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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/biofeedback-training-helps-esports-players-react-significantly-faster/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Biofeedback training helps esports players react significantly faster</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 3rd 2025, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>New research published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2025.108836" target="_blank">Computers in Human Behavior</a></em> provides evidence that biofeedback training can improve the reaction speeds of esports players. By using real-time data from brain activity and eye movements, researchers developed a training regimen that reduced the time it took for players to shoot targets in a video game environment. The findings suggest that specialized technology could help competitive gamers break through performance plateaus that traditional practice methods might not address.</p>
<p>Competitive gaming, or esports, has evolved into a professional industry where the difference between victory and defeat is often measured in milliseconds. Professional players require exceptional reflexes, strategic thinking, and the ability to maintain intense focus for long periods. To reach this level, players typically rely on traditional training methods. These usually involve repetitive gameplay, analyzing past matches, and general physical exercise.</p>
<p>While these methods are effective to a point, they often lack a scientific basis tailored to the specific cognitive demands of high-level play. Previous studies indicate that elite gamers possess distinct biological characteristics compared to amateurs. </p>
<p>They tend to exhibit better sustained attention and more efficient information processing. They also display unique gaze control strategies. High-level players often rely on peripheral vision to detect targets rather than moving their eyes directly to every object. Researchers at <a href="http://www.neuro-reha-sport-lab.com/" target="_blank">the Nakazawa Sports and Neurorehabilitation Lab</a> sought to develop training protocols that directly target these physiological mechanisms. </p>
<p>“The motivation of this study stems from the absence of science-based training methods in esports,” said study author <a href="https://www.psypost.org/linkedin.com/in/inhyeok-jeong-b021522a4" target="_blank">Inhyeok Jeong</a> (<a href="https://x.com/Jeong_research" target="_blank">@Jeong_research</a>), an assistant professor at the Kochi University of Technology. “In general sports, science-based training is used to enhance athletes’ performance, and this is a very common approach. Therefore, we determined that in esports as well, it is necessary to pursue the improvement of players’ performance and the extension of their careers through science-based training.”</p>
<p>The researchers reasoned that if players could learn to voluntarily control their brain waves and eye movements, they could enhance the underlying cognitive processes that drive performance. Their study aimed to test the acute effects of two distinct biofeedback methods. One method focused on cortical activity related to attention. The other focused on gaze control and peripheral vision.</p>
<p>The first experiment focused on attention training using electroencephalogram (EEG) technology. The researchers recruited twenty-one male participants. All participants were experienced gamers who ranked in the top 50 percent of their respective games. The researchers divided them into a training group and a sham group.</p>
<p>The training group wore a headset that monitored electrical activity in the central lobe of the brain. The researchers specifically looked at theta and alpha brain waves. High power in these frequency bands is typically associated with a resting state or lower attention. Low power suggests high engagement and sustained attention.</p>
<p>During the training session, participants received auditory feedback based on their brain activity. If they successfully suppressed their theta and alpha waves, indicating high focus, they heard a low-frequency sound. If their focus drifted and wave power increased, they heard a high-frequency sound. The sham group went through a similar procedure but received random audio feedback unrelated to their actual brain activity.</p>
<p>Before and after the training, all participants completed a series of shooting tasks using “AimLab,” a popular training software for first-person shooter games. The primary measure of performance was shot time. This is defined as the milliseconds that elapse between a target appearing and the player clicking the mouse. The researchers also measured accuracy to ensure players were not simply shooting wildly to save time.</p>
<p>The results of the first experiment showed a clear benefit for the neurofeedback group. Participants who received real-time data on their brain activity managed to reduce their median shot time by approximately 30.3 milliseconds. This improvement was statistically significant. In contrast, the sham group showed a negligible change of only 0.3 milliseconds. </p>
<p>The EEG data confirmed that the training group successfully reduced the power of their theta and alpha waves. This physiological change suggests that the biofeedback helped them achieve a deeper state of sustained attention. Accuracy remained stable for both groups, indicating that the increase in speed did not come at the cost of precision.</p>
<p>The second experiment focused on gaze control and peripheral vision. The researchers recruited a separate group of twenty-one experienced male gamers. These participants were also divided into a training group and a sham group. The goal was to train players to keep their eyes fixed on the center of the screen while using their peripheral vision to spot targets. This strategy is efficient because moving the eyes takes time and can delay reaction.</p>
<p>Participants performed the same shooting tasks as in the first experiment. During the training phase, the researchers used an eye-tracker to monitor where the participants were looking. The training group received an auditory warning—a “beep”—whenever their gaze drifted away from the center of the screen. This feedback encouraged them to maintain a centralized gaze. The sham group performed the task without any auditory feedback regarding their eye movements.</p>
<p>The data from the second experiment revealed even stronger improvements than the first. The group that received gaze-control training reduced their median shot time by 47.2 milliseconds. The sham group showed a non-significant reduction of roughly 13.9 milliseconds.</p>
<p>Analysis of the eye-tracking data showed that the training group significantly altered their visual behavior. Their gaze distribution became much narrower horizontally and vertically. This indicates they successfully learned to minimize unnecessary eye movements. As with the first experiment, accuracy did not change significantly for either group.</p>
<p>“In this study, it was quite surprising that a significant reduction in reaction time was achieved despite the relatively short training period,” Jeong told PsyPost. “Moreover, these results were achieved without any reduction in accuracy.”</p>
<p>These findings have practical implications for the esports industry. A reduction in reaction time of 30 to 47 milliseconds is substantial in a competitive context. Most competitive gaming monitors refresh the image 144 times per second, meaning a new frame appears roughly every 7 milliseconds. </p>
<p>The improvements observed in this study translate to an advantage of approximately 4 to 7 frames. In a fast-paced shooter game, seeing and reacting to an opponent several frames earlier can be the deciding factor in a duel.</p>
<p>“Training based on the superior cognitive functions and gaze control abilities of esports experts can positively impact reducing the reaction time,” Jeong said.</p>
<p>But the study, like all research, has some limitations. The study only examined the immediate, acute effects of a single training session. It is not yet known if these performance gains persist over time or if repeated training sessions would lead to permanent changes in cognitive processing. </p>
<p>The study also focused exclusively on first-person shooter mechanics. It is unclear if these training methods would transfer effectively to other genres, such as real-time strategy or multiplayer online battle arena games. The sample size for both experiments was relatively small, which is common in complex physiological studies but limits how broadly the results can be generalized.</p>
<p>Future research will need to explore the long-term effects of biofeedback training. The researchers suggest that combining both attention and gaze training could potentially offer synergistic benefits. They also emphasize the need to test these protocols with professional teams to see how they integrate into high-stakes competitive environments.</p>
