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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/rising-income-inequality-predicts-longer-work-hours-globally-new-research-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Rising income inequality predicts longer work hours globally, new research finds</a>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/19485506251388682" target="_blank">Social Psychological and Personality Science</a></em> has found that rising income inequality is associated with an increase in the number of hours people work. This relationship appears to hold true globally, though the specific groups most affected differ depending on the societal context. By analyzing data from nearly seventy countries and long-term surveys from the United States and China, the researchers found that widening income gaps tend to predict longer work weeks.</p>
<p>Income inequality has increased significantly across the globe over the past four decades. The gap between the top earners and the rest of the population has nearly doubled in many regions since 1980. This economic shift has prompted social scientists to investigate how living in a deeply unequal society affects human behavior and psychology. Previous work suggests that high inequality leads people to prioritize wealth and status. It can also foster a competitive mindset where individuals feel pressured to outperform others.</p>
<p>Many distinct behaviors are associated with this drive for status. These include taking financial risks and engaging in conspicuous consumption. However, one of the most direct ways individuals might try to improve their economic standing is simply by working more.</p>
<p>The authors of the new study—Wenxuan Liu and Hongfei Du of Beijing Normal University, and Nicolas Sommet of the University of Lausanne—sought to better understand how fluctuations in income inequality influence the number of hours individuals work, and whether this relationship varies depending on a person’s social and economic standing.</p>
<p>“We’re seeing a troubling trend worldwide: despite technological advances, people are still working longer hours, reporting burnout and struggling with work-life balance. At the same time, income inequality has been rising dramatically in many countries, which has been thought of as a crucial factor that prompts individual status- seeking behaviors,” the researchers told PsyPost.</p>
<p>“Previous studies have examined the relationship between income inequality and work hours, but most compared different countries or regions, which makes it hard to tell how income inequality actually relates to changes in individual behavior. Our study addresses this limitation by investigating how changes in income inequality over time predict changes in work hours globally and over the life course.”</p>
<p>The researchers developed two competing hypotheses. The first was based on relative deprivation theory. It suggests that inequality motivates disadvantaged groups to work longer hours to compensate for the gap. The second hypothesis was based on learned helplessness. It suggests that inequality might cause disadvantaged groups to feel that economic advancement is impossible, leading them to work less.</p>
<p>To test these ideas, the research team conducted three separate analyses. The first was a large-scale cross-national study. They combined data from the Penn World Table and the Standardized World Income Inequality Database. This dataset covered 69 countries over a period from 1960 to 2019. It included 2,798 unique observations of country-years. The primary measure was the Gini index. This is a standard statistical measure of income distribution where zero represents perfect equality and higher numbers indicate greater inequality.</p>
<p>The researchers found that a one-tenth increase in a country’s Gini index predicted an increase in annual work hours. “A one-tenth increase in income inequality predicted 60 more work hours per year globally—that’s over a full week of additional work annually,” the researchers explained.</p>
<p>The finding held even when the researchers controlled for the country’s Gross Domestic Product per capita. This suggests that the drive to work more is linked to the distribution of wealth, not just the total amount of wealth.</p>
<p>The second study focused on the United States. The researchers utilized the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. This is a longitudinal survey that has tracked American families since 1968. The analysis used data spanning from 1968 to 2021. It included 33,083 individual participants. This design allowed the team to observe how changes in state-level inequality related to changes in an individual’s work hours over their life course.</p>
<p>The analysis showed that as income inequality rose within a U.S. state, residents tended to increase their work hours. A one-tenth increase in the state-level Gini index was associated with about 53 additional work hours per year for the average participant. The study also revealed significant differences across social groups. The link between inequality and longer hours was strongest for individuals with low incomes. It was also stronger for Black Americans compared to White Americans and for women compared to men.</p>
<p>For example, the data indicated that rising inequality predicted a significant increase in work hours for Black Americans. White Americans showed a much smaller increase in response to the same economic conditions. Similarly, women tended to work more as inequality rose, while men actually showed a tendency to decrease work hours slightly in the same context. These findings align with the theory of relative deprivation. It appears that historically disadvantaged groups in the U.S. respond to widening income gaps by increasing their labor efforts.</p>
<p>The third study examined the relationship in China. The researchers used data from the China Family Panel Studies. This survey covered the years 2012 to 2020 and included 26,251 participants. This study introduced a measure of perceived inequality. Participants were asked to rate how severe they believed economic inequality was in their country on a scale of zero to ten. The study also tracked objective inequality using the Gini index for each province.</p>
<p>The findings in China differed from those in the United States. The researchers found that subjective perceptions of inequality were a strong predictor of behavior. When participants believed inequality was increasing, they tended to work longer hours. This effect was consistent across all groups. A one-unit increase in perceived inequality predicted roughly 10 additional work hours per year.</p>
