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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/scientists-published-a-groundbreaking-study-on-school-re-openings-major-outlets-fumbled-the-stats/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Scientists published a groundbreaking study on school re-openings. Major outlets fumbled the stats.</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 30th 2025, 08:00</div>
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<p><p><span class="ng-star-inserted">A new study published in </span><em><span class="ng-star-inserted">Epidemiology</span></em><span class="ng-star-inserted"><em> </em>provides evidence that returning to in-person learning during the COVID-19 pandemic benefited children’s mental health. While some mainstream reporting has misinterpreted these results as an absolute drop in cases, the research analyzes insurance claims from California to show that school reopenings instead helped </span><span class="ng-star-inserted">slow</span><span class="ng-star-inserted"> the rising rates of mental health diagnoses and related healthcare costs among youth.</span></p>
<p>The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic forced a massive shift in the daily lives of families across the United States. By late March 2020, almost all public schools had closed their physical doors to prevent the spread of the virus. Students transitioned to remote learning formats that fundamentally altered their educational and social routines. Public health experts expressed immediate concern regarding the potential long-term effects of this isolation on children.</p>
<p>Schools provide more than just academic instruction to young people. They offer socialization, structure, and access to mental health resources. The shift to remote learning created a natural environment to test how the mode of instruction impacts well-being. Previous studies documented general declines in youth mental health during the pandemic. However, there was less clarity regarding how much of that decline was specifically attributable to school closures versus the pandemic in general.</p>
<p>Some earlier research relied on parent surveys or small samples, which can introduce bias. Other studies looked at emergency department visits but lacked a comprehensive view of ongoing mental health treatment. This study aimed to isolate the impact of returning to the classroom using objective medical data. The researchers sought to understand if the reopening of schools correlated with a change in the trajectory of mental health diagnoses.</p>
<p>“During the pandemic, school closures were a major disruption to children’s routines, but early research focused primarily on academic outcomes. While there was anecdotal evidence that closures were linked to worsening mental health, the causal link had not been rigorously explored,” said study author Pelin Ozluk, a real world evidence expert at UCB (Union Chimique Belge), who conducted the study along with researchers from Harvard School of Public Health and Elevance Health, Inc.</p>
<p>The research team utilized a quasi-experimental design to analyze the relationship between school reopenings and mental health outcomes. They focused on a specific period between March 2020 and June 2021 across 24 counties in California. This allowed the investigators to compare outcomes between districts that had returned to in-person instruction and those that remained remote.</p>
<p>“The staggered school reopenings in California created conditions that mimicked a natural experiment: while most schools closed at the same time, they reopened at very different times,” Ozluk explained. “This allowed us to follow the same child over time—nearly 200,000 children in total—and compare their outcomes before and after their specific school reopened, effectively isolating the impact of school from other confounding factors.”</p>
<p>The study drew data from a large database of medical claims from the second-largest private health insurer in the state. The final sample consisted of 185,735 children between the ages of 5 and 18. These children had continuous medical insurance eligibility throughout the study period. The researchers linked this health data with administrative information from the California Department of Education to determine the reopening status of each child’s district.</p>
<p>The researchers employed a statistical method known as difference-in-differences analysis. This approach controls for general trends that affect everyone, such as the overall progression of the pandemic or the rollout of vaccines. By focusing on the differences that arose specifically when schools reopened at different times, the team could isolate the effect of in-person learning. They tracked monthly prevalence of diagnoses and prescription fills.</p>
<p>The findings indicate that school reopenings were associated with a distinct improvement in mental health outcomes. Specifically, the analysis showed a 1.2 percentage point drop in the monthly probability of a child receiving a mental health diagnosis after their school reopened. This represents a relative reduction of approximately 43 percent compared to the pre-reopening baseline. The study suggests that the physical school environment plays a protective role.</p>
<p>“The key takeaway is that in-person school is not just for academics; it is an essential public health intervention,” Ozluk told PsyPost. “While a 1.2 percentage-point improvement may sound small as an absolute number, it represents a 43 percent improvement relative to the baseline of children seeking care at that time. In the context of a statewide population, this represents thousands of children who avoided a mental health crisis because they returned to the classroom.”</p>
<p>In addition to diagnoses, the researchers looked at healthcare expenditures. The researchers found a 10.6 percent decrease in spending related to mental health services following the return to classrooms. This reduction included costs for both medical visits and prescription medications. This financial metric provides another layer of evidence regarding the demand for mental health services.</p>
<p>The researchers examined specific conditions including anxiety, depression, and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. The data showed that the largest improvements occurred in diagnoses for anxiety and depression. The effects on attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder were less pronounced and appeared later in the timeline. The reduction in diagnoses typically became evident about six months after schools reopened.</p>
<p>The impact of returning to school was not uniform across all groups. The results suggests that the benefits were strongest among girls. Girls saw a significant decrease in both diagnoses and related costs after returning to in-person learning. The researchers theorize this may be due to gender differences in socialization. Girls often rely more on social conversation and peer relationships, which were severely restricted during closures.</p>
<p>The researchers also found that the effects were larger for adolescents aged 14 to 18 compared to younger children. This supports the idea that older children, who are more socially oriented toward their peers, suffered more from the isolation of remote learning. The reopening of high schools provided a restoration of their primary social network. Younger children may have been more buffered by their immediate family environment.</p>
<p>It is important to clarify a key nuance regarding these statistics. The overall prevalence of mental health diagnoses rose from 2.8 percent during the shutdowns to 3.5 percent during the reopening period. The study demonstrates that reopenings acted as a brake on this worsening trend. The return to school slowed the rate of diagnosis compared to what would have occurred had schools remained closed.</p>