<p>“The next goal is to verify the long-term effects of the training method,” Jeong said. “Currently, experiments are underway to verify the long-term effects of the training method mentioned in the paper. I would like to apply these training methods to professional esports teams. I look forward to hearing from many esports teams and staff.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2025.108836" target="_blank">Biofeedback training can enhance esports players’ shooting performance in an aiming task: focusing on cortical activity and gaze movement</a>,” was authored by Inhyeok Jeong, Naotsugu Kaneko, Donghyun Kim, Ryogo Takahashi, Seitaro Iwama, Mayu Dohata, Junichi Ushiba, and Kimitaka Nakazawa.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/scientists-reveal-a-surprising-consequence-of-chronic-caffeine-intake-on-sleep/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Scientists reveal a surprising consequence of chronic caffeine intake on sleep</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 3rd 2025, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>New research suggests that while habitual coffee consumption may slightly reduce the total time a person sleeps, it also tends to increase the depth of their sleep. This potential trade-off indicates that the human brain might possess the ability to regulate its own sleep needs against the effects of chronic caffeine intake. The findings were published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/02698811251368364" target="_blank">Journal of Psychopharmacology</a></em>.</p>
<p>Caffeine stands as the most widely consumed psychoactive substance in the world. It is readily available in common dietary items such as coffee, tea, chocolate, and various energy drinks. People typically consume these products to enhance alertness, manage stress, or simply enjoy the taste. Wastewater analyses in Europe estimate that the average person consumes between 86 and 263 milligrams of caffeine daily. This amount is roughly equivalent to one to three cups of coffee.</p>
<p>Despite its popularity, questions remain regarding the long-term health consequences of caffeine, particularly concerning sleep. Good quality sleep is essential for a wide range of biological functions. These include cardiovascular health, immune system efficiency, memory consolidation, and emotional regulation.</p>
<p>Previous scientific investigations into caffeine and sleep have largely relied on controlled laboratory settings. These studies typically demonstrate that consuming caffeine shortly before bed impairs sleep. Common findings from these acute studies include a longer time to fall asleep and more frequent awakenings. However, such experiments often require participants to abstain from caffeine before the test. </p>
<p>“Most research on caffeine and sleep looks at what happens when people drink caffeine after abstaining, and find it can disrupt sleep. But this is not how most people consume coffee! Most drink it daily for years. The body and brain may adapt over time. So we asked ourselves if long-term, daily caffeine use still affects sleep? To find out, we analyzed two large datasets with objective sleep measures using statistical methods to estimate causal effects,” said study author Benjamin Stucky of the University of Zurich.</p>
<p>The first dataset was the UK Biobank, which provided genetic information and self-reported caffeine habits for 485,511 participants. The second was the HypnoLaus cohort from Switzerland, which included 1,702 individuals. The HypnoLaus dataset was particularly important because it included objective sleep data collected through polysomnography in the participants’ own homes.</p>
<p>Polysomnography is a comprehensive method for recording biophysiological changes that occur during sleep. It monitors brain waves via electroencephalography, as well as oxygen levels, heart rate, and breathing. This allowed the researchers to look beyond simple survey answers and observe the actual electrical activity of the sleeping brain. </p>
<p>The researchers categorized participants based on their caffeine intake. They compared individuals with high habitual intake, defined as four or more caffeinated beverages per day, against those with moderate intake of three or fewer drinks.</p>
<p>The study employed two advanced statistical techniques to strengthen the validity of their conclusions. The first was Mendelian Randomization. This method uses genetic variants known to influence caffeine metabolism as a proxy for caffeine consumption. Since these genetic traits are randomly inherited, using them helps minimize the influence of lifestyle factors that might otherwise skew the results.</p>
<p>The second method was causal matching. This involved pairing high caffeine consumers with moderate consumers who shared very similar characteristics, such as age, body mass index, and socioeconomic status.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed distinct differences in sleep patterns between the two groups. Models consistently indicated that high habitual caffeine consumption led to a reduction in total sleep time. The estimated reduction varied across different statistical models. While some genetic models suggested a large decrease, the observational and matching data pointed to a more modest reduction of approximately 11 to 13 minutes per night.</p>
<p>Despite the reduction in sleep duration, the quality of sleep appeared to change in a compensatory manner. The electrical brain recordings showed that high caffeine consumers exhibited stronger activity in the delta frequency range. Delta waves are slow, high-amplitude brain waves associated with the deepest stage of non-rapid eye movement sleep. This stage is widely considered the most restorative phase of sleep for the body and brain.</p>
<p>The increase in delta wave intensity suggests that the homeostatic regulation of sleep remains intact even in heavy caffeine drinkers. Homeostatic regulation refers to the body’s internal drive to compensate for lost sleep by increasing the intensity of subsequent sleep. This finding implies that the brains of daily coffee drinkers may adapt to the slightly shorter sleep duration by making the sleep they do get more efficient and restorative.</p>
<p>“People who consumed more than three cups of coffee per day slept slightly less,” Stucky told PsyPost. “That sounds worrying, but they also had deeper sleep, shown by increased slow-wave activity, a marker of restorative sleep. The increased sleep depth may offset the slightly shorter sleep.”</p>
<p>The researchers also examined subjective measures of sleep quality. Participants completed questionnaires regarding their perceived sleep satisfaction and daytime sleepiness. They also reported their preferences for morning or evening activity.</p>
<p>The results showed no significant differences in self-rated sleep quality between high and moderate caffeine consumers. This disconnect between the objective reduction in sleep time and the subjective feeling of restfulness aligns with the finding of increased sleep depth.</p>
<p>In addition to deep sleep markers, the researchers looked for changes in other sleep stages. The analysis found no significant difference in the percentage of rapid eye movement sleep between the groups. Rapid eye movement sleep is the stage most associated with dreaming and memory processing. The lack of change here suggests that habitual caffeine intake primarily affects the deep, restorative phases of sleep rather than the dreaming phases.</p>
<p>“We used statistical methods to infer causal effects, which rely on assumptions that are hard to fully prove,” Stucky said. “To strengthen our results, we applied multiple approaches and only reported findings that were consistent across them.”</p>
<p>But as with all research, there are limitations. The classification of caffeine intake relied on self-reports, which can sometimes be inaccurate. Participants might forget exactly how much they consumed or misjudge cup sizes. Additionally, the study grouped various caffeinated beverages together, potentially missing differences between coffee, tea, and soda.</p>
<p>The study population was also primarily of European descent. This focus limits the ability to generalize the findings to populations with different genetic backgrounds or cultural habits regarding caffeine. Future research is needed to verify these findings across more diverse groups. </p>
<p>“Our findings don’t tell us whether regular caffeine use is good or bad for health,” Stucky noted. “Deeper sleep might make up for the shorter sleep duration, or it could reflect an ongoing sleep debt, meaning your body is constantly catching up, which could be a strain for it. In any case, the results of our study do not support the notion that regular caffeine consumption would have very detrimental consequences for the quality of our sleep.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/02698811251368364" target="_blank">Habitual caffeine consumption and sleep quality: A Mendelian randomization and causal matching study</a>,” was authored by Andras S. Komor, Tchimina P. Mullally, Christie L.M. Stephany, Pedro Marques-Vidal, Peter Vollenweider, Martin Preisig, Yves Dauvilliers, Mehdi Tafti, Francesca Siclari, José Haba-Rubio, Raphael Heinzer, and Hans-Peter Landolt.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/how-common-is-anal-sex-scientific-facts-about-prevalence-pain-pleasure-and-more/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">How common is anal sex? Scientific facts about prevalence, pain, pleasure, and more</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 2nd 2025, 20:00</div>
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<p><p class="mb-4 break-words">For decades, medical and social science research focused almost entirely on the risks associated with anal intercourse. Public health officials prioritized understanding the transmission of viruses and infections. This focus left a gap in understanding why individuals choose to engage in the behavior in the first place.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Recent inquiries have shifted to examine the motivations, anatomical realities, and specific techniques that result in enjoyment. A new body of work suggests that anal sex is a complex interaction of biology, psychology, and relationship dynamics.</p>