<p>However, the response to objective province-level inequality showed a different pattern. In China, rising objective inequality did not predict longer work hours for rural residents. Instead, it predicted significantly longer hours for individuals with urban <em>hukou</em> status. The <em>hukou</em> system is a household registration program in China that ties access to social services to a person’s place of origin. Urban status is generally considered advantageous.</p>
<p>This finding contrasts with the U.S. results. In the U.S., disadvantaged groups worked more when inequality rose. In China, the structurally advantaged group responded to inequality by working more. </p>
<p>“In China, people’s perceptions of income inequality were a more robust predictor of work hours than objective measures, and surprisingly, objective inequality only predicted longer work hours for advantaged individuals with urban status, not for those with rural status,” the researchers said. “We suggest that due to China’s rapidly developing context, urban residents face greater competitive pressures and financial insecurity, which may amplify their anxiety about maintaining their position, and further drive them to work longer hours.”</p>
<p>Together, the findings provide evidence that macroeconomic trends have a tangible impact on individual daily lives.</p>
<p>“Working long hours isn’t purely a personal choice—it’s also shaped by the economic environment around you, particularly the level of inequality in your society,” the researchers told PsyPost. “Although you can’t single-handedly change inequality, understanding its effects can help you make more conscious decisions about how you spend your time. This awareness may help you consider whether overworking is truly necessary or if you’re caught in a societal treadmill. More broadly, addressing the issue of overtime work may require policies aimed at reducing inequality itself.”</p>
<p>As with all research, the study has some limitations. The data is observational. This means the researchers cannot definitively prove that inequality causes people to work more. It is possible that unmeasured factors influence both inequality and work habits. Additionally, the datasets did not include detailed psychological measures. The researchers could not directly test if feelings like status anxiety or envy were the specific mechanisms driving the behavior.</p>
<p>Future research could address these gaps by using experimental designs. Investigating other aspects of work-life balance would also be beneficial. It is unclear if longer work hours come at the expense of family time, sleep, or leisure. Understanding the psychological toll of these extra hours is a necessary next step.</p>
<p>“People may assume that rising inequality only pushes poor people to work more out of financial necessity,” the researchers explained. “But we found the relationship is more complex—advantaged groups also respond to inequality. In the U.S., disadvantaged groups worked longer hours, while in China, advantaged urban residents did. This suggests inequality creates competitive pressures that affect everyone, not just those at the bottom. It’s a societal-level phenomenon, not just an individual economic problem.”</p>
<p>“We want to expand this research to examine other dimensions of work-life balance beyond just work hours. For example, does inequality affect the quality of time people spend with family or their ability to disconnect from work? We’re also interested in understanding the mechanisms better.”</p>
<p>“We hope this research contributes to conversations about the psychological consequences of inequality and how people allocate their time between work and other areas of life,” the researchers added.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/19485506251388682" target="_blank">Rising Income Inequality and Longer Work Hours: Global Trends and Longitudinal Evidence From the United States and China</a>,” was authored by Wenxuan Liu, Nicolas Sommet, and Hongfei Du.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/the-psychological-desire-to-be-the-true-victim-predicts-anti-democratic-attitudes/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">The psychological desire to be the “true” victim predicts anti-democratic attitudes</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 1st 2026, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>New research provides evidence that political partisans in the United States who perceive their group as a primary victim of injustice are more likely to support policies that undermine democratic norms. The study suggests that this phenomenon, known as competitive victimhood, fuels hostility by encouraging partisans to view their opponents as less than human. These findings were published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00224545.2025.2502818"><em>The Journal of Social Psychology</em></a>.</p>
<p>The events of January 6, 2020, highlighted a deep divide in the American political landscape. While many Democrats viewed the storming of the U.S. Capitol as an attack on democracy, many of the insurrectionists believed they were the victims of a stolen election.</p>
<p>Chloe M. Nguyen and her colleagues sought to understand the psychological processes that turn these competing narratives of victimization into toxic polarization. The researchers, affiliated with the University of Pennsylvania, Duke University, University College Dublin, The University of Utah, and Tel Aviv University, aimed to determine if competing for victim status predicts support for anti-democratic actions.</p>
<p>To investigate this, the research team conducted a large-scale survey involving 2,000 participants. They recruited a sample that was evenly split between self-identified Republicans and Democrats. The researchers weighted the data to ensure it was nationally representative regarding age, gender, race, education, and other demographic factors.</p>
<p>Participants completed a series of measures designed to assess their psychological attitudes toward their political group and their opponents. First, they completed a scale measuring competitive victimhood. This involved rating their agreement with statements such as the idea that their group has experienced more injustice throughout history than the opposing group.</p>
<p>The researchers also measured dehumanization and prejudice. To assess dehumanization, participants rated how much they believed the opposing party possessed certain traits. These traits included negative descriptions like “savage” or “lacking morals,” as well as reverse-coded positive traits.</p>
<p>Prejudice was measured using feeling thermometers. Participants indicated their warmth or coldness toward the opposing political party on a sliding scale. Finally, the study assessed support for anti-democratic policies using a measure coined “outgroup spite.”</p>