<p>Some media outlets previously misinterpreted these findings to suggest that mental health diagnoses dropped below pre-pandemic levels. This is not accurate. The reduction is relative to a counterfactual scenario where schools remained closed. The data shows that while the mental health crisis continued, open schools significantly mitigated its severity.</p>
<p>“A major misinterpretation (notably in the <em>New York Times</em>) implied that mental health diagnoses ‘dropped’ by 43% after schools opened,” Ozluk said. “This is not accurate. In reality, mental health conditions worsened across the board during the pandemic, rising from a 2.8% prevalence during shutdowns to 3.5% during the reopening period. ”</p>
<p>“The improvement we report (the 1.2 percentage point and 11% decrease) refers to the effects specifically associated with the policy of reopening. Our findings do not suggest that cases dropped back to pre-pandemic levels; rather, they show that school reopenings acted as a ‘brake’ on a worsening crisis.”</p>
<p>“Furthermore, because we used a difference-in-differences design to follow the same children over time, statewide trends like vaccine rollouts or a general easing of COVID-19 fears were already ‘teased out’ of the data,” Ozluk continued. “This nuance was not properly addressed in previous reporting, leading some experts to falsely attribute the results to vaccines rather than the schools themselves.”</p>
<p>As with all research, there are also limitations to consider. The data came from a commercial insurer, meaning the sample overrepresents children from higher-income households. These families likely had more resources to mitigate the effects of the pandemic than lower-income families. Consequently, the study may underestimate the true benefit of school reopenings for vulnerable populations who rely more heavily on school-based services.</p>
<p>“Since the publication of this research, I have moved into the pharmaceutical industry, so I will not be working primarily on children’s issues moving forward,” Ozluk said. “However, I believe future research must focus on lower-income households. A major caveat of our current study is that the sample consisted of privately insured children. The impact on children in lower-income families—who often rely more heavily on school for socialization and mental health resources—was likely even more profound.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1097/ede.0000000000001930" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Effect of School Reopenings on Children’s Mental Health during COVID-19: Quasi-Experimental Evidence from California</a>,” was authored by Pelin Ozluk, Jeff Romine, Gosia Sylwestrzak, and Rita Hamad.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-harry-potter-study-links-gryffindor-and-slytherin-personalities-to-heightened-entrepreneurship/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New Harry Potter study links Gryffindor and Slytherin personalities to heightened entrepreneurship</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 30th 2025, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>New research utilizing a massive dataset derived from the Harry Potter fandom suggests that specific fictional personality profiles align with real-world entrepreneurial potential. The study indicates that individuals who identify with the traits of Gryffindor and Slytherin houses are more likely to exhibit entrepreneurial intentions and behaviors compared to others. These findings were published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11187-025-01147-7" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Small Business Economics</a></em>.</p>
<p>Economists and psychologists have frequently associated starting a business with a certain level of non-conformity. An entrepreneur often needs to challenge existing conventions and break rules to create new value. This requires a psychological makeup that tolerates risk and embraces disruption.</p>
<p>The authors of the current study, led by Professor Martin Obschonka of the University of Amsterdam, aimed to understand how different character profiles contribute to this necessary rule-breaking behavior. They sought to distinguish between prosocial forms of deviance and more self-serving, strategic forms.</p>
<p>To capture these complex personality configurations, the researchers adopted a person-oriented approach rather than looking at isolated traits. They looked to the personality typology found in the Harry Potter saga as a framework for categorizing people. The fictional Hogwarts Houses provide a widely recognized model for grouping individuals based on bundles of traits like courage, ambition, loyalty, and wisdom. This allowed the team to test how holistic character descriptions relate to economic behavior.</p>
<p>The research team employed a two-part approach involving both regional and individual data to ensure robustness. For the first study, they utilized a massive dataset collected through a collaboration with TIME Magazine. This involved the “Harry Potter Quiz,” which assessed personality traits in nearly 800,000 participants across the United States. The survey included items measuring traits such as Machiavellianism, agreeableness, courage, honesty-humility, and conscientiousness.</p>
<p>Based on their responses, an algorithm sorted participants into one of the four Hogwarts houses. This algorithm was developed with input from self-identified Harry Potter experts to ensure accurate character mapping. The researchers aggregated these responses to the level of Metropolitan Statistical Areas. They then calculated the density of startups in these regions using data from the U.S. Census Bureau.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed a specific geographic pattern regarding business creation. Regions with a higher concentration of individuals matching the Gryffindor and Slytherin profiles tended to exhibit higher entrepreneurial activity. Specifically, areas with above-average shares of these two profiles showed approximately seven percent higher levels of startup density. This association remained significant even when controlling for economic variables like GDP and population density.</p>
<p>Gryffindor profiles are associated with traits like courage, bravery, and moral conviction. Slytherin profiles are linked to ambition, shrewdness, and strategic rule-bending. The data suggests that despite their differences, both profiles share a propensity for the kind of non-conformity required to start businesses. This supports the idea that entrepreneurial energy can stem from different psychological sources.</p>
<p>To verify these regional patterns at the individual level, the researchers conducted a second study. They recruited a representative sample of 820 residents from the United States via an online panel. Participants completed surveys in two waves to assess their personality traits and their views on entrepreneurship. The researchers aimed to avoid the ecological fallacy, where group-level data is incorrectly assumed to apply to individuals.</p>
<p>In this second phase, the researchers again categorized participants into the four Hogwarts houses based on their personality survey responses. They measured entrepreneurial intentions, attitudes toward starting a business, and perceived behavioral control. They also assessed entrepreneurial self-identity to see if participants viewed themselves as the “type” to start a company.</p>
<p>The individual-level data mirrored the regional findings from the first study. Participants categorized as Gryffindors or Slytherins reported stronger intentions to start a business compared to those sorted into Hufflepuff or Ravenclaw. They also held more positive attitudes toward the idea of entrepreneurship. The results provide evidence that the “deviant” orientations of these two houses translate into a greater willingness to pursue business ventures.</p>