<h3 class="mt-6 mb-4 font-bold text-foreground/85 text-base">Prevalence and Frequency</h3>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Contrary to earlier assumptions that anal sex is a rare or subcultural practice, modern data indicates it is widespread. A <a class="chat-link-darkened underline underline-offset-2" href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10461-016-1408-5" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">systematic review published in AIDS and Behavior</a> by Branwen N. Owen and colleagues analyzed data from young people worldwide. They found that anal intercourse is commonly practiced among youth.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The researchers estimated a lifetime prevalence of 22 percent among sexually active people under the age of 25. This figure suggests that nearly one in four sexually active young adults has experimented with the practice. The data showed no statistically significant differences based on gender, continent, or age.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">This finding challenges the narrative that anal sex is primarily requested by men and passively accepted by women. The similarity in usage rates implies a shared participation across genders in younger cohorts. Additionally, the study noted that reported prevalence increased significantly when surveys offered higher confidentiality, suggesting that social stigma has historically suppressed accurate reporting.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Data specific to the United States corroborates these high numbers. A <a class="chat-link-darkened underline underline-offset-2" href="https://www.jsm.jsexmed.org/article/S1743-6095(15)31039-3/fulltext" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">study published in The Journal of Sexual Medicine</a> by Lyndsey S. Benson and colleagues analyzed a sample of over 10,000 women. They found that 36.3 percent of American women aged 15 to 44 have engaged in anal intercourse at some point in their lives, with 13.2 percent reporting engagement within the past year.</p>
<h3 class="mt-6 mb-4 font-bold text-foreground/85 text-base">Anatomical Sources of Pleasure</h3>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The physical potential for pleasure in the anal region varies significantly between biological sexes. Research indicates that specific zones within the rectum are more likely to generate enjoyment than others. A <a class="chat-link-darkened underline underline-offset-2" href="https://www.psypost.org/men-more-likely-than-women-to-orgasm-from-anal-penetration-study-finds/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">study published in Sexual Medicine</a> by Michael Zaliznyak and colleagues mapped these erotic areas.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The researchers surveyed cisgender men and women to identify where they felt the most sensation. The findings point to the superficial anterior region as the primary source of pleasure for both groups. This area is located at the front of the rectum, toward the genitals.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">For men, this region is adjacent to the prostate gland. The prostate is a known source of sexual pleasure and is highly sensitive to pressure. Stimulation of the prostate through the rectal wall explains why many men report high levels of satisfaction.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">For women, the superficial anterior region lies near the internal legs of the clitoris and the pudendal nerve. These structures are integral to female sexual arousal. Stimulation of the anal canal can indirectly stimulate these internal genital structures. This shared anatomy suggests that anal pleasure for women is often linked to the clitoral complex.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The study by Zaliznyak also found that deeper regions of the rectum were less frequently cited as pleasurable. Participants indicated that sensations were most intense near the entrance and the front wall. This challenges the assumption that depth of penetration is the primary driver of satisfaction.</p>
<h3 class="mt-6 mb-4 font-bold text-foreground/85 text-base">Gender Differences in Orgasm</h3>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">While both men and women share the superficial anterior region as a pleasure center, their rates of orgasm differ. The research indicates that men are significantly more likely to reach orgasm from anal stimulation alone. Approximately 39 percent of men reported this capability compared to 19 percent of women.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">This disparity likely stems from the direct stimulation of the prostate in men. This gland provides a clear physiological pathway to orgasm that does not require external touch. Women frequently require concurrent stimulation to reach the same peak.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">About half of the respondents from both genders reported achieving orgasm when anal sex was paired with stimulation of other body parts. For women, this usually means simultaneous clitoral touch. The data suggests that for most women, anal penetration functions as an enhancement to other sensations rather than a standalone source of release.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Zaliznyak’s team noted that women were twice as likely as men to report never having orgasmed from anal sex. This gap implies that biological differences are only part of the story. Social factors and the specific techniques used during the act also play a significant role.</p>
<h3 class="mt-6 mb-4 font-bold text-foreground/85 text-base">Beyond Penetration: Sexual Repertoires for Women</h3>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Standard definitions of anal sex often focus exclusively on penile penetration. This narrow view ignores a wide range of behaviors that women find enjoyable. A <a class="chat-link-darkened underline underline-offset-2" href="https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0268785" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">study published in PLOS One</a> by Devon Hensel and colleagues sought to categorize these specific techniques.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The researchers identified three distinct behaviors that expand the definition of anal play. They termed these practices Anal Surfacing, Anal Shallowing, and Anal Pairing. Naming these techniques provides women with the vocabulary to advocate for their own pleasure.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Anal Surfacing involves stimulation on the outside of the anus. This includes touch by fingers, a penis, or a sex toy without internal entry. The study found that 40 percent of women find this external contact pleasurable. It allows for sensation without the potential discomfort of insertion.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Anal Shallowing refers to penetration that enters only just inside the opening. This aligns with the anatomical findings regarding the superficial sensation zone. Approximately 35 percent of women reported enjoyment from penetration no deeper than a fingertip or knuckle.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Anal Pairing describes anal touch that occurs simultaneously with other sexual acts. This was found to be pleasurable by 40 percent of women. Pairing anal touch with vaginal or clitoral stimulation enhances the overall experience.</p>
<h3 class="mt-6 mb-4 font-bold text-foreground/85 text-base">Motivations and Relationship Dynamics</h3>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Women choose to engage in anal intercourse for a variety of reasons beyond physical sensation. A <a class="chat-link-darkened underline underline-offset-2" href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1363/4114209" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">qualitative study in Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health</a> by Emily Maynard and colleagues explored these motivations through in-depth interviews. The participants described a mix of physical desire and emotional goals.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Many women cited intimacy as a primary driver. They viewed anal sex as a marker of exceptional trust and closeness. By allowing a partner access to a taboo area, they felt they were deepening the emotional bond.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Curiosity and the desire for variety also played a role. Participants described wanting to explore new aspects of their bodies and sexual lives. For some, it was a way to break the routine of their sexual scripts.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The study also highlighted the role of partner pleasure. Women frequently expressed a desire to please their male partners. In some cases, a woman’s enjoyment was contingent upon her partner’s satisfaction. This suggests that female agency in anal sex is often relational rather than purely individual.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Some participants viewed anal intercourse as a way to avoid pregnancy while maintaining intimacy. This practical motivation sometimes superseded concerns about sexually transmitted infections. The perception of anal sex as non-reproductive gave it a specific utility in their sexual lives.</p>