<p>This measure asked participants to rate their agreement with aggressive political tactics. For instance, items asked if their party should do everything possible to hurt the opposing party, even at the short-term expense of the country. Other items asked about redrawing districts to maximize electoral wins or restricting news organizations associated with the opposing party.</p>
<p>The results indicated that both Democrats and Republicans exhibited high levels of competitive victimhood. There was no significant difference between the two parties in the intensity of their belief that they were the “true” victims. For both groups, higher levels of competitive victimhood were significantly correlated with greater support for anti-democratic policies.</p>
<p>The researchers then used statistical modeling to understand the psychological pathways driving this relationship. They found that the link between competitive victimhood and anti-democratic support was mediated by dehumanization. Partisans who felt their group was the victim were more likely to view the other side as lacking essential human qualities.</p>
<p>This process of dehumanization, in turn, predicted a willingness to support policies that would harm the opposing party and subvert democratic processes. For Democrats, dehumanization was the primary mediator explaining this relationship. Prejudice did not play a significant role in the pathway for Democrats when controlling for other factors.</p>
<p>For Republicans, the psychological process was slightly different. Both dehumanization and prejudice mediated the relationship between competitive victimhood and support for anti-democratic policies. This suggests that for Republican participants, both viewing the opponent as less human and holding negative emotional feelings toward them contributed to the endorsement of hostile policies.</p>
<p>These findings build upon a growing body of literature regarding the psychology of victimhood. Previous research led by Boaz Hameiri, a co-author of the current study, established a link between a personality trait known as the “<a href="https://www.psypost.org/researchers-identify-a-new-personality-construct-that-describes-the-tendency-to-see-oneself-as-a-victim/">Tendency for Interpersonal Victimhood</a>” and <a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-psychology-research-links-the-tendency-to-feel-victimized-to-support-for-political-violence/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">support for political violence</a>. Hameiri’s earlier work suggested that individuals who persistently perceive themselves as victims in their daily lives are more likely to endorse violent political actions.</p>
<p>The current study expands this concept from the individual level to the group level. It demonstrates that when entire political groups adopt a victim mindset, it can justify aggressive actions against opponents. This aligns with the “Significance Quest Theory,” which posits that people may turn to extremism to restore a sense of personal or group significance that they feel has been lost or threatened.</p>
<p>The results also resonate with research on the motivations behind victimhood claims. A study by Nurit Shnabel and colleagues found that <a href="https://www.psypost.org/study-finds-the-need-for-power-predicts-engaging-in-competitive-victimhood/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">both advantaged and disadvantaged groups engage in competitive victimhood</a>. They do so to protect their group’s moral reputation and to gain social power.</p>
<p>Shnabel’s work highlighted that victim status is often associated with innocence and entitlement to resources. The current study by Nguyen and colleagues provides evidence that this desire for moral superiority can have dangerous consequences for democratic stability. It suggests that the fight for the moral high ground can lead partisans to strip their opponents of their humanity.</p>
<p>Additionally, the findings align with research on <a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-study-suggests-people-with-dark-personalities-weaponize-victimhood-to-gain-advantage-over-others/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the “dark” aspects of victim signaling</a>. Researchers such as Karl Aquino and Ekin Ok have investigated how individuals use signals of victimhood and virtue to gain resources. Their work indicates that some people deploy victimhood claims as a strategy to manipulate others and acquire status.</p>
<p>Aquino’s research has shown that observers can sometimes detect these strategic motives. When people engage in “virtuous victim signaling,” they may be <a href="https://www.psypost.org/people-who-signal-victimhood-are-seen-as-having-more-manipulative-traits-according-to-new-psychology-research/">perceived as possessing dark personality traits</a> like narcissism and Machiavellianism. The current study adds a political dimension to this, showing that group-level victimhood is not just a plea for help but a predictor of hostility.</p>
<p>Timothy Bates and colleagues have also explored the link between dark personality traits and victim signaling. Their research confirmed that traits like narcissism and Machiavellianism are strong predictors of virtuous victim signaling. They found that individuals with these traits often use claims of victimhood <a href="https://www.psypost.org/dark-personality-traits-linked-to-virtuous-victim-signaling-and-exploitation-of-accusations/">as a resource transfer strategy</a>.</p>
<p>While the current study focused on group dynamics rather than individual personality traits, the parallels are clear. In both contexts, the claim of victimhood serves as a justification for behavior that might otherwise be seen as unacceptable. By casting the ingroup as the victim, partisans can rationalize anti-democratic behavior as a necessary defense against a villainous opponent.</p>
<p>The connection to conspiracy beliefs is another area where this study fits into the broader scientific context. Daniel Toribio-Flórez and his team found that individuals with high “victim justice sensitivity” are <a href="https://www.psypost.org/sense-of-victimhood-linked-to-conspiracy-thinking-in-large-international-study/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">more likely to endorse conspiracy theories</a>. People who feel they are constantly treated unfairly tend to be suspicious of powerful groups and hidden plots.</p>
<p>This suspicion likely fuels the dehumanization observed in the current study. If a group believes they are the victims of a rigged system or a malevolent conspiracy, it becomes easier to view the alleged perpetrators as monsters rather than political rivals. This mindset reduces the psychological barrier to supporting policies that violate democratic norms.</p>
<p>Nguyen and her colleagues acknowledged some limitations to their study. The data were cross-sectional, which means the study cannot prove that competitive victimhood causes anti-democratic attitudes. It is possible that the relationship works in the opposite direction or is bidirectional.</p>
