in terms of age, race, gender, political affiliation and geographic distribution.</p>
<p>We used <a href="https://adaa.org/sites/default/files/GAD-7_Anxiety-updated_0.pdf">a questionnaire called the GAD-7</a>, which was developed by mental health professionals to assess symptoms of generalized anxiety disorder. The GAD-7 asks participants to identify how bothered they were about seven items during the past two weeks. They answered on a four-point scale, from “not at all” to “nearly everyday.” These seven items included questions on worrying, irritability, restlessness and feeling afraid or on edge.</p>
<p>A score under 10 indicates minimal (0-4) or mild (5-9) anxiety. Those who score between 10 and 14 exhibit moderate anxiety, while a score of 15 or higher is indicative of a severe anxiety disorder.</p>
<p>The difference between moderate and severe generalized anxiety corresponds to how often the participant experiences any of the seven items. For example, someone with severe generalized anxiety might experience all seven items nearly every day, while someone with moderate generalized anxiety might have experienced some of the items several days in the past two weeks.</p>
<p>We also asked participants about how much time they spend on social media platforms, such as Facebook, Instagram and TikTok, and how they feel while using these platforms.</p>
<h2>What we found</h2>
<p>Our survey found that roughly 1 in 5 Floridians are struggling with moderate to severe anxiety, which is consistent with <a href="https://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/statistics/any-anxiety-disorder">national statistics</a>.</p>
<p>While the average GAD-7 score was 4.74 – this would indicate that the “average” Floridian doesn’t have an anxiety disorder – 18.6% of participants reported symptoms of at least moderate anxiety, with nearly half of them rising to the level of severe.</p>
<p>This result tells us that nearly 3.5 million Floridians may suffer from clinically significant anxiety.</p>
<p></p>
<p>Members of <a href="https://www.beresfordresearch.com/age-range-by-generation/">Generation Z</a>, ages 18 to 27 in our sample, reported the highest rates of anxiety by a significant margin. In fact, the average GAD-7 score for this group was 8.17 – just below the threshold for moderate anxiety – compared with an average of 6.50 for millennials, 5.32 for Gen Xers and 3.04 for baby boomers.</p>
<p>These averages track with previous nationwide studies, which have found that the portion of the U.S. adult population that suffers the most anxiety are members of Gen Z. According to a study conducted in 2020, 30.9% of adults ages 18 to 23 <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10804-023-09442-x">reported generalized anxiety disorder symptoms</a>, compared to only 27.9% of millennials, 17.2% of Gen Xers and 8.1% of baby boomers.</p>
<h2>Social media and anxiety in Gen Z</h2>
<p>In order to understand whether social media use might help explain the higher rates of anxiety we observed among younger Floridians, we examined the relationship between time spent on social media and anxiety.</p>
<p>In general, those who didn’t use social media at all reported lower levels of anxiety, with an average GAD-7 score of 3.56. In comparison, the average GAD-7 score for those who use social media less than one hour per week was 3.74, and it rose consistently as social media use increased, climbing to an average of 6.10 among those who spent seven to nine hours a week on social media, and 7.08 for those who were logged on for 10 hours or more.</p>
<p></p>
<p>While time spent was important, the reasons why Floridians use social media also made a big difference in whether they experienced anxiety. Anxiety was lowest among those who use social media primarily to stay connected with family and friends. But it rose significantly among those who use social media to stay up to date with current trends and pop culture or to learn about health, fitness and beauty trends.</p>
<p>We also asked respondents whether they “sometimes feel like they’re missing out when they see what others post on social media.” Among those who agreed that they sometimes get social media <a href="https://doi.org/10.12998/wjcc.v9.i19.4881">FOMO</a>, average anxiety scores ranged between 7.26 and 9.00. But among those who disagreed, average scores were significantly lower – 4.16 or less.</p>
<p></p>
<h2>Time spent on social media matters for young people</h2>
<p>In this data, we see a clear correlation between social media use and heightened anxiety, and we also see a greater tendency for Gen Zers and millennials to report higher levels of anxiety. This makes sense, given that younger people generally spend more time on social media.</p>
<p>But one important question remained to be answered: Can reducing social media use lead to lower rates of anxiety for the youngest adults?</p>
<p>In order to answer this question, we reexamined the relationship between average weekly social media use and anxiety. But this time, we restricted the analysis to only those respondents who were members of the Gen Z and millennial groups.</p>
<p>Even when the study was restricted to just these two groups, we found a clear and decisive link between social media use and anxiety. Those who reported spending less than one hour on social media each week had average GAD-7 scores of 2.89. Those scores rose consistently as time on social media increased, reaching a high of 8.73 among those who use social media 10 hours or more per week.</p>