<h3 class="mt-6 mb-4 font-bold text-foreground/85 text-base">The Role of Pain and Learning</h3>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Pain is a frequent component of anal intercourse, particularly during early experiences. A <a class="chat-link-darkened underline underline-offset-2" href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-012-0068-7" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">study published in the Archives of Sexual Behavior</a> by Aleksandar Štulhofer and Dea Ajduković examined how women navigate this discomfort. The researchers found that pain often decreases as women gain experience.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Initial attempts at anal intercourse were frequently described as painful or uncomfortable. A significant number of women stopped the practice entirely due to this factor. However, a majority of those who continued reported that the pain diminished over time.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">This reduction in pain was linked to a learning process. Women who communicated with their partners and used lubrication reported better outcomes. The relaxation of the pelvic muscles was identified as a critical skill that often required practice.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The study also found evidence that pleasure and arousal tend to increase as the pain decreases. Women who persisted with the practice often reported that it eventually became highly arousing. This suggests a trajectory where initial negative sensations can transform into positive ones through adaptation.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">For a subset of women, pain did not disappear but was reinterpreted. The researchers found themes of eroticization of pain. Some participants associated the sensation with intensity, passion, or submission. In these contexts, discomfort was not a deterrent but an integral part of the sexual thrill.</p>
<h3 class="mt-6 mb-4 font-bold text-foreground/85 text-base">Power, Coercion, and Persistence</h3>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The dynamics of initiation play a central role in how anal sex is experienced. Narratives from young people often highlight a blurred line between persuasion and coercion. A <a class="chat-link-darkened underline underline-offset-2" href="https://bmjopen.bmj.com/content/4/8/e004996.short" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">qualitative study in BMJ Open</a> by Cicely Marston and Ruth Lewis examined these interactions among youth in the UK.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The researchers found that men are the primary initiators of anal sex in heterosexual couples. Young men often viewed anal sex as a sexual achievement or a form of competition with peers. This drive sometimes led to persistent pressure on female partners.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Young women frequently reported expecting anal sex to be painful. Despite this expectation, many acquiesced to their partners’ requests. The study noted a normalization of coercion, where repeated requests were seen as standard persuasion rather than harassment.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The concept of the “accident” or “slip” appeared in several accounts. This refers to instances where penile penetration of the anus occurred during vaginal intercourse. Some participants described this as unintentional, while others admitted it was a strategy to initiate the act.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">This environment creates a context where women’s pleasure is secondary. The narratives suggested that men’s desire for the act often outweighed concerns about the woman’s comfort. This power imbalance can obscure whether a woman is engaging out of genuine desire or compliance.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">However, older or more experienced women often demonstrate more agency. The study by Maynard noted that while men often initiated, women felt they held the power to consent. By granting or withholding permission, women could negotiate the terms of the encounter.</p>
<h3 class="mt-6 mb-4 font-bold text-foreground/85 text-base">Demographics and Orientation</h3>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The profile of who engages in anal sex is broad and inclusive. The Benson study found that women of all racial and ethnic backgrounds and religions engage in anal intercourse. However, specific demographics correlate with higher rates of lifetime engagement, including older age, higher education levels, and higher income.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">This contradicts stereotypes that anal sex is exclusively a result of commercial sex work or low agency. Instead, it suggests that women with more socioeconomic power are also engaging in the act.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Among men, the Zaliznyak study indicates that gay and bisexual men are more likely to report receptive anal intercourse than heterosexual men. Heterosexual men were the least likely group to report finding anal areas pleasurable, which may reflect social stigma rather than biological capacity.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The data also reveals generational trends. The Benson study found that a “younger age at first intercourse” correlated with recent anal activity, aligning with Owen’s finding that the practice is common among youth regardless of gender.</p>
<h3 class="mt-6 mb-4 font-bold text-foreground/85 text-base">Risk and Protection</h3>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Despite the frequency of anal intercourse, protective behaviors remain low. The Benson study highlighted a significant gap in condom usage. While 28 percent of women used condoms during their last vaginal intercourse, only 16.4 percent used them during their last anal encounter.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">This discrepancy puts women at higher risk for sexually transmitted infections. The physiology of the rectum makes it more susceptible to tearing and disease transmission than the vagina. The choice to forego condoms may be linked to the motivations of intimacy mentioned in the Maynard study; women who view anal sex as a special act of closeness may feel that barriers diminish that connection.</p>
<h3 class="mt-6 mb-4 font-bold text-foreground/85 text-base">Sexual Literacy and Education</h3>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">A lack of specific knowledge about anatomy hinders the ability to enjoy anal sex safely. A <a class="chat-link-darkened underline underline-offset-2" href="https://shura.shu.ac.uk/33107/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">sociological inquiry published in the Journal of Positive Sexuality</a> by James Pickles and colleagues highlighted the gap in sexual literacy. The researchers interviewed sexual health practitioners and educators to understand current perceptions.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The study argues that sex education often neglects female pleasure anatomy. Many young women lack a detailed understanding of the clitoris and its role in arousal. Without this foundation, it is difficult to understand how anal stimulation might interact with genital pleasure.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Practitioners expressed concern that anal sex is often framed solely through a lens of risk. While preventing disease is important, ignoring pleasure leaves individuals ill-equipped to navigate the act. The focus on danger can prevent open conversations about how to make the experience comfortable and enjoyable.</p>
<h3 class="mt-6 mb-4 font-bold text-foreground/85 text-base">The Role of Pornography and Media</h3>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Media representations shape expectations regarding anal sex. The Marston and Lewis study found that young people frequently cited pornography as a reason for the rise in anal sex. Men often expressed a desire to copy acts seen in explicit films.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">This influence can create unrealistic scripts for sexual encounters. Pornography often depicts anal sex as occurring without preparation or lubrication. It rarely shows the negotiation or the gradual process often required for comfort.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">These portrayals contribute to the belief that women should enjoy the act immediately. When real-life experiences involve pain, it can lead to confusion or feelings of inadequacy. Young men may operate under the assumption that if a woman does not enjoy it, she is simply not “relaxed” enough.</p>
<h3 class="mt-6 mb-4 font-bold text-foreground/85 text-base">Conclusion</h3>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">The enjoyment of anal sex is a multifaceted phenomenon. Biologically, the proximity of the prostate in men and the clitoral structure in women provides a basis for physical pleasure. When specific zones like the superficial anterior region are targeted, both sexes can experience significant arousal.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Yet, biology alone does not explain who engages in it. Women often participate to foster intimacy, trust, and connection with their partners. The demographic data reveals that this is a common practice across all races, with higher prevalence among those with higher education.</p>
<p class="mb-4 break-words">Experience and education are significant predictors of enjoyment. The transition from pain to pleasure often requires a learning curve involving relaxation and communication. Those who can navigate this process, often stripping away the pressure of performance or coercion, are more likely to find satisfaction.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-research-reveals-mixed-feelings-about-the-terms-neurodiversity-and-neurodivergent/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New research reveals mixed feelings about the terms “neurodiversity” and “neurodivergent”</a>