<p>For example, individuals who hold anti-democratic views might adopt a victim narrative to justify their hostility. Additionally, the study was restricted to the United States. The specific dynamics of American polarization may not apply to other countries with different political systems or histories of conflict.</p>
<p>The researchers also noted that while competitive victimhood was high, the overall support for anti-democratic policies was relatively low. Most Americans still claimed to reject policies that would explicitly harm the country. However, the strong correlation suggests that as feelings of victimhood rise, the resistance to such policies may weaken.</p>
<p>Future research could explore interventions designed to reduce feelings of competitive victimhood. If partisans can be encouraged to acknowledge the suffering of the opposing group, it might reduce dehumanization. The authors emphasize that political discourse focused on winning the title of “victim” may be actively harming democratic health.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00224545.2025.2502818">When victimhood threatens democracy: competitive victimhood predicts anti-democratic policy support through dehumanization for Republicans and Democrats</a>,” was authored by Chloe M. Nguyen, Samantha L. Moore-Berg, and Boaz Hameiri.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/microdosing-psychedelics-linked-to-better-sleep-and-exercise-habits/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Microdosing psychedelics linked to better sleep and exercise habits</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 31st 2025, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study suggests that the practice of taking very small amounts of psychedelics may assist individuals in adopting healthier lifestyles. The research indicates that people who microdose report improvements in sleep, physical activity, and diet, particularly when they start the regimen with a specific goal in mind. These findings regarding the link between low-dose psychedelics and health habits were published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuropharm.2025.110688" target="_blank">Neuropharmacology</a></em>.</p>
<p>Chronic diseases such as heart disease and diabetes are responsible for millions of deaths annually. Medical experts agree that these conditions are largely preventable through lifestyle choices like regular exercise and a balanced diet. However, changing long-standing habits is a difficult psychological challenge for many people.</p>
<p>Sustaining a healthy lifestyle requires constant self-regulation and motivation. When these psychological resources are depleted, people often revert to unhealthy behaviors. This struggle has led scientists to look for novel interventions that might make behavioral changes easier to maintain.</p>
<p>Classic psychedelics like psilocybin are known to affect serotonin receptors in the brain. Previous research has shown that high doses of these substances can help treat addiction to alcohol and tobacco. This has led to the concept of “behavioral psychedelics,” which explores how these compounds might foster positive changes in habits.</p>
<p>Luisa Prochazkova, a researcher affiliated with the University of Lisbon in Portugal and Leiden University in the Netherlands, led this recent investigation. She and her colleagues sought to understand if the benefits observed in high-dose therapies could also apply to microdosing. Microdosing involves taking a fraction of a standard recreational dose, which is too small to cause hallucinations.</p>
<p>The researchers aimed to characterize the people who use this practice and the specific health shifts they attribute to it. They also wanted to identify the psychological mechanisms that might drive these changes. To do this, the team designed a retrospective mixed-method survey.</p>
<p>The study recruited three hundred and sixty-five participants through online communities and harm-reduction organizations. These participants had experience with microdosing and were willing to share their protocols and outcomes. The average age of the respondents was about forty-five years.</p>
<p>Most of the participants resided in Western countries, with a large number living in the Netherlands. This geographic concentration is relevant because psilocybin truffles are legally accessible in that region. Consequently, truffles were the most commonly used substance among the group.</p>
<p>The survey asked detailed questions about how the participants structured their usage. About half of the group followed the “Fadiman Protocol,” which involves taking a dose every third day. Others followed a schedule of dosing for several days in a row followed by a break.</p>
<p>Some participants practiced “stacking,” which involves combining the psychedelic with non-psychedelic supplements. Common additions included Lion’s Mane mushrooms and niacin. The users believed these combinations might enhance the cognitive benefits of the microdose.</p>
<p>The researchers analyzed the data to determine which health behaviors changed the most. Improvements in sleep quality were among the most frequently reported benefits. Nearly half of the participants noted that their sleep had improved since they began microdosing.</p>
<p>Contemplative practices also saw a major boost among the respondents. A similar percentage of users reported that they engaged more frequently in activities like meditation and mindfulness. This suggests that the practice may encourage a greater focus on mental and emotional wellness.</p>
<p>Physical activity was another area where users perceived substantial positive shifts. Many participants reported that they exercised more often or with greater intensity. This included increased engagement in walking, hiking, and structured physical workouts.</p>
<p>The study also highlighted a strong trend toward reduced substance use. Among those who reported changes in their drinking habits, ninety-five percent indicated a decrease in alcohol consumption. This aligns with prior clinical trials suggesting psychedelics can disrupt addictive patterns.</p>
<p>Participants also described improvements in their work-life balance. Many noted that they were better able to set boundaries around their working hours. This change was often accompanied by a reported increase in social activities and community engagement.</p>
<p>A greater connection to nature was another consistent theme in the results. The vast majority of participants felt more attuned to their natural surroundings. This aligns with the concept of “biophilia,” where feeling connected to nature correlates with better health outcomes.</p>