<h2>Moderating intake to bring down anxiety</h2>
<p>The results of our survey appear to confirm the suspicions of social psychologists and techno-critics – namely, that the high rates of anxiety observed among younger Americans appear to be connected to their time online. This is particularly true for those spending time in digital spaces that facilitate social comparison and information overload.</p>
<p>We cannot be sure from just this survey that social media alone is to blame for increased generalized anxiety. Other factors may be involved, such as digital information overload and a decline in person-to-person contact. But the amount of time spent on social media does appear to be affecting the mental health of young people in Florida.</p>
<p>One potential solution may be to moderate intake. Some emerging research has suggested <a href="https://tmb.apaopen.org/pub/yvcb5y06/release/2">setting up automated daily reminders</a> to limit social media use to 30 minutes a day. Another suggestion includes occasionally <a href="https://www.annalembke.com/dopamine-nation">taking a monthlong break from social media</a>.</p>
<p>Those who feel they need more support taking time off social media may benefit from seeking professional help, such as talking with a licensed therapist.</p>
<p> </p>
<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/florida-residents-anxiety-is-linked-to-social-media-use-and-varies-with-age-new-study-shows-263010">original article</a>.</em></p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/scientists-demonstrate-how-reliable-news-sources-are-weaponized-to-spread-falsehoods/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Scientists demonstrate how reliable news sources are weaponized to spread falsehoods</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 1st 2026, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study suggests that online misinformation is not limited to fabricated stories from unreliable websites but also includes factual reports from mainstream media that are repurposed to support false claims. Researchers found that social media users who frequently share fake news also share specific articles from reputable news outlets that contain narratives common in misinformation. The findings indicate that bad actors may strategically select true information to lend credibility to misleading arguments. The study was published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-025-02223-4" target="_blank">Nature Human Behaviour</a></em>.</p>
<p>Social scientists and media researchers have traditionally struggled to quantify the spread of falsehoods online. The standard approach involves identifying specific websites or domains known for publishing fabricated content and tracking how often links to those sites appear on social networks. This method assumes a clear division where “fake” news comes from bad sources and “real” news comes from good sources.</p>
<p>However, this source-based binary fails to capture the nuance of how information actually circulates. A factual story from a reliable outlet can be taken out of context to imply something untrue. Pranav Goel, a researcher at the Network Science Institute at Northeastern University, led a team to investigate this gray area of the information ecosystem. Goel worked alongside Jon Green from Duke University, David Lazer from Northeastern and Harvard, and Philip S. Resnik from the University of Maryland.</p>
<p>The research team operated under the theory that information does not exist independently from how people use it. Users do not merely share individual facts. They share stories that advance their broader interests and political worldviews. The authors hypothesized that people seeking to promote misleading narratives would use factually true information to do so if mainstream sources provided useful material.</p>
<p>To test this hypothesis, the researchers analyzed a massive dataset of activity on Twitter, now known as X. The data spanned from May 2018 to November 2021. The team matched these Twitter accounts to a United States voter file to ensure the users were real people and to gather demographic data.</p>
<p>The investigators began by identifying a set of users who frequently shared content from unreliable domains. These domains were classified as “fake news” based on ratings from NewsGuard, an independent organization that vets news sources. The researchers then observed what other links these specific users shared.</p>
<p>This process allowed the team to identify articles from mainstream, reliable sources that were frequently “co-shared” with fake news. The researchers constructed a network graph where connections were drawn between reliable articles and fake news articles based on how often they were posted by the same people. They assigned a “co-sharing score” to mainstream articles.</p>
<p>Articles with a high co-sharing score were those disproportionately popular among people who also trafficked in misinformation. The researchers then created a control group of articles. These were stories published by the same mainstream outlets but which were not frequently shared by the misinformation group.</p>