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<p><p>The term “neurodiversity” is still <a href="https://www.oed.com/dictionary/neurodiversity_n?tl=true">relatively new</a>. Even now, there’s no firm agreement among experts about what it should include. Does it refer only to neurodevelopmental differences such as autism, ADHD and dyslexia? Or should it stretch further, to include <a href="https://uk.jkp.com/products/were-all-neurodiverse">mental health conditions</a> too?</p>
<p>Until recently, no one had asked neurodivergent people themselves what they thought about the language used to describe them. So, we decided to do just that. Our <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/27546330251390590">new research</a> found a mixture of positive and negative views about words like “neurodiversity” and “neurodivergent”.</p>
<p>Neurodiversity refers to the different ways in which people think and behave. Just as everyone has an ethnicity, everyone has a neurotype. <a href="https://rightdecisions.scot.nhs.uk/autism-meeting-the-needs-of-autistic-people-and-people-with-other-types-of-neurodivergence/what-is-neurodiversity/">Around 15%</a> of people are thought to be neurodivergent, meaning their brains function differently from what society considers “typical”. The remaining 85% are neurotypical.</p>
<p>In our survey of more than 900 neurodivergent adults across the UK, almost everyone had heard of the word “neurodiversity”. Also, 74% said they used related language, such as “neurodivergent”, to describe themselves.</p>
<p>One finding stood out in particular: how often the language of neurodiversity is used incorrectly. The word “neurodiverse” refers to a group that includes both neurotypical and neurodivergent people. In other words, it’s a mix of different brain types. But it’s often used to describe individuals or groups of neurodivergent people, when the correct term would be “neurodivergent”.</p>
<p>For many participants, this mistake was more than a harmless slip of the tongue. Some described it as deeply irritating, while others saw it as a warning sign. When an expert or organisation got it wrong, especially one claiming to be inclusive, it could be seen as a “red flag”. Some participants thought this was a sign that they used fashionable inclusive language while failing to change exclusionary practices.</p>
<p>Participants also felt differently about how useful the term “neurodivergent” actually is. Some described it as a “safe umbrella” – a simple, inclusive way to talk about their identity without listing multiple diagnoses. One person explained that it saved them from reeling off a “laundry list” of conditions.</p>
<p>Others said it felt safer than naming specific conditions such as autism or ADHD, which can still <a href="https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/10.1089/aut.2021.0005">carry stigma</a>. Saying “I’m neurodivergent” offered a way to share something about themselves while reducing the risk of a negative reaction. It also helped people who were waiting for a diagnosis or who self-identified as neurodivergent but didn’t yet have formal recognition.</p>
<p>But not everyone found the word helpful. Some said it was too broad to mean anything and didn’t communicate their day-to-day challenges or support needs. Others pointed out that many people still don’t understand what “neurodivergent” means, making it ineffective as a way to explain who they are.</p>
<p>There were also concerns that broadening the language could unintentionally increase stigma towards specific conditions, such as ADHD, by lumping everyone together under one label.</p>
<p><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/hsc.12973">Language</a> shapes how we see the world but also how the world sees us. Our research shows that while umbrella terms like neurodivergent can create community and belonging, they shouldn’t replace more specific identities such as autism or ADHD. Both have an important place.</p>
<p>Instead of replacing those words, we should focus on reducing prejudice and discrimination against neurodivergent people, and also on using language that reflects respect and understanding.</p>
<h2>Getting it right</h2>
<p>As language choices are deeply personal, when you are talking to a neurodivergent person, it may be appropriate to mirror their language choice.</p>
<p>That said, a general rule is if you’re going to use language around neurodiversity, it’s important to use it correctly. Many neurodivergent people find misuse frustrating, especially when it comes from people or organisations who claim to champion inclusion. To keep it simple:</p>
<p>“Neurodiverse” describes groups that include both neurodivergent and neurotypical people – you may find it helpful to think that “neurodiverse” includes everybody in the universe. “Neurodivergent” refers to individuals or groups of people whose brains work differently, for example, autistic people or those with ADHD or dyslexia.</p>
<p>As one participant put it, getting it wrong might just make a neurodivergent person want to hit you with a dictionary.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/264920/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
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<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-autistic-people-and-those-with-adhd-and-dyslexia-really-think-about-the-word-neurodiversity-264920">original article</a>.</em></p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/people-with-children-report-lower-romantic-love-intimacy-and-passion/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">People with children report lower romantic love, intimacy, and passion</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 2nd 2025, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A cross-cultural study involving participants from 25 countries found that participants who have children tend to report lower levels of romantic love, intimacy, and passion toward their partners compared to individuals without children. This association depended on whether the couple had children, but not on the number of children. The paper was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s12110-025-09505-w"><em>Human Nature</em></a>.</p>
<p>Romantic love is an intense emotional and motivational state that binds two people through affection, longing, and attachment. It arises from a combination of biological drives, psychological needs, and social learning that shape how individuals form intimate bonds.</p>
<p>Evolutionary theories suggest that romantic love helps keep partners together long enough to raise offspring, increasing survival. At the same time, psychological theories emphasize that romantic love fulfills deep human needs for closeness, security, and belonging. Cultural factors also shape how people express and interpret romantic love, influencing expectations and norms.</p>
<p>Study author Agnieszka Żelaźniewicz and her colleagues note that previous research indicated that some components of romantic love might depend on the number of children a person has. For example, a previous study among hunter-gatherers found that having more children was associated with higher passion, but only in women. In the same group, commitment to the romantic partner was higher in both men and women with more children, but intimacy was lower.</p>
<p>The authors of this study wanted to investigate the relationship between romantic love and the number of children across different countries and cultures. They were interested in seeing what this relationship looks like in modern populations where birth control is widely available and having multiple offspring is typically a matter of choice.</p>
<p>This study was part of a larger cross-cultural project that involved over 10,000 people from 45 countries. However, after various exclusions, the researchers used data from 3,187 individuals in committed relationships from 25 different countries. Eighty-two percent of these participants were married, and 56% were women. Their average age was 39 years.</p>
<p>Among other assessments, participants completed a measure of romantic love (the Sternberg Triangular Love Scale) and reported their demographic data, including the number of children they have. On average, the number of children per participant was 1.56.</p>
<p>Results showed that having children—but not the specific number of children—was negatively associated with various aspects of romantic love. More precisely, participants who reported having children tended to report lower overall romantic love, intimacy, and passion toward their partners compared to their peers who did not have children. However, the study found no significant relationship between parenthood and commitment, suggesting that the decision to maintain the relationship remains stable even if passion and intimacy decline.</p>