<p>To understand why these changes occurred, the researchers looked at psychological factors. Participants identified “psychological flexibility” as a key mechanism. This refers to the ability to adapt to fluctuating situational demands and remain in the present moment.</p>
<p>Self-efficacy emerged as another critical psychological driver. This is the belief in one’s own capacity to execute behaviors necessary to produce specific performance attainments. Feeling more competent and autonomous appeared to help users stick to their health goals.</p>
<p>The study also examined what factors predicted a successful outcome. The statistical analysis revealed that the specific dose or protocol used was not statistically significant in predicting behavior change. The psychiatric history of the user also did not play a major predictive role.</p>
<p>Instead, the user’s intention was the most powerful predictor. Participants who explicitly intended to change their habits were far more likely to report positive shifts in diet and exercise. This suggests that the mindset of the user is as important as the substance itself.</p>
<p>Qualitative responses provided further insight into the user experience. In open-ended questions, participants described a heightened sense of body awareness. They reported being more “in tune” with physical signals, which helped them make healthier choices spontaneously.</p>
<p>Some users described the effect as a removal of mental friction. They felt that healthy decisions required less willpower than before. This aligns with the theory that psychedelics may temporarily increase neural plasticity, allowing for the formation of new habits.</p>
<p>While the majority of reports were positive, a small minority of participants did not experience benefits. About three percent of the respondents reported negative effects. These were primarily physical symptoms such as nausea, stomach discomfort, or drowsiness.</p>
<p>There are several caveats to these findings that must be considered. The study utilized a cross-sectional design based on retrospective self-reports. This means the data relies on the accuracy of the participants’ memories, which can be flawed.</p>
<p>The study also lacks a control group, which is a standard requirement for proving medical efficacy. Without a placebo group for comparison, it is impossible to rule out the placebo effect. People who believe microdosing will help them may report improvements simply because of that belief.</p>
<p>Self-selection bias is another limitation of this research method. Individuals who had a positive experience with microdosing are more likely to volunteer for such a survey. Those who tried it and found no benefit may have been less inclined to participate.</p>
<p>The researchers also noted that they could not objectively verify the health changes. The study relied entirely on the users’ perception of their own sleep and exercise levels. Objective measures, such as data from wearable fitness trackers, were not collected.</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, the study offers a roadmap for future investigation. It identifies specific health behaviors, such as sleep and alcohol reduction, that appear responsive to microdosing. These specific targets can be used to design more rigorous experiments.</p>
<p>The authors suggest that future research should employ randomized controlled trials. Such studies would involve administering a placebo to a control group to isolate the chemical effects of the psychedelic. This would help determine if the substance itself causes the change or if intention is the sole driver.</p>
<p>Investigating the role of “stacking” supplements also remains an avenue for future inquiry. Since many users combine substances, science needs to understand how these compounds interact. It is currently unknown if adding Lion’s Mane or niacin objectively alters the outcome.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuropharm.2025.110688" target="_blank">Exploring the effects of microdosing on health behaviour change</a>,” was authored by Luisa Prochazkova, Laura C. Carvalho, Natasza Marrouch, Jorge Encantado, and Pedro J. Teixeira.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/marriages-are-happier-when-partners-find-each-other-without-intermediaries-study-suggests/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Marriages are happier when partners find each other without intermediaries, study suggests</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 31st 2025, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>An analysis of data from the China Family Panel Studies collected between 2010 and 2020 found that individuals who met their spouse on their own, without intermediaries, were more satisfied with their marriage than individuals who relied on introductions by others. Also, marital satisfaction was lower when couples met through family introductions compared to being introduced by friends. The research was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.62177/chst.v2i4.825"><em>Critical Humanistic Social Theory</em></a>.</p>
<p>Historically, marital partners very often met through family arrangements, community networks, religious institutions, or formal matchmaking rather than on their own. In earlier times, marriages used to serve economic, social, or political functions that were often considered more important than personal ones.</p>
<p>In many societies, parents or extended kin played a central role in selecting suitable partners. Social class, religion, ethnicity, and family reputation strongly constrained partner choice. Romantic attraction was often considered secondary and expected to develop after marriage rather than before it.</p>
<p>However, with industrialization and urbanization, individuals gained more autonomy in choosing partners on their own by meeting them through workplaces, schools, and social gatherings. In the late 20th century, dating became a more individualized process centered on personal preference and emotional compatibility. </p>
<p>Today, marital partners commonly meet through online dating platforms, social media, and mobile apps, greatly expanding the pool of potential partners. In contrast to previous times, modern partner choice emphasizes love, mutual satisfaction, and psychological compatibility rather than social obligation.</p>
<p>Study author Xueshen Ding investigated how the method through which a person met their spouse is associated with marital satisfaction. He categorized the methods by which spouses met into two categories: self-initiated acquaintance and non-self-initiated acquaintance.</p>