<p>Obschonka was surprised to find “that such a personality typology from fictional popular literature shows this consistent and robust statistical effect on real world entrepreneurship outcomes across the regional and individual level in our analyses.”</p>
<p>The researchers found no significant link between the Hufflepuff or Ravenclaw profiles and entrepreneurial intent. Hufflepuffs are characterized by loyalty, fairness, patience, and hard work. While these are positive traits, the authors suggest they may fit better within traditional employment structures rather than the disruptive nature of entrepreneurship. A focus on fair play and following rules may inhibit the risk-taking required to launch a new venture.</p>
<p>Similarly, while Ravenclaws are associated with intelligence, wit, and learning, intellect alone does not appear to drive the specific urge to launch a venture. The data implies that being smart or hardworking is not the same as having the deviant orientation needed to break norms. Entrepreneurship appears to require a specific type of character that is willing to challenge the established order.</p>
<p>“It was the ‘deviant’ houses (Gryffindor – norm-breaking from moral conviction; and Slytherin – norm-bending from strategic calculation) that are related to real-world entrepreneurship. Deviance is a key topic in entrepreneurship research – and such entrepreneurial deviance might have its ‘bright side’ (Gryffindor) but also ‘dark side’ (Slytherin).”</p>
<p>As with all research, there are limitations. The study relied on correlational data, meaning it cannot definitively prove that these personality types cause entrepreneurial behavior. “Such analyses are correlational and not necessarily causal. Personality can affect vocational choice and entrepreneurial behavior, but also the opposite effect could be at work (e.g., work might also shape a person’s personality to a degree).”</p>
<p>The new findings “add to our knowledge about real-world correlates of entrepreneurial mindsets and behaviors (a personality typology from fictional popular literature can indeed inform real-world entrepreneurship), but the effect size is rather small (probably also because entrepreneurship has many determinants and is a complex process). Finding such smaller effects for broad personality features is not uncommon in entrepreneurship research.”</p>
<p>Future research could explore if these fictional personality associations hold true in collectivist cultures where rule-breaking is viewed differently. The researchers also suggest applying other fictional typologies to scientific questions to see if they offer similar insights.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11187-025-01147-7" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Entrepreneurial deviance as bright and dark character virtues: the Harry Potter study</a>,” was authored by Martin Obschonka, Teemu Kautonen, Tobias Ebert, and Friedrich M. Götz.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/how-to-increase-your-chances-of-sticking-with-your-resolutions/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">How to increase your chances of sticking with your resolutions</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 29th 2025, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>The beginning of every new year comes with resolutions and plans for behavior change. Often the quest to improve health behaviors, such as losing weight, increasing physical activity or quitting tobacco is short-lived. Estimates vary, but by some accounts, as many as <a href="https://health.usnews.com/health-news/blogs/eat-run/articles/2015-12-29/why-80-percent-of-new-years-resolutions-fail">80 percent</a> of people fail to meet their resolution by mid-February. <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/2980864">One study</a> followed 200 people with New Year’s resolutions and reported that 81 percent of them failed to maintain their health behaviors after two years.</p>
<p>The reasons vary. With the case of cigarettes, people are dealing with a highly addictive product. For example, about <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/14678060">95 percent of people relapse</a> after six to 12 months of abstinence when they try to quit smoking on their own.</p>
<p>Regardless of the severity of your addiction or even if you do not have an addiction, change is very hard. People often have not explored their reasons for making the change or how ready they are. They also may not have come up with a plan. And, they may simply not realize how hard it is to change behavior.</p>
<p>I am a counseling psychologist who studies and works with people trying to change their behavior. Those who succeed have certain things in common. They are usually motivated to change, and they believe in their ability to engage in positive health behaviors. They also track their health behaviors and set goals.</p>
<h2>What psychologists know about behavior change</h2>
<p>Biological, psychological, social and environmental processes influence behavior change. One of the popular theories used to explain health behaviors is something called <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/record/1984-26566-001">the transtheoretical model</a>. This theory states that there are five stages of behavior change.</p>
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<li>Pre-contemplation. In this stage, the person is not thinking about making the change. Those who fall in this stage may be unwilling to admit they have a problem in the first place. They are unlikely to respond to nagging from others to stop smoking, for example. This could be attributed to the fact that the <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/record/1994-26988-001">cons for changing their unhealthy behavior outweighs the pros</a>.</li>
<li>Contemplation. This happens when a person acknowledges that he or she has a problematic behavior but is not ready to adopt a healthier lifestyle. Successful behavior change even during this stage is unlikely. However, people in this stage are thinking about making a change within the next six months.</li>
<li>Preparation. In this stage, an individual starts making plans for the change. For example, a person who wishes to quit smoking may set a quit date and plan to purchase their last pack of cigarettes the week before the quit date.</li>
<li>Action. This is when behavior change starts to occur. In this stage, a person who wishes to stop smoking quits using cigarettes and may start using smoking cessation aids. Or someone who wants to lose weight will start eating fewer calories or start going to the gym. This stage requires the most effort and commitment.</li>
<li>Maintenance. This usually occurs after six months of uninterrupted continuous efforts to sustain the changes they have made and to prevent a relapse. It is not uncommon for relapse to occur after a person has been successful with incorporating the new behavior. This usually happens during the action stage and can also happen after maintenance given that it is difficult to sustain behavior change. Most people are not successful with behavior change after a first attempt, especially when changing an addictive behavior. People with New Year’s resolutions <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/2980864">can make about five or more years of continuous attempts to change a behavior before they are successful</a>. Unanticipated barriers such as stressful life events can cause a relapse.</li>
</ul>