<p>“This pattern may reflect challenges commonly associated with the transition to parenthood, including increased stress, fatigue, financial strain, and work-life conflict, which can diminish partners’ sense of closeness and attraction. Overall, the results underscore the importance of supporting couples’ romantic relationships during the parenting stage to help sustain emotional and physical connection under the demands of family life,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the characteristics of romantic love in families with children. However, the dataset used in this analysis did not include information on participants’ desired or ideal number of children, nor on their satisfaction with their current family size. These factors could affect romantic love within a couple.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s12110-025-09505-w">Is Family Size Related To Love? Data from 25 Countries,</a>” was authored by Agnieszka Żelaźniewicz, Marta Kowal, Bogusław Pawłowski, and Piotr Sorokowski.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/deep-neural-recordings-suggest-the-brain-adapts-to-weight-loss-drugs-over-time/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Deep neural recordings suggest the brain adapts to weight-loss drugs over time</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 2nd 2025, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>New research offers a rare glimpse into how popular weight-loss medications affect electrical activity deep within the human brain. A case study involving a patient with obesity and binge-eating disorder suggests that the drug tirzepatide may suppress specific brain signals linked to food cravings. The findings also indicate that this neurological suppression might be temporary for some individuals. The study, which details these direct neural recordings, was published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41591-025-04035-5" target="_blank">Nature Medicine</a></em>.</p>
<p>Many individuals with obesity struggle with a phenomenon often described as food noise. This term refers to constant, intrusive thoughts about food that can make adhering to a diet exceptionally difficult. These obsessive thoughts often precede episodes of loss-of-control eating. Such behaviors are driven by the brain’s reward circuitry rather than simple hunger.</p>
<p>The nucleus accumbens is a small structure deep in the brain that plays a central role in this circuitry. It helps regulate motivation, pleasure, and impulse control. When this region becomes dysregulated, it can contribute to the impulsive behaviors seen in severe eating disorders. Scientists have suspected that weight-loss drugs might interact with this region to reduce cravings.</p>
<p>Researchers at the University of Pennsylvania sought to measure this interaction directly. They utilized a technology known as responsive neurostimulation to monitor brain activity in real time. This approach is typically used to treat conditions like epilepsy or Parkinson’s disease.</p>
<p>The study involved patients who suffered from treatment-resistant obesity and loss-of-control eating. These individuals had not found relief through gastric bypass surgery, behavioral therapy, or standard medications. To help them, surgeons implanted electrodes directly into the nucleus accumbens of their brains. These electrodes were connected to a device capable of recording electrical impulses.</p>
<p>The researchers first established a baseline for what food cravings look like in the brain. They analyzed data from two participants who were not taking tirzepatide. These participants recorded their feelings of hunger and craving throughout the day. They swiped a magnet over their implant to mark moments of severe food preoccupation.</p>
<p>A distinct pattern emerged in the electrical data from these two participants. During moments of intense food noise, the electrodes detected a specific low-frequency oscillation. This electrical wave occurred in the delta-theta frequency band. This signal served as a reliable biomarker for the state of high food preoccupation.</p>
<p>The study then focused on a third patient, referred to as Participant 3. This 60-year-old woman had a history of severe obesity and type 2 diabetes. She had previously struggled with frequent episodes of binge eating. Unlike the first two participants, she was prescribed tirzepatide to manage her diabetes.</p>
<p>Tirzepatide mimics the action of two natural hormones involved in blood sugar and appetite regulation. These hormones are glucagon-like peptide-1 (GLP-1) and glucose-dependent insulinotropic polypeptide (GIP). The patient increased her dosage to the maximum therapeutic level around the time of her electrode implantation. This timing provided the researchers with a unique experimental setup.</p>
<p>For the first few months following her surgery, Participant 3 reported a dramatic change in her symptoms. She experienced almost no food noise or cravings. She described feeling in control of her eating choices for the first time in years. The recordings from her brain implant mirrored this subjective report.</p>
<p>During this symptom-free period, the low-frequency electrical signal seen in the other participants was absent. The specific biomarker associated with food preoccupation had flattened out. The activity in her nucleus accumbens looked indistinguishable from brain activity during periods of relaxation. This suggested that the medication was effectively dampening the neural firing associated with cravings.</p>
<p>The situation shifted after approximately five months of treatment. Participant 3 began to report that her intrusive thoughts about food were returning. She experienced “breakthrough” episodes of food preoccupation despite remaining on the maximum dose of the drug. The silence in her mind was being replaced by the familiar noise of cravings.</p>
<p>The researchers analyzed the brain recordings from this later period. They found that the low-frequency delta-theta signal had reemerged. As the patient’s food noise returned, so did the electrical signature associated with it. The return of the neural signal correlated strongly with her self-reported lapses in dietary control.</p>
<p>This observation suggests that the brain might develop a form of tolerance to the drug’s neurological effects. The medication initially succeeded in quieting the reward circuitry. Over time, however, the circuitry appeared to adapt or reset. The suppression of the craving-related signal was not permanent in this case.</p>
<p>The study provides direct physiological evidence of how incretin-based therapies engage the human brain. It confirms that these drugs can modulate activity in the reward center. It also highlights the potential for neural adaptation that may limit their long-term effectiveness for some behavioral symptoms.</p>
<p>The findings offer a potential explanation for why some patients see their weight loss plateau. It may also explain why cravings can return even while patients continue medication. Understanding this mechanism is a step toward managing long-term treatment expectations.</p>
<p>Senior author Casey H. Halpern noted the significance of these observations in a press statement. “This study offers major insights into how these drugs may work inside the brain and will guide us as we explore new indications,” Halpern said. He emphasized the need for caution regarding the drugs’ capabilities. “Until we better understand their action on the brain, it’s far too soon to call GLP-1 and GIP inhibitors miracle drugs for more conditions beyond type 2 diabetes and obesity.”</p>
<p>The use of intracranial electroencephalography provided a level of detail not possible with external scans. Standard brain imaging cannot easily track rapid changes in electrical oscillations. The implanted device allowed for continuous monitoring in a natural setting.</p>
<p>This method opens new avenues for precision medicine in psychiatry and metabolic health. Scientists could potentially use these neural biomarkers to track how well a medication is working. This would allow doctors to adjust treatments based on objective brain data rather than just patient reports.</p>
<p>There are several limitations to this study that must be considered. The results regarding tirzepatide come from a single case study. It is not yet known if this pattern of suppression and recurrence occurs in all patients. Individual brain chemistry varies significantly from person to person.</p>
<p>Simon Cork, a senior lecturer in Physiology at Anglia Ruskin University who was not involved in the study, commented on the need for context when interpreting these results. He <a href="https://www.sciencemediacentre.org/expert-reaction-to-weight-loss-drugs-influencing-brain-signals-linked-to-food-cravings-as-published-in-nature-medicine/" target="_blank">told the Science Media Centre</a> that the study focused on a specific subset of patients rather than the general population. “This study specifically looked at a marker of brain activity associated with periods of ‘binge eating’ in patients with obesity associated with food preoccupation,” Cork said.</p>
<p>Cork added that “this is a specific (and rare) condition associated with obesity.” Consequently, the neural patterns observed here might not be universal. The distinction is important for managing public expectations about these medications. “So, while this study is methodologically very interesting, it has to be clear that this is only one patient with a very specific condition that is associated with obesity and so shouldn’t necessarily be generalised to the entire population,” Cork said.</p>
<p>Additionally, the study cannot definitively prove that the drug caused the initial silence in brain activity. Other factors related to the surgery or postoperative recovery could have played a role. However, the strong correlation between the drug dose, the symptoms, and the electrical signals is notable.</p>
<p>The distinction between homeostatic and hedonic eating is also relevant here. Homeostatic eating is driven by energy needs, while hedonic eating is driven by pleasure. This study suggests that these drugs impact the hedonic pathways located in the nucleus accumbens.</p>
<p>The researchers did not stimulate the brain to stop the cravings in this phase of the study. They only recorded the activity to understand the natural progression. Future trials may involve using the device to deliver electrical stimulation when the craving signal is detected.</p>