<p>“The ‘non-self-initiated acquaintance’ classification encompasses partnerships formed through introductions by friends, parents or other relatives, as well as those established via marriage-oriented platforms and activities including television matchmaking programs, online dating platforms, and large-scale offline matchmaking events. Conversely, ‘self-initiated acquaintance’ refers to relationships developed through organic interactions in settings such as educational institutions and workplaces, or through non-marriage-oriented online platforms and activities where the primary purpose is not partner matching,” the study author explained.</p>
<p>The data for this analysis came from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) project spanning the period between 2010 and 2020. CFPS is a comprehensive longitudinal survey that collects data on community, household, and individual levels. The dataset used in this study included responses from 12,883 respondents across 25 provincial-level administrative regions in China.</p>
<p>The study author used data on the mate selection method (how participants met their partners) and satisfaction with their relationship (measured by the question: “Overall, how satisfied are you with your current marriage/cohabitation relationship?”).</p>
<p>Results showed that individuals who met their partner on their own (self-initiated acquaintance) tended to be more satisfied with their marriages or cohabitation relationships than individuals who were introduced to their partner by other people or services (non-self-initiated acquaintances). </p>
<p>When couples met through family introductions, relationship satisfaction tended to be lower than for couples who met through friends. Similarly, participants who met their partners online (via non-dating platforms) tended to be less satisfied with their relationship compared to participants who met their partners on their own offline.</p>
<p>The study sheds light on the links between mate selection methods and marital/relationship satisfaction. However, it should be noted that the design of the study does not allow any causal inferences to be derived from the results. </p>
<p>Relationship satisfaction primarily depends on the characteristics of the partners and the quality of their ongoing interactions. In that sense, it is likely that the methods through which a person initially met their partner reflect their broader behavioral tendencies in romantic relationships rather than constituting an independent determinant of relationship quality.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.62177/chst.v2i4.825">The Impact of Mate Selection Methods on Marital Satisfaction —An Investigation Based on CFPS 2010-2020 Data,</a>” was authored by Xueshen Ding.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/corporate-diversity-statements-can-backfire-when-they-become-the-norm/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Corporate diversity statements can backfire when they become the norm</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 31st 2025, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>Organizations frequently publish public declarations of their support for diversity, equity, and inclusion. A new study suggests that because these statements have become so common, they may be losing their intended effect. </p>
<p>When people perceive that every company has such a statement, they tend to view a specific organization’s commitment as a result of external pressure rather than genuine values. This perception can lead members of marginalized groups to anticipate feeling less welcome at the company. The research findings appear in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672251330694" target="_blank">Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin</a></em>.</p>
<p>Corporate websites often feature sections dedicated to diversity, equity, and inclusion, commonly known as DEI. These statements serve as a signal to prospective employees. They aim to communicate that an organization is safe and welcoming for people from all backgrounds. Previous social science research indicated that these messages generally have positive effects. When a person from a marginalized group sees a diversity statement, they usually report higher levels of anticipated belonging. They expect fair treatment.</p>
<p>However, those earlier studies looked at companies in isolation. They did not account for the broader social context. The landscape of corporate communication has changed over the last decade. It is now standard practice for major companies to voice support for diversity. The researchers behind the new study wanted to know how this ubiquity affects interpretation. They applied concepts from attribution theory to answer this question.</p>
<p>Attribution theory explores how people explain the causes of behavior. Observers try to determine if an action is driven by internal character or external circumstances. For example, if a person does something that everyone else is doing, observers often assume the person is conforming to a social norm. They are less likely to credit the person with internal moral conviction. The researchers hypothesized that this same psychological process applies to organizations.</p>
<p>Kimberly E. Chaney from the University at Buffalo, SUNY led the research team. She collaborated with Emma Wedell from the University of Connecticut and Izilda Pereira-Jorge and Marley B. Forbes from the University of Maryland. They conducted four experiments to test their hypothesis. They recruited over 1,300 participants from Black and LGBTQ+ communities in the United States. These groups are the frequent target of corporate diversity efforts.</p>
<p>The first study focused on Black Americans. The researchers presented participants with website profiles for three investment companies. One group of participants saw a sequence where all three companies displayed diversity statements. This condition simulated a “strong norm” environment. Another group saw a sequence where only the final target company had a statement. This simulated a “no norm” environment.</p>
<p>Participants then evaluated the target company. The results supported the researchers’ hypothesis. When participants believed that diversity statements were standard in the industry, they rated the target company’s statement as more externally motivated. They viewed it as “mere norm adherence.” Consequently, they expected the company to employ fewer Black managers. They also predicted the company would be less likely to discipline employees for racist behavior.</p>
<p>The second study sought to replicate these findings with LGBTQ+ participants. The researchers also wanted to see if these perceptions influenced job application intentions. They asked participants to read a news article to manipulate their perception of social norms. One article claimed that 87 percent of organizations have diversity statements. The other article claimed that only 20 percent do.</p>