<p>While it is normal to experience negative emotions such as guilt and embarrassment after a failed attempt, these feelings can make a person lose hope in their ability to change if they persist for too long. The good news is that after a relapse you can learn from your mistakes and try again. <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/fulltext/1993-09955-001.html">Research</a> shows that a person’s odds of success with positive behavior change increase gradually with time, after unsuccessful attempts.</p>
<h2>Why do you want to make a change?</h2>
<p>It helps to start with a thorough understanding of why you want to change. Without that, it is hard to stay motivated, especially when barriers arise, such as getting stuck in traffic on the way to the gym, or a family member getting sick and needing your care. State of readiness also affects behavior change.</p>
<p>Part of your preparation stage should be developing a realistic plan. It should incorporate the reality that behavior change is hard.<br>
Studies have shown that just <a href="https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/SDT/documents/2002_KoestnerLekesPowersChicoine_JPSP.pdf">setting a goal does not lead</a> to the desired results. Ambiguous goals, such as saying you want to lose weight in the coming year but not thinking of specific health goals are associated with unsuccessful results.</p>
<p>Setting goals that are too challenging, such as going from complete inactivity to trying to exercise seven times a week, often results in failure. Setting several goals also can be overwhelming and result in failure.</p>
<h2>Factors that affect behavior change</h2>
<p>Even with good goals in place, stress lowers a person’s ability to achieve successful change. Stress lowers our inhibitions, making it more difficult to achieve one’s goals. For example, the stress of the loss of a job would likely challenge a smoker’s ability to abstain from cigarettes. Depression and anxiety, when unmanaged, can have a negative effect on a person’s motivation and derail efforts to change. A lack of <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/1192069">self-efficacy</a>, a person’s belief in their ability to exercise successful change, has been associated with unsuccessful behavior change.</p>
<p>Biological processes can also affect behavior change. One of the difficulties associated with weight loss is that we <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/nbu.12002">inherited traits</a> from our ancestors that cause our bodies to store fat. This was good for our ancestors when food was scarce, but it is bad for our current well-being, given that food is easier to access.</p>
<p>Also, <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/2253845">studies suggest that our bodies have a certain set-point</a> at which they are most comfortable and have a natural weight thermostat that adjusts our metabolism and eating. This set-point keeps our weight within a certain genetically determined range. This makes initial weight loss easier given that the individual’s metabolism is higher as a result of having more weight. However, it becomes harder to lose weight over time as one’s metabolism decreases.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24821503">environment in which we live</a> also influences behavior change. The majority of our foods are highly processed and contain high fats and sugars. Without the appropriate nutritional knowledge and with limited access to healthy foods, successful weight loss becomes challenging. The food environment coupled with a sedentary lifestyle has a negative impact on a person’s health.</p>
<p>People who live in neighborhoods without sidewalks, parks or those who reside in dangerous neighborhoods are less likely to be active. Certain cues in our environment also affect our ability to maintain change. For example, a person’s attempts to stop smoking may be hindered by living with other smokers, especially if they have certain rituals around smoking, such as sitting on the porch together at night to chat and smoke.</p>
<h2>How to improve your odds of success</h2>
<p>While change is hard, there are things you can do to increase your chances of success.</p>
<ul>
<li>Change for the right reasons. Change for a desire to improve one’s health, to be a better example for your family or to prolong your life, are more likely to motivate positive change.</li>
<li>Set both <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15559708">short-term and long-term goals</a> when executing change. Researchers have found that these goals should be <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/29466911">specific, measurable, achievable, realistic and timely</a>, or SMART. Weekly SMART goals help in making progressive steps towards a long-term goal.</li>
<li>Track and monitor your behavior. This enhances positive behavior change.<br>
You can accomplish this by journaling and note-taking. Many people find that free fitness apps are helpful.</li>
<li>Get help. In some cases, behavior change may be most successful with the help of a professional such as a licensed clinical health psychologist. Trained professionals can provide services such as <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/therapy-types/motivational-interviewing">motivational interviewing</a>, <a href="https://www.apa.org/ptsd-guideline/patients-and-families/cognitive-behavioral.aspx">cognitive-behavioral therapy</a>, and <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/therapy-types/acceptance-and-commitment-therapy">acceptance and commitment therapy</a>.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/108636/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></li>
</ul>
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<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-to-increase-your-chances-of-sticking-with-your-resolutions-108636">original article</a>.</em></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/researchers-validate-bildiren-non-verbal-cognitive-ability-test-across-diverse-demographic-groups/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Researchers validate intelligence assessment across diverse demographic groups</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 29th 2025, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A new analysis confirms that a widely used non-verbal cognitive assessment measures intelligence consistently across different demographic groups, including Syrian refugees and Turkish students. The researchers found that the test provides fair and comparable scores regardless of a child’s gender, age, grade level, or ethnicity. These findings were published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.intell.2025.101946" target="_blank">Intelligence</a></em>.</p>
<p>Psychological assessments are often assumed to function the same way for everyone. However, this assumption requires statistical proof to ensure fairness. Validity refers to the degree to which evidence supports the interpretation of test scores for their intended use.</p>
<p>A test intended to measure cognitive ability should ideally reflect that ability alone. It should not be influenced by a student’s cultural background, native language, or gender. When a test measures a construct in the same way across different groups, it demonstrates what psychologists call measurement invariance.</p>
<p>Without this invariance, comparing scores between groups becomes problematic. A specific score for one group might indicate a different level of ability than the same score for another group. This potential bias can lead to incorrect decisions about an individual’s educational needs. This is particularly concerning when tests are used to select students for gifted education programs.</p>