<p>This “closed-loop” approach could theoretically bolster the effects of the medication. If the drug’s ability to suppress the signal fades, electrical stimulation could step in. This would create a hybrid therapy combining pharmacology and technology.</p>
<p>Co-first author Wonkyung Choi commented on the value of the data despite the small sample size. “Although this study only featured the data from one person taking tirzepatide, it provides compelling data about how GLP-1 and GIP inhibitors alter electrical signals in the brain,” Choi said.</p>
<p>The research team plans to continue investigating how these therapies influence brain dynamics. They hope to identify which specific receptors are responsible for the change in neural activity. This could lead to the development of more targeted medications with longer-lasting effects on food noise.</p>
<p>The study represents a convergence of metabolic medicine and neuroscience. It treats obesity not just as a hormonal issue but as a neurological one. By mapping the neural signatures of craving, scientists are getting closer to the root of dysregulated eating.</p>
<p>For now, the findings serve as both a promise and a precaution. They confirm that weight-loss drugs can profoundly alter brain activity related to cravings. Yet they also warn that the brain is a dynamic organ capable of resisting even powerful pharmaceutical interventions.</p>
<p>Further research will be needed to generalize these findings to a broader population. Large-scale studies using non-invasive methods could help validate the delta-theta biomarker. If confirmed, this neural signature could become a standard tool for assessing eating disorders.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41591-025-04035-5" target="_blank">Brain activity associated with breakthrough food preoccupation in an individual on tirzepatide</a>,” was authored by Wonkyung Choi, Young-Hoon Nho, Liming Qiu, Andrew Chang, Gustavo Campos, Robert L. Seilheimer, W. Bryan Wilent, David Bakalov, Nida Firdous, Marie Kerr, Disha Joshi, Gabriella Maze, Uros Topalovic, Daniel Batista, Nanthia Suthana, Anastassia Amaro, Matthew R. Hayes, Iahn Cajigas, Mario Cristancho, Kelly C. Allison, Bijan Pesaran, Katherine W. Scangos, Joshua I. Gold, Thomas A. Wadden, and Casey H. Halpern.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/endorsing-easily-disproved-lies-acts-as-a-psychological-power-move-for-some/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Endorsing easily disproved lies acts as a psychological “power move” for some</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 2nd 2025, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>Why do some people endorse claims that can easily be disproved? It’s one thing to believe false information, but another to actively stick with something that’s obviously wrong.</p>
<p>Our new research, published in the Journal of Social Psychology, suggests that some people consider it <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00224545.2025.2541206">a “win” to lean in to known falsehoods</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=Ep1t9nsAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">We are</a> <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=m4ogbeIAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">social psychologists</a> who study political psychology and how people reason about reality. During the pandemic, we surveyed 5,535 people across eight countries to investigate why people believed COVID-19 misinformation, like false claims that 5G networks cause the virus.</p>
<p>The strongest predictor of whether someone believed in COVID-19-related misinformation and risks related to the vaccine was whether they viewed COVID-19 prevention efforts in terms of symbolic strength and weakness. In other words, this group focused on whether an action would make them appear to fend off or “give in” to untoward influence.</p>
<p>This factor outweighed how people felt about COVID-19 in general, their thinking style and even their political beliefs.</p>
<p>Our survey measured it on a scale of how much people agreed with sentences including “Following coronavirus prevention guidelines means you have backed down” and “Continuous coronavirus coverage in the media is a sign we are losing.” Our interpretation is that people who responded positively to these statements would feel they “win” by endorsing misinformation – doing so can show “the enemy” that it will not gain any ground over people’s views.</p>
<h2>When meaning is symbolic, not factual</h2>
<p>Rather than consider issues in light of actual facts, we suggest people with this mindset prioritize being independent from outside influence. It means you can justify espousing pretty much anything – the easier a statement is to disprove, the more of a power move it is to say it, as it symbolizes how far you’re willing to go.</p>
<p>When people think symbolically this way, the literal issue – here, fighting COVID-19 – is secondary to a psychological war over people’s minds. In the minds of those who think they’re engaged in them, <a href="https://doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197267493.001.0001">psychological wars</a> are waged over opinions and attitudes, and are won via control of belief and messaging. The U.S. government at various times has used the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2017.1342623">concept of psychological war</a> to try to limit the influence of foreign powers, pushing people to think that literal battles are less important than psychological independence.</p>
<p>By that same token, vaccination, masking or other COVID-19 prevention efforts could be seen as a symbolic risk that could “weaken” one psychologically even if they provide literal physical benefits. If this seems like an extreme stance, it is – the majority of participants in our studies did not hold this mindset. But those who did were especially likely to also believe in misinformation.</p>
<p>In an additional study we ran that focused on attitudes around cryptocurrency, we measured whether people saw crypto investment in terms of signaling independence from traditional finance. These participants, who, like those in our COVID-19 study, prioritized a symbolic show of strength, were more likely to believe in other kinds of misinformation and conspiracies, too, such as that the government is concealing evidence of alien contact.</p>
<p>In all of our studies, this mindset was also strongly associated with authoritarian attitudes, including beliefs that some groups should dominate others and support for autocratic government. These links help explain why strongman leaders often use misinformation symbolically to <a href="https://www.hachettebookgroup.com/titles/peter-pomerantsev/nothing-is-true-and-everything-is-possible/9781610396004/?lens=publicaffairs">impress and control</a> a population.</p>
<h2>Why people endorse misinformation</h2>
<p>Our findings highlight the limits of countering misinformation directly, because for some people, literal truth is not the point.</p>
<p>For example, President Donald Trump incorrectly claimed in August 2025 that crime in Washington D.C. was at an all-time high, generating <a href="https://www.politifact.com/factchecks/2025/aug/12/donald-trump/washington-dc-homicide-rate-international/">countless</a> <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2025/08/11/politics/violent-crime-dc-fact-check-vis">fact-checks</a> of his premise and <a href="https://paulkrugman.substack.com/p/magas-feelings-dont-care-about-your">think pieces</a> about his dissociation from reality.</p>
<p>But we believe that to someone with a symbolic mindset, debunkers merely demonstrate that they’re the ones reacting, and are therefore weak. The correct information is easily available, but is irrelevant to someone who prioritizes a symbolic show of strength. What matters is signaling one isn’t listening and won’t be swayed.</p>
<p>In fact, for symbolic thinkers, nearly any statement should be justifiable. The more outlandish or easily disproved something is, the more powerful one might seem when standing by it. Being an <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/edgelord">edgelord</a> – a contrarian online provocateur – or outright lying can, in their own odd way, appear “authentic.”</p>
<p>Some people may also view their favorite dissembler’s claims as provocative trolling, but, given the link between this mindset and authoritarianism, they want those far-fetched claims acted on anyway. The deployment of National Guard troops to Washington, for example, can be the desired end goal, even if the offered justification is a transparent farce.</p>
<h2>Is this really 5-D chess?</h2>
<p>It is possible that symbolic, but not exactly true, beliefs have some downstream benefit, such as serving as negotiation tactics, loyalty tests, or a fake-it-till-you-make-it long game that somehow, eventually, becomes a reality. Political theorist Murray Edelman, known for his work on <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/C/bo5948882.html">political symbolism</a>, noted that politicians often prefer scoring symbolic points over delivering results – it’s easier. Leaders can offer symbolism when they have little tangible to provide.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/265652/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