<p>After reading the article, participants viewed a job advertisement that included a commitment to diversity. Participants who read that statements were highly common reported lower intentions to apply for the job. They also indicated they would be less likely to disclose their sexual orientation to coworkers. They perceived the company as less sincere compared to participants who thought such statements were rare.</p>
<p>The third study returned to a sample of Black Americans. This experiment aimed to see if breaking the norm was worse than following it. The researchers wanted to know how participants would view a company that had no statement when everyone else did. They used a complex design that crossed the presence of a norm with the presence of a statement.</p>
<p>The findings reinforced the earlier results. When diversity statements were presented as the norm, the presence of a statement resulted in lower anticipated belonging. It did not matter that the company claimed to value diversity. The social pressure made the claim seem hollow. However, the study yielded an unexpected result regarding norm violations. Companies that did not have a statement were not judged more harshly in the high-norm condition. Participants seemed to view silence and performative statements with similar levels of caution.</p>
<p>The fourth study examined how strong the norm needs to be to cause these backfire effects. The researchers recruited LGBTQ+ participants again. They exposed them to three different prevalence rates. Participants read that either 20 percent, 54 percent, or 87 percent of companies had diversity statements.</p>
<p>The researchers found that the negative effects only emerged in the 87 percent condition. A “weak norm” of 54 percent did not trigger the same skepticism as the strong norm. Participants in the 54 percent and 20 percent groups perceived the organizations similarly. This suggests that diversity statements only lose their signaling power when they become overwhelmingly standard.</p>
<p>The results offer a nuanced look at corporate advocacy. They imply that as diversity initiatives become ubiquitous, they may inadvertently signal compliance rather than commitment. This creates a paradox for organizations. A statement intended to foster inclusion might trigger suspicion due to its popularity.</p>
<p>There are caveats to this research. The experiments relied on hypothetical scenarios and static website images. Real-world job seekers might process information differently. They might have access to insider information or employee reviews that would override these initial impressions. The researchers also note that social norms are unstable. The political climate regarding DEI in the United States is currently shifting. Norms of acceptance or rejection of these initiatives may change rapidly.</p>
<p>Future research could investigate the specific language used in these statements. Some statements focus on the moral imperative of diversity. Others focus on the business case for it. It is possible that specific types of justifications are more immune to skepticism. The researchers also suggest exploring these dynamics with other marginalized groups. Women or people with disabilities might process these normative cues differently.</p>
<p>The study provides evidence that context matters as much as content. Organizations cannot rely solely on the presence of a statement to convey safety. When a behavior becomes a default social standard, it ceases to distinguish an organization as an ally. Marginalized groups appear to be attuned to these subtleties. They look for evidence of commitment that goes beyond standard operating procedure.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672251330694" target="_blank">Context Norms Shape Perceived Motives of Organizational Diversity Statements</a>,” was authored by Kimberly E. Chaney, Emma Wedell, Izilda Pereira-Jorge, and Marley B. Forbes.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/cannabidiol-may-prevent-sensitization-to-cocaine-and-caffeine-by-influencing-brain-structure-genes/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Cannabidiol may prevent sensitization to cocaine and caffeine by influencing brain structure genes</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 31st 2025, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.addicn.2025.100219" target="_blank">Addiction Neuroscience</a></em> provides evidence that cannabidiol may help prevent the heightened behavioral response associated with the combined use of cocaine and caffeine. The research suggests that this protective effect occurs because cannabidiol influences the activity of specific genes related to the structure and organization of brain cells in the reward system. These findings offer a potential biological explanation for how this cannabis-derived compound might assist in the treatment of stimulant use disorders.</p>
<p>Cocaine dependence represents a significant public health challenge with few effective pharmaceutical treatments available. In the illicit drug market, cocaine is frequently mixed with other active substances to increase profits or alter the drug’s effects. Forensic data indicates that caffeine is one of the most common adulterants found in seized cocaine samples.</p>
<p>Previous observations suggest that adding caffeine to cocaine does more than just dilute the product. This combination appears to accelerate the development of addiction-like behaviors and enhances the stimulating effects of cocaine. The mixture can lead to more intense drug-seeking behavior and persistent changes in the brain compared to cocaine alone.</p>
<p>The scientific team sought to understand the underlying molecular mechanisms that allow cannabidiol to counteract these enhanced effects. They specifically looked at how cannabidiol affects gene expression in the brain when an animal is exposed to this drug mixture. José Pedro Prieto from the Department of Experimental Neuropharmacology at the Instituto de Investigaciones Biológicas Clemente Estable in Uruguay served as the first author of the paper.</p>
<p>The researchers conducted their experiments using 26 male C57BL/6 mice. They employed a behavioral protocol known as locomotor sensitization to measure the animals’ reactions to the drugs. This method tracks how much the animals move in an open field environment after receiving specific substances.</p>
<p>An increase in movement over time in response to the same dose of a drug typically indicates a sensitized, addiction-like response. The study was designed to see if pretreatment with cannabidiol could stop this escalation in movement. The experimental schedule spanned several days to assess both the immediate effects and the lasting changes.</p>
<p>The mice first underwent a habituation period to become accustomed to the testing environment. For three consecutive days, the animals received an injection of either cannabidiol or a control vehicle. Thirty minutes after this first injection, they received a combined injection of cocaine and caffeine or a saline solution.</p>