<p>The Bildiren Non-Verbal Cognitive Ability Test, known as the BNV, was developed to address the need for fair assessment in Türkiye. The test relies on geometric shapes, pattern completion, and abstract reasoning tasks. It does not require students to read, write, or speak to answer questions. This design aims to minimize the impact of language barriers and educational history. In recent years, the Turkish Ministry of National Education has used the BNV to screen hundreds of thousands of primary school students for gifted programs.</p>
<p>Ahmet Bildiren, a researcher at Aydin Adnan Menderes University in Türkiye, led the investigation into the BNV’s fairness. Along with co-author Derya Akbaş, he sought to verify that the test functioned equivalently for the diverse student population in the region. The researchers were particularly interested in whether the test was valid for Syrian students. Millions of Syrians have sought refuge in Türkiye due to the war in Syria. Ensuring that these students are assessed fairly alongside their Turkish peers is a matter of educational equity.</p>
<p>The researchers analyzed two distinct datasets to conduct their evaluation. The first sample included 7,745 Turkish students aged 4 to 13. This large group allowed the team to examine how the test functioned across gender, grade level, and age. The participants hailed from 11 different cities representing various regions of the country.</p>
<p>The second sample focused specifically on ethnicity. This group consisted of 1,719 students residing in Ankara, the capital city. It included both Turkish students and Syrian refugee students. The researchers kept these datasets separate to ensure accurate statistical comparisons. They avoided combining them because the number of Turkish students vastly outnumbered the Syrian students in the broader population.</p>
<p>To analyze the data, Bildiren and Akbaş employed a statistical method known as multigroup confirmatory factor analysis. This technique allows researchers to test whether a theoretical model fits real-world data across different groups. They began by testing a “one-factor model.” This model assumes that all questions on the test contribute to measuring a single underlying trait, which in this case is fluid intelligence. Fluid intelligence involves the ability to solve novel problems and identify patterns independent of prior knowledge.</p>
<p>The initial analysis confirmed that the BNV is indeed unidimensional. The data supported the idea that the test items measure a single cognitive construct for both sample groups. Once the structure of the test was established, the researchers moved to the core of their study. They tested for measurement invariance in stages.</p>
<p>The first stage involved testing for “configural invariance.” This checks if the basic organization of the test is the same for all groups. It asks if the items cluster together in the same way for boys and girls, or for Turkish and Syrian students. The models fit the data well in this stage. This indicated that the test structure was consistent across all demographic categories.</p>
<p>The researchers then proceeded to a more rigorous test known as “scalar invariance.” This is a strict standard for fairness. Scalar invariance requires that the mathematical relationship between the test items and the underlying ability remains constant across groups. Specifically, it demands that the starting points and the units of measurement are equivalent. If scalar invariance holds, a researcher can be confident that differences in test scores reflect actual differences in ability, not bias in the test itself.</p>
<p>The study found that the BNV achieved scalar invariance across all comparison groups. The analysis showed that the test functioned equivalently for boys and girls. It also worked consistently for students in primary school compared to those in elementary school. When the researchers examined age groups, ranging from 4-year-olds to 13-year-olds, the strict invariance model again fit the data.</p>
<p>Most importantly for the context of diverse classrooms, the test demonstrated scalar invariance between Turkish and Syrian students. The factor loadings, which indicate how well an item correlates with intelligence, were equivalent for both ethnic groups. The thresholds, which indicate how difficult an item is, were also equivalent. These results suggest that the BNV allows for valid comparisons of latent means across these ethnic subgroups.</p>
<p>To supplement the primary analysis, the authors conducted a check for differential item functioning. This is a finer-grained analysis that looks at individual questions rather than the test as a whole. It seeks to identify specific items that might be unexpectedly easier or harder for one group compared to another, even when the students have the same overall ability.</p>
<p>The differential item functioning analysis revealed that the vast majority of the 47 test items showed negligible bias. For gender comparisons, no items showed concerning levels of difference. In the ethnicity comparison, a few items displayed moderate to large differences. However, these isolated instances were not pervasive enough to disrupt the overall scalar invariance of the test. Similarly, some items functioned differently for the youngest children compared to older children. This is relatively common in developmental assessments, as cognitive strategies change rapidly in early childhood.</p>
<p>The authors noted that while the statistical evidence for fairness is strong, context remains a vital consideration. Statistical invariance does not erase the lived reality of the test-takers. Syrian students may face unique challenges such as trauma, stress, or socioeconomic disadvantages that could influence their performance. These external factors exist independently of the test’s psychometric properties.</p>
<p>There are limitations to the study that warrant mention. The sample used to compare ethnic groups was drawn entirely from Ankara. This may restrict how well the findings apply to Syrian students living in other parts of Türkiye. Additionally, the number of Syrian students in the sample was smaller than the number of Turkish students. Future research would benefit from larger, more balanced samples collected from a wider geographic area.</p>
<p>The study was also cross-sectional, meaning it looked at students at a single point in time. It did not track how individual students’ scores might change as they grow older. Longitudinal research would be necessary to understand how the measurement properties of the test might evolve over time for the same individuals. Future studies could also investigate the combined effects of these variables, such as examining specific outcomes for Syrian girls versus Turkish boys.</p>
<p>Despite these caveats, the results provide solid evidence supporting the validity of the BNV. The establishment of measurement invariance suggests that the test is a fair tool for diagnostic and selection purposes in heterogeneous populations. It supports the Ministry’s continued use of the assessment for identifying gifted potential among diverse student bodies. By confirming that the test measures fluid intelligence consistently, the study helps ensure that educational opportunities are distributed based on ability rather than demographic bias.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.intell.2025.101946" target="_blank">Measurement invariance of Bildiren non-verbal cognitive ability (BNV) test across gender, grade level, age, and ethnicity</a>,” was authored by Ahmet Bildiren and Derya Akbaş.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/big-data-analysis-links-war-intensity-to-changes-in-online-sexual-behavior/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Big data analysis links war intensity to changes in online sexual behavior</a>