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<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/winning-with-misinformation-new-research-identifies-link-between-endorsing-easily-disproven-claims-and-prioritizing-symbolic-strength-265652">original article</a>.</em></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/higher-social-media-engagement-linked-to-reduced-performance-on-cognitive-assessments/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Higher social media engagement linked to reduced performance on cognitive assessments</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 2nd 2025, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A new analysis of data from a long-term national health study suggests that early adolescents who increase their social media usage over time may score lower on certain tests of brain function. The research indicates that even moderate engagement with these platforms is linked to slight declines in reading and memory skills as children transition into their teenage years. These findings appeared recently in a research letter published in the <em><a href="https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/fullarticle/2839941" target="_blank">Journal of the American Medical Association</a></em>.</p>
<p>Digital platforms have become a central part of modern childhood, yet the long-term impact on developing minds remains a subject of intense debate. Previous research regarding screen time has often lumped interactive social media with passive activities like watching television or playing video games. This lack of distinction has made it difficult for experts to isolate the specific effects of apps designed to capture and hold user attention through personalized feeds.</p>
<p>The investigation was led by Jason M. Nagata and colleagues at the University of California, San Francisco. The team sought to understand if patterns of usage over several years correlated with how well children performed on standardized cognitive assessments. They hypothesized that higher engagement with social platforms would correspond with lower scores in various intellectual domains.</p>
<p>A primary theory guiding this inquiry is known as the displacement hypothesis. This concept suggests that time spent scrolling through feeds replaces activities that build cognitive skills, such as reading books, sleeping, or completing homework. The researchers aimed to test this by observing changes in intellectual performance as children aged from roughly ten to twelve years old.</p>
<p>The team utilized data from the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development study, which is a massive long-term project tracking brain development in the United States. They focused on a sample of 6,554 children who were between the ages of 9 and 10 when the data collection began. The researchers tracked these participants over a two-year period ending when they were approximately 12 or 13 years old.</p>
<p>Based on self-reported habits, the analysts categorized the children into three distinct groups to model their usage trajectories. The largest group, comprising nearly 58 percent of the participants, maintained no or very low social media use throughout the study period. A second group, representing about 37 percent, started with low use that gradually increased to an average of 1.3 hours per day.</p>
<p>The smallest group consisted of roughly 6 percent of the children. This cohort exhibited a sharp rise in activity, reaching more than three hours of daily social media use by the end of the period. The researchers then compared the cognitive scores of the two active groups against the group with little to no exposure.</p>
<p>To measure mental function, the study employed a standardized testing suite known as the NIH Toolbox. This battery of assessments evaluates various domains including reading recognition, vocabulary, and memory. The analysis adjusted for factors such as household income, parental education, and existing mental health symptoms to ensure fair comparisons between the groups.</p>
<p>The data revealed a consistent pattern where increased social media use tracked with lower cognitive scores on specific tasks. Adolescents in the “high increasing” group showed the most significant deficits compared to their peers who avoided social media. Specifically, these heavy users scored lower on tests measuring their ability to recognize words and recall sequences of pictures.</p>
<p>Performance on picture vocabulary tests also lagged in the high-usage group. This particular metric assesses stored language knowledge, often referred to as crystallized intelligence. The researchers noted that these specific deficits support the idea that screen time might be crowding out educational opportunities.</p>
<p>The study indicated that even the “low increasing” group experienced similar, though less severe, associations. Children who averaged just over an hour of daily use by age 13 still performed worse on reading and memory tasks than non-users. This implies that the threshold for potential negative effects might be lower than previously assumed.</p>
<p>Not all cognitive domains showed a negative association. The researchers did not find statistically significant deficits in the Flanker test, which measures attention and inhibitory control, or in pattern comparison processing speed. The negative impacts appeared concentrated in areas related to accumulated knowledge and memory rather than rapid processing.</p>
<p>While the correlations were statistically significant, the absolute difference in scores was relatively small. The average scores for all groups remained within the normal range for their age. This has led to differing interpretations regarding the practical importance of the findings.</p>
<p>In <a href="https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/fullarticle/2839942" target="_blank">an accompanying editorial</a>, Sheri Madigan and colleagues argued that these small shifts can matter significantly when applied to a whole population. They noted that “subtle differences in cognition at a group level may translate into students taking longer on average to complete assignments.” They suggested that these minor individual deficits could aggregate into broader educational setbacks.</p>
<p>The editorial authors distinguished between crystallized cognition and fluid cognition. Crystallized cognition involves skills acquired through learning and experience, such as vocabulary. Fluid cognition involves solving novel problems. The study found the largest differences in crystallized areas, which strengthens the argument that social media may displace time spent learning.</p>
<p>Beyond displacement, the editorial pointed to other potential mechanisms. They highlighted that social media features such as infinite feeds and notifications can disrupt sleep. Sleep is essential for brain maturation and memory consolidation during adolescence.</p>
<p>A major limitation of the study is its observational nature. It cannot prove that social media causes lower test scores, only that the two are related. It is possible that children with academic struggles are more prone to seeking out social media as a distraction.</p>
<p>Additionally, the data relied on children reporting their own screen time. Self-reporting is often inaccurate, as users tend to underestimate how much time they spend online. Future research will need to utilize more objective tracking methods to verify these usage patterns.</p>
<p>Reaction from the wider scientific community has been mixed. Chris Ferguson, a professor of psychology at Stetson University, <a href="https://www.sciencemediacentre.org/expert-reaction-to-research-letter-on-social-media-use-trajectories-and-cognitive-performance-in-adolescents/" target="_blank">expressed skepticism</a> regarding the study’s conclusions. He stated, “The effect sizes reported are so small as to likely be the result of statistical noise.”</p>
<p>Ferguson argued that the study does not provide strong evidence for a causal link. He noted that youth cognitive performance is generally stable and that the observed fluctuations might not be meaningful. This perspective highlights the difficulty in separating genuine signals from random variations in large datasets.</p>
<p>Conversely, Victoria Goodyear from the University of Birmingham found the results consistent with broader trends in academic research. She remarked, “An interesting finding is that not only high, but lower levels of use are associated with worse outcomes.” This supports the notion that regulatory attention might be needed even for moderate usage.</p>
<p>The editorial argues that waiting for perfect data may prevent necessary protective measures. Madigan and her co-authors reference the Evidence to Decision framework. This framework assists policymakers in weighing imperfect evidence against the risks of inaction.</p>
<p>They contend that the potential for harm justifies a precautionary approach to social media policy. They write that “children, families, and societies cannot afford to wait for perfect evidence that will never come.” The authors suggest that enforceable age limits and improved design standards could mitigate these developmental costs.</p>
<p>The study provides a new data point in the ongoing effort to understand the “digital diet” of American youth. While it does not settle the debate on causation, it highlights a distinct pattern where increased screen time correlates with reduced performance in reading and memory. As digital platforms continue to evolve, understanding these trajectories will be essential for parents and educators alike.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/fullarticle/2839941" target="_blank">Social Media Use Trajectories and Cognitive Performance in Adolescents</a>,” was authored by Jason M. Nagata, Jennifer H. Wong, Kristen E. Kim, Racquel A. Richardson, Sahana Nayak, Char Potes, Andreas M. Rauschecker, Aaron Scheffler, Leo P. Sugrue, Fiona C. Baker, and Alexander Testa.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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