<p>Following this three-day pretreatment phase, the mice experienced a five-day period without any drugs. This drug-free interval allows the brain to process the previous exposure and mimics periods of abstinence. On the final day of the experiment, known as the challenge day, all mice received the cocaine and caffeine mixture to test their reaction.</p>
<p>The researchers recorded the total distance the mice moved during the open field tests. The group that received the cocaine and caffeine mixture without prior cannabidiol treatment showed a significant increase in movement over the three days. On the challenge day, these mice displayed high levels of locomotor activity, confirming they had developed sensitization.</p>
<p>In contrast, the mice pretreated with cannabidiol displayed significantly lower locomotor activity on the challenge day. Their movement levels were comparable to mice that had not been sensitized to the stimulants. This indicates that the cannabidiol treatment effectively prevented the expression of locomotor sensitization.</p>
<p>Immediately after the behavioral tests on the challenge day, the scientists collected tissue from the nucleus accumbens of the mice. The nucleus accumbens is a brain region that plays a central role in processing reward, motivation, and reinforcement. The team extracted genetic material from this tissue to perform high-throughput RNA sequencing.</p>
<p>This advanced genetic technique allowed the researchers to identify which genes were active or inactive in the different groups of mice. They looked for patterns of gene expression that correlated with the behavioral results. The analysis revealed that cannabidiol treatment led to distinct and broad changes in genetic activity.</p>
<p>The study highlighted a significant enrichment of genes involved in the organization of the extracellular matrix in the cannabidiol-treated groups. The extracellular matrix is a complex network of proteins and other molecules that provides structural and biochemical support to surrounding cells. It plays a vital role in synaptic plasticity, which is the brain’s ability to reorganize itself.</p>
<p>Key genes such as Tnc (Tenascin C), Acta2, and Col5a2 showed increased activity in the groups that received cannabidiol. These genes are directly involved in maintaining and remodeling the structure of the extracellular matrix. The data suggests that cannabidiol may reinforce this structural network in a way that prevents the maladaptive changes caused by stimulants.</p>
<p>The researchers also identified a specific gene called Entpd4b that showed a distinct pattern of expression. This gene was highly active in the sensitized mice that did not receive cannabidiol. However, in the group treated with cannabidiol, the activity of Entpd4b was significantly reduced.</p>
<p>This specific gene encodes an enzyme involved in nucleotide recycling, which may be linked to adenosine production. The researchers propose that the high levels of this gene in sensitized animals might be a compensatory mechanism for the blockage of adenosine receptors by caffeine. Cannabidiol appears to normalize this response.</p>
<p>Beyond structural genes, the analysis pointed to the involvement of anti-inflammatory pathways. Neuroinflammation is increasingly recognized as a contributing factor to the neural adaptations seen in addiction. The study found that genes related to inflammation regulation were influenced by cannabidiol.</p>
<p>Specifically, the protein Tenascin C, encoded by the Tnc gene, is known to participate in both immune responses and tissue repair. Its upregulation in the protected group suggests a link between the structural remodeling of the brain and the regulation of inflammation. The researchers propose that cannabidiol helps limit the inflammatory signaling that typically accompanies repeated stimulant use.</p>
<p>The study also noted an enrichment of the brain-derived neurotrophic factor signaling pathway in the cannabidiol-treated mice. This protein supports the survival of existing neurons and encourages the growth of new synapses. Interactions between this pathway and the extracellular matrix are necessary for neural plasticity.</p>
<p>By modulating these pathways, cannabidiol may prevent the brain from “learning” the addictive behavior associated with the cocaine and caffeine mixture. The stabilization of the extracellular matrix could physically or chemically restrict the synaptic changes that drive sensitization. This provides a novel perspective on how cannabidiol exerts its effects.</p>
<p>One potential limitation of the study involves the composition of the sample. The experiment used only male mice, which means the results might not fully translate to females. Biological sex can influence how the brain responds to drugs and how it metabolizes treatments. Future studies will need to include female subjects to determine if the protective effects are consistent across sexes.</p>
<p>Another limitation is the relatively small sample size used for the genetic sequencing. While the size was sufficient for this type of exploratory analysis, a larger number of subjects could help detect more subtle changes in gene expression. The complexity of the gene networks means that some minor but relevant pathways might have been missed.</p>
<p>It is also important to note that this research was conducted on animal models using a specific dosing schedule. The transition from preclinical animal studies to human application is not always direct. The doses and timing used in mice may not have an exact equivalent in human therapeutic contexts.</p>
<p>Readers should interpret these findings as a step toward understanding the biological targets of cannabidiol. The study identifies the extracellular matrix as a promising area for future drug development. It does not, however, suggest that cannabidiol is a cure for addiction in its current form.</p>
<p>Future research aims to verify these genetic targets by manipulating them directly. Scientists could inhibit or activate the specific extracellular matrix genes identified to see if that replicates or blocks the effects of cannabidiol. Additionally, further work is needed to see if these mechanisms apply to other types of addictive substances.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.addicn.2025.100219" target="_blank">Canabidiol prevents cocaine and caffeine sensitization modulating expression of extracellular matrix genes in the Nucleus Accumbens of male mice</a>,” was authored by José Pedro Prieto, Rafael Sebastián Fort, Guillermo Eastman, Evangelina Coitiño, Oliver Kaminski, Carlos Ferreiro-Vera, Verónica Sanchez de Medina, María Ana Duhagon, Cecilia Scorza, and José Roberto Sotelo-Silveira.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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