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<p><p>A new study published in the <em>Archives of Sexual Behavior</em> provides evidence that the Russian invasion of Ukraine altered the pornography consumption habits of Ukrainians. The findings suggest that during periods of intense collective threat and violence, individuals may increase their engagement with solitary sexual behaviors as a coping mechanism. This research offers insight into how modern warfare impacts public mental health and human sexuality in real time.</p>
<p>Scientists and public health officials have recognized that major global crises disrupt social dynamics. The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrated that lockdowns and fear of infection led to measurable shifts in sexual behavior and internet usage. </p>
<p>However, there is a lack of objective data regarding how an active military conflict influences these behaviors. Most prior research on sexuality during war relies on retrospective self-reports. These surveys are often subject to bias because participants may not remember accurately or may feel uncomfortable disclosing sensitive information.</p>
<p>“This work was motivated by a clear gap in the literature: while wars are known to profoundly alter social, emotional, and sexual lives, there was a lack of objective, large-scale data on how the Russian invasion of Ukraine affected sexual behaviors,” said study author Issam Nessaibia, a senior researcher at Gabinetto Di Psicologia (REFLETO) in Rome.</p>
<p>“Most prior research relied on self-reports, which are vulnerable to bias—particularly in contexts of fear, displacement, and stigma. We aimed to use anonymized big-data sources (Google Trends, Pornhub Insights, and UN casualty reports) to capture population-level behavioral shifts during an ongoing conflict. Key takeaway for the general public.”</p>
<p>The researchers aggregated data from three distinct online sources. They extracted weekly relative search volume data from Google Trends. They also gathered specific insights regarding viewing habits from Pornhub, a major pornography website. Finally, they obtained casualty reports from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. The study period spanned from January 2, 2022, to July 31, 2022.</p>
<p>The research team tracked the popularity of specific search terms to gauge public interest and mindset. They monitored keywords such as “Ukrainian war map” to measure engagement with the conflict. They tracked terms like “Pornhub” and “pornography” to assess interest in sexual content. Additionally, they followed the search volume for “social distancing.” Google Trends provides this data as a relative score from zero to one hundred, rather than raw numbers.</p>
<p>The researchers assessed the normality of the data using a statistical method known as the Shapiro–Wilk test. This ensured that the data followed a standard distribution pattern suitable for comparison. Once validated, they performed correlation analyses to identify relationships between the variables. They specifically looked for connections between the number of civilian deaths and the volume of pornography-related searches.</p>
<p>The investigation revealed a distinct shift in online behavior beginning in early March 2022. This timeframe corresponds closely with the escalation of the Russian invasion, which began on February 24. The data showed that searches for pornography increased significantly among the Ukrainian population during this period. This rise in search volume occurred simultaneously with increases in searches for war maps and social distancing information.</p>
<p>A strong statistical correlation emerged between the severity of the war and internet traffic to adult sites. The number of weekly civilian deaths was positively associated with the relative search volume for pornography. As the violence intensified and casualties rose, the frequency of searches for sexual content also increased. The growth curve of this traffic eventually leveled off once the weekly death toll exceeded a certain threshold.</p>
<p>The researchers conducted a mediation analysis to understand the mechanism behind this link. This statistical technique helps determine if a third variable explains the relationship between two others. The analysis indicated that “social distancing awareness” played a key role. The threat of external danger from military attacks may have increased the population’s awareness of isolation. This heightened sense of isolation and danger appeared to drive the increased interest in pornography.</p>
<p>“One unexpected result was the mediating role of ‘social distancing awareness,’ which appeared more predictive than raw casualty numbers alone,” Nessaibia told PsyPost. “A key caveat is that search and traffic data are proxies for interest and engagement, not direct measures of behavior or motivation, and they cannot capture individual-level differences.”</p>
<p>Beyond general traffic, the study highlighted specific changes in the types of content Ukrainians consumed. Ukraine was the only nation among the top twenty consumers where “Reality” was the most viewed category. The researchers also noted that searches for the term “stuck” increased by over five hundred percent compared to the previous year. Searches for “black woman” and “truth or dare” also saw significant jumps in popularity.</p>
<p>Despite the conflict, the data showed that Ukrainian users continued to engage with content related to the aggressor nation. Viewers in Ukraine were more likely to watch videos in the “Russian” category compared to global averages. The popularity of the search term “Russian homemade” dropped only slightly from its rank in 2021. The authors suggest this may be a psychological attempt to manage anxiety by transforming the object of their fear into a subject of fantasy.</p>
<p>“The main takeaway is that, during periods of intense collective threat and social disruption, people may turn to solitary sexual behaviors—such as pornography consumption—as a coping or self-regulation strategy,” Nessaibia said. “Our findings suggest that increased awareness of social distancing and fear related to civilian casualties were associated with heightened interest in pornography, highlighting sexuality as an often-overlooked dimension of public mental health during war.”</p>
<p>The researchers interpret these findings through the lens of terror management theory. This psychological theory posits that when people are reminded of their own mortality, they alter their behaviors to cope with the fear of death. Engaging in sexual activity, even in a solitary digital form, can serve as a mood management tool. The high arousal states caused by fear can sometimes be misattributed by the brain as sexual attraction.</p>
<p>The researchers argue that pornography may act as a “supranormal stimulus” during such crises. The immediate accessibility of online content provides a quick method for self-soothing and stress relief. In a refined interpretation, the authors suggest the preference for “Reality” content might offer a sense of safety. It allows viewers to witness intimate human connection without the physical risks associated with real-world interactions during a war.</p>
<p>“The associations we observed were robust at the population level, but they should be understood as indicators of collective behavioral trends, not individual pathology,” Nessaibia noted. “The data do not imply that all individuals increased consumption, nor that pornography use is inherently maladaptive; rather, it appears to function as one of several coping responses to extreme stress.”</p>
<p>The researchers also note that the Google Trends values are relative, not absolute. A value of fifty does not necessarily mean half the number of total searches compared to a value of one hundred. It simply represents the popularity of the term relative to other searches at that specific time. </p>