<p>To analyze the actual content of these articles, the team used an automated computational tool designed to extract narrative structures from text. This software breaks sentences down into semantic relationships, specifically looking for an agent, a verb, and a patient. For instance, in the sentence “The vaccine causes shingles,” the tool would identify the relationship between the vaccine and the medical condition.</p>
<p>The researchers compiled a library of “potentially misleading narratives.” They did this by running their extraction tool on thousands of known fake news articles and claims that had been fact-checked as false. This created a database of narrative structures that are prevalent in the world of online misinformation.</p>
<p>The study then compared the co-shared mainstream articles against the control group. The researchers looked to see if the co-shared articles contained these potentially misleading narratives more often than the control articles did. The analysis revealed a distinct pattern in the data.</p>
<p>Mainstream articles that were co-shared with fake news were significantly more likely to contain narratives found in misinformation content. This relationship held true even when the researchers accounted for the partisan leanings of the news outlets. It was not simply a case of right-wing users sharing right-wing news. The correlation suggested a more strategic selection of content.</p>
<p>The authors provided several qualitative examples to illustrate how this dynamic works. One prominent case involved a Washington Post article with the headline, “Vaccinated people now make up a majority of covid deaths.” The headline was factually accurate at the time of publication.</p>
<p>However, the headline lacked important context. Because the vast majority of the population was vaccinated, the raw number of deaths would naturally be higher in that group even if the vaccine remained highly effective. Misinformation spreaders seized on this headline. It allowed them to promote the false narrative that vaccines are ineffective or harmful while citing a reputable source.</p>
<p>Another strategy identified by the researchers was the repurposing of old news. Users would find archival stories from mainstream outlets that could be recontextualized to support current conspiracy theories. For example, the study found that a 2012 New York Times article was widely shared in 2020.</p>
<p>The 2012 article carried the headline, “As More Vote by Mail, Faulty Ballots Could Impact Elections.” In its original context, the story was a nuanced report on election administration. In 2020, however, it became ammunition for those claiming that the presidential election was being stolen via mail-in ballot fraud. By sharing the old link, users could point to the Times to legitimize unfounded allegations of widespread fraud.</p>
<p>The study found that co-shared articles often employed “clickbait” style headlines. These headlines sometimes simplified complex issues in ways that made them easy to weaponize. The body of the article might contain the necessary nuance and corrections, but the headline alone served the misleading narrative.</p>
<p>The researchers also noted that the audience for these co-shared mainstream articles is potentially much larger than the audience for fake news sites. The users who shared the co-shared mainstream content had nearly double the number of followers on average compared to those who exclusively shared fake news. This suggests that repurposed mainstream news acts as a bridge, carrying misleading narratives into the broader public conversation.</p>
<p>There are some limitations to the study that the authors acknowledge. The research focused on the text of the news articles themselves rather than the text of the tweets sharing them. It is theoretically possible that users were sharing these articles to debunk or criticize them.</p>
<p>To address this, the team performed a manual check on a random sample of tweets. They found that instances of users sharing an article to criticize it were rare. The vast majority appeared to share the articles to endorse the content or the implied narrative.</p>
<p>Another caveat is that the narrative extraction tool works at the sentence level. It might miss broader context if a claim is raised in one sentence and refuted in the next. The tool identifies the presence of the narrative structure but cannot fully comprehend the rhetorical intent of the full article.</p>
<p>The researchers suggest that future work should examine the text of the social media posts sharing these articles. Understanding how users frame the links they share would provide further insight into the repurposing process. It would also be beneficial to study whether these misleading narratives appear mostly in direct quotes within the news stories or in the journalist’s own reporting.</p>
<p>The findings have implications for journalistic practice. The authors argue that fact-checking the content of a story is not enough. Editors and reporters may need to consider how a story, particularly its headline, could be used to support broader, misleading claims. The study highlights that in a networked information environment, strictly true information can still result in a misinformed public.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-025-02223-4" target="_blank">Using co-sharing to identify use of mainstream news for promoting potentially misleading narratives</a>,” was authored by Pranav Goel, Jon Green, David Lazer, and Philip S. Resnik.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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