<p>Future research is needed to understand the long-term implications of these behavioral shifts. The authors recommend follow-up investigations into how the war has affected sexual desire and birth rates in Ukraine. Prolonged exposure to conflict and the reliance on digital coping mechanisms could have lasting effects on public health. Understanding these dynamics is essential for developing support systems for populations living in war zones.</p>
<p>“Future work will aim to integrate demographic and mental health indicators, and to examine how prolonged exposure to conflict-related stress may affect intimacy, partnered sexuality, and reproductive health over time,” Nessaibia said.</p>
<p>The study, “Implications of the Russian Invasion on Ukrainians’ Pornography Consumption: Insights from Big‑Data Processing,” was authored by Issam Nessaibia, Alper Howard, and Tayeb Bouarroudj.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/young-adults-experience-high-loneliness-despite-having-large-friend-networks/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Young adults experience high loneliness despite having large friend networks</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 29th 2025, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A study analyzing data from two polls of U.S. residents found that social ill-being is highest in younger adults and lowest in older adults. Conversely, social well-being was higher in younger and older adults, and lower in middle-aged adults. The research was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0334787"><em>PLOS One</em></a>.</p>
<p>Social well-being refers to the quality of a person’s relationships, sense of belonging, social support, and ability to function effectively within a community. It includes feeling accepted, valued, and connected to others, as well as having opportunities for meaningful social participation. Social well-being is supported by trust, reciprocity, social cohesion, and access to supportive networks. It also involves perceived fairness, inclusion, and the belief that society provides opportunities to meet basic needs.</p>
<p>Social ill-being, in contrast, refers to conditions and experiences that undermine healthy social functioning and connectedness. It includes social isolation, loneliness, discrimination, marginalization, and chronic conflict. Social ill-being often arises from structural factors such as poverty, inequality, exclusionary institutions, or breakdowns in community trust. At the individual level, it may manifest as alienation, lack of support, or persistent interpersonal stress. Social ill-being can negatively affect mental and physical health, reducing resilience and increasing vulnerability to stress and illness.</p>
<p>Study author Jeffrey A. Hall and his colleagues wanted to explore how social well-being and ill-being vary with age. They also wanted to know what social circumstances, life changes, and attitudes about relationships are typical of individuals with different social well-being and ill-being levels.</p>
<p>They analyzed data from two groups of American adults recruited by the Siena College Research Institute (SCRI), a national leader in public opinion polling. These groups were surveyed in 2022 and 2023. The 2022 group included 2,034 participants, while the 2023 group included 2,243 individuals. In the latter part of each year, these samples were complemented by university students, including a random sample of those aged 18–21 and students over the age of 22. With the addition of the students, the total number of participants whose data were used in this analysis was 4,812.</p>
<p>Compared to the general population of the U.S., young adults were overrepresented and older adults were underrepresented in this group. The average age of participants was roughly 44 years. Approximately 57% were women, and 88% identified as heterosexual. Regarding relationship status, 31% were single, while 44% were married or cohabitating.</p>
<p>In this study, social ill-being was assessed by aggregating measures of loneliness and social disconnection. Social well-being was assessed using measures of social connection, companionship, perceived social support, and the number of friends (derived from a naming task in which participants listed their friends). Participants who named at least one friend also answered a number of questions about their relationships with those friends.</p>
<p>Results showed that participants who reported higher levels of social well-being also reported less perceived stress and tended to have a higher number of friends. Individuals who reported higher levels of social ill-being tended to report lower levels of well-being and a somewhat lower number of friends. They were also more likely to report having lost touch with a friend.</p>
<p>Older individuals tended to report lower levels of social ill-being (disconnection and loneliness). On the other hand, indicators of social well-being were highest for younger and older adults, while being lower for middle-aged adults. The number of friends was highest in emerging adulthood, declined during the late 20s, and reached its lowest point in middle age (45–60). It then gradually increased in older individuals.</p>
<p>“The present manuscript suggests that loneliness among young adults is not bereft of connection, companionship, and friendship, but instead is characteristic of rapid life changes and a lack of relational permanence and routine,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of factors associated with social well-being. However, it should be noted that this was a cross-sectional, not a longitudinal study. This means that different ages were represented by different people, not the same people observed through their lifetimes. Because of this, it remains unknown whether the observed associations with age represent age-related changes or differences between generations.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0334787">Lonely and connected in emerging adulthood: The ambivalence of sociality in a time of transitions,</a>” was authored by Jeffrey A. Hall, Natalie Pennington, and Amanda J. Holmstrom.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-psychology-research-sheds-light-on-how-vibe-and-beauty-interact-in-online-dating/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New psychology research sheds light on how “vibe” and beauty interact in online dating</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 29th 2025, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>When users swipe through profiles on dating applications, their brains make split-second decisions based on limited visual information. A new study suggests that these rapid judgments rely on two distinct cognitive processes: one that assesses facial beauty and another that interprets the “vibe” or social context of a photo. Published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2025.108792" target="_blank">Computers in Human Behavior</a></em>, the research reveals that while a beautiful face is a powerful asset, combining it with intense displays of wealth or social status can actually backfire.</p>
<p>The researchers refer to this phenomenon as the “Two-Pathway Heuristic Model” of impression formation. This model proposes that the human brain utilizes efficiency-oriented mental shortcuts to handle the high volume of profiles found on digital platforms. One pathway triggers an immediate emotional response to physical aesthetics. The second pathway involves a rapid inference of a person’s lifestyle and values based on the background and context of their photographs.</p>
<p>Junkyu Jang, a researcher at the Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology (KAIST), served as the first author of the paper. Jang and his colleagues sought to understand how these two pathways operate in a real-world setting. Previous research often relied on small laboratory experiments or surveys that did not reflect the high-speed environment of actual dating apps. The team aimed to fill this gap by analyzing a massive dataset of user interactions.</p>
<p>The study utilized data from a major heterosexual dating platform in South Korea. The dataset included information from 10,619 users who had received evaluations from at least 15 other people. This provided a robust sample for statistical analysis. The researchers did not rely on human volunteers to rate the tens of thousands of photos in the dataset. Instead, they employed a cutting-edge artificial intelligence tool known as a Large Multimodal Model (LMM).</p>
<p>The specific model used, InternVL-G, is designed to interpret images in a way that mimics human perception. The team provided the AI with specific prompts to evaluate different aspects of each profile picture. This allowed for the consistent quantification of subjective qualities that are typically difficult to measure in large-scale studies. The AI assessed facial attractiveness based on symmetry and features.</p>
<p>Beyond simple beauty, the researchers tasked the AI with quantifying “social attractiveness,” which they colloquially termed “vibe.” To make this abstract concept measurable, the team drew upon the theories of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu regarding forms of capital. They programmed the model to look for three specific types of visual cues: social capital, economic capital, and cultural capital.</p>
<p>Social capital was defined by visual signals suggesting a rich social life. The AI looked for images containing groups of friends or scenes depicting enjoyable social events. These cues imply that a user is likable and possesses a strong network of peers. Economic capital involved signals of financial stability. The model scanned for luxury items, high-end clothing, or upscale environments.</p>
<p>Cultural capital was the third component of the “vibe” assessment. This involved looking for signs of sophisticated tastes or intellectual curiosity. The AI identified cues such as engagement in artistic activities, travel to cultural landmarks, or the presence of books and musical instruments. By breaking down the vague concept of “vibe” into these constituent parts, the researchers could analyze exactly which elements contributed to a successful match.</p>
<p>The results of the study highlighted the overwhelming power of the first pathway: facial attractiveness. For both men and women, having a beautiful face was a primary predictor of matching success. The effect was particularly strong for male profiles. The researchers found that moving from the lowest to the highest level of facial beauty could double a man’s matching rate.</p>
<p>This finding supports the “gatekeeper” hypothesis of online dating. Women tend to be more selective than men on these platforms. Consequently, a man’s physical appearance often acts as a strict initial filter. If a male user does not meet a certain threshold of attractiveness, he is often screened out before other qualities can be considered.</p>
<p>Once the initial hurdle of physical appearance is cleared, the second pathway comes into play. The study showed that a positive “vibe” substantially increased matching chances for both genders. Users who displayed high levels of social and cultural capital received more matches. This suggests that people look for cues of warmth, sociability, and shared interests to infer a potential partner’s personality.</p>
<p>The impact of economic capital showed a distinct gender divide. Visual displays of wealth and luxury positively influenced matching rates for men. However, the same signals had a much weaker effect for female profiles. This aligns with evolutionary psychology theories suggesting that women may prioritize resource acquisition potential in partners more than men do.</p>
<p>The most nuanced finding of the study emerged when the researchers analyzed how beauty and “vibe” interact. Common intuition might suggest that maximizing every positive trait would lead to the best results. The data proved otherwise. The analysis revealed a pattern of diminishing returns when high facial attractiveness was combined with strong signals of social or cultural capital.</p>
<p>For users who already possessed a high degree of facial beauty, adding intense signals of social status or cultural sophistication resulted in fewer matches than the model predicted for an additive effect. This negative interaction was statistically clear. When a user is extremely good-looking, an overly curated background may seem redundant or even suspicious.</p>
<p>The authors propose several psychological mechanisms to explain this counterintuitive result. One possibility is that “too perfect” profiles trigger negative stereotypes. A highly attractive man who also displays an excessive number of party photos might be perceived as a “player” or lacking in commitment. Similarly, a highly attractive woman displaying intense highbrow cultural capital might be viewed as “snobbish” or unapproachable.</p>
<p>Another explanation involves the concept of authenticity. In the digital realm, users are wary of deception and catfishing. A profile that scores top marks in every visual category can appear manufactured or inauthentic. The cognitive load required to process such an abundance of positive signals may also lead evaluators to be more skeptical.</p>
<p>These findings challenge the “more is better” strategy often employed by dating app users. A balanced profile appears to be more effective than one that attempts to signal superiority in every category. If a user is naturally physically attractive, they might benefit from a more modest presentation of their lifestyle. Conversely, users with average facial attractiveness can significantly boost their appeal by showcasing a fun social life or interesting hobbies.</p>
<p>The use of the Large Multimodal Model to conduct this analysis represents a step forward for computational social science. Validating the AI’s performance was a key part of the study. The researchers compared the AI’s ratings with human ratings on a benchmark dataset. The AI achieved a high level of accuracy, demonstrating that modern machine learning can reliably quantify abstract human judgments like “beauty” and “vibe.”</p>
<p>There are limitations to the study that provide context for the findings. The data came exclusively from South Korea, a country with specific cultural norms regarding beauty and dating. The results might vary in Western contexts or other parts of Asia. Additionally, the study focused solely on heterosexual matching patterns. The dynamics of impression formation in LGBTQ+ dating communities could operate differently.</p>
<p>The researchers also noted that they only analyzed the visual components of the profiles. Textual biographies and prompts also play a role in decision-making. However, the study prioritized images because visual processing is the dominant mechanism in the rapid-fire environment of swipe-based apps. Future research could investigate how text and images interact to confirm or contradict one another.</p>
<p>This research offers a detailed look at the split-second decisions that define modern romance. It confirms that while humans are visually driven creatures, we are also constantly scanning for context. We look for clues about who a person is and how they live. But as the study shows, there is a fine line between an impressive profile and one that tries too hard.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2025.108792" target="_blank">Beauty vs. Vibe: Deconstructing visual appeal in online dating with large multimodal models</a>,” was authored by Junkyu Jang, Soonjae Kwon, and Sung-Hyuk Park.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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