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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/study-finds-gratitude-mediates-the-impact-of-support-in-long-term-relationships/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Study finds gratitude mediates the impact of support in long-term relationships</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 27th 2025, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A new examination of romantic relationships suggests that the happiness couples derive from supporting each other relies heavily on the gratitude that support inspires. Researchers publishing in <em><a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1452397/full" target="_blank">Frontiers in Psychology</a></em> found that the act of helping a partner manage stress does not automatically lead to relationship satisfaction on its own. Instead, the sense of being appreciated for that help serves as the primary bridge connecting supportive behavior to a stronger romantic bond.</p>
<p>Michelle Roth and her colleagues at the University of Zurich and Florida State University sought to understand the mechanics of relationship maintenance. They focused on a concept psychologists call dyadic coping. This term describes the interpersonal process couples use to manage stress together. One partner might communicate their anxiety, and the other responds with support. This can take the form of emotional empathy or practical help, such as taking over household tasks. Previous research indicated that dyadic coping is linked to higher relationship quality.</p>
<p>However, the exact reason why this joint coping improves satisfaction remained somewhat unclear. The researchers hypothesized that gratitude plays a mediating role. In psychology, a mediator is a variable that explains the relationship between an input and an outcome. The team theorized that the positive effects of coping might depend on the receiver realizing that a kindness has occurred. They based this on the “find-remind-and-bind” theory of gratitude. This theory suggests that gratitude helps individuals identify high-quality partners and binds them closer together.</p>
<p>The team also wanted to distinguish between two types of gratitude. The first type is felt gratitude, which is the internal emotional experience of thankfulness. The second type is expressed gratitude, which involves verbally communicating appreciation to the partner. The researchers aimed to determine if one type was more effective than the other in promoting relationship satisfaction. They also investigated whether the benefits of gratitude differed for men and women.</p>
<p>To investigate these questions, the researchers analyzed data from 163 couples living in Switzerland. The participants were in mixed-gender relationships. The average duration of these relationships was roughly 30 years. The majority of the couples were married and had children. The sample represented a relatively high socioeconomic status, with many participants holding university degrees.</p>
<p>The participants completed a series of detailed questionnaires. One assessment measured supportive dyadic coping. Participants rated how often they showed empathy or provided practical assistance when their partner was stressed. Another assessment measured dyadic coping-related gratitude. This tool asked participants to rate how much gratitude they perceived from their partner. It also asked how much gratitude they expressed to their partner. Finally, a standard index was used to measure overall relationship satisfaction.</p>
<p>The research team utilized a complex statistical method known as the Actor-Partner Interdependence Mediation Model. This approach allows statisticians to view the couple as an interconnected unit rather than two separate individuals. It separates the impact a person has on their own outcome from the impact they have on their partner’s outcome. This distinction is essential for understanding the reciprocal nature of romantic interactions.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed that the direct link between providing support and feeling satisfied was surprisingly weak. When the researchers accounted for gratitude, the direct effect of coping on satisfaction largely disappeared. This suggests that the act of helping is not enough to generate happiness by itself. The positive outcome depends on the helper perceiving that their partner is grateful.</p>
<p>The study identified a specific chain of emotional events. First, one partner provides supportive coping. Next, this support leads to the partner feeling or expressing gratitude. Finally, this received gratitude boosts the relationship satisfaction of the person who provided the help. This finding supports the idea of gratitude as a feedback loop. The appreciation acts as a reward that validates the effort put into the relationship.</p>
<p>The results were consistent for both felt and expressed gratitude. The partner providing support felt more satisfied whether they heard verbal thanks or simply sensed their partner’s internal gratitude. This implies that partners in long-term relationships may be highly attuned to non-verbal cues. They can detect when their spouse feels appreciative even without explicit words.</p>
<p>The study also found evidence that gratitude helps maintain a sense of fairness in the relationship. This aligns with equity theory, which posits that partners are most satisfied when the give-and-take in a relationship feels balanced. Stress often drains resources and creates an imbalance. Gratitude appears to serve as an “exchange good” that restores equilibrium. The partner receiving help balances the scale by offering appreciation in return.</p>
<p>The researchers observed notable differences between how men and women experienced these dynamics. For women, the pathway from providing help to receiving gratitude to feeling satisfied was significantly stronger. This indicates that women may rely more heavily on perceived appreciation to derive satisfaction from their supportive roles. If a woman helps but does not sense gratitude, her relationship satisfaction may not improve.</p>
<p>Men also benefited from this gratitude loop, but they showed a different pattern regarding the direct effects. The analysis indicated that men retained a significant direct link between their own coping behavior and their satisfaction. This means that men derived some relationship satisfaction simply from the act of providing help, regardless of the gratitude they received. However, the presence of partner gratitude still significantly enhanced their satisfaction.</p>
<p>The study found no significant “partner effects” regarding the direct impact of coping. This means that one person’s helping behavior did not directly predict their partner’s satisfaction in the absence of the gratitude mechanism. The satisfaction of the partner receiving help was also mediated by gratitude. The receiver had to experience gratitude for the support to translate into higher relationship satisfaction for themselves.</p>
<p>There are several limitations to this study that provide context for the results. The data was cross-sectional, meaning it was captured at a single point in time. This prevents the researchers from proving that coping causes gratitude or satisfaction. It only shows that these factors are statistically linked. Longitudinal studies that track couples over time would be required to confirm the sequence of these events.</p>
<p>The sample demographic also limits how widely the findings can be applied. The couples were predominantly Swiss, educated, and in stable, long-term relationships. The dynamics of gratitude and coping might function differently in younger couples or those from different cultural backgrounds. Couples experiencing severe relationship distress might also show different patterns.</p>
<p>The researchers faced technical challenges that prevented them from analyzing felt and expressed gratitude in the same statistical model. Future research with larger sample sizes could address this. A larger pool of participants would allow statisticians to compare the relative strength of felt versus expressed gratitude directly. This would help clarify if one form of appreciation is superior to the other.</p>
<p>The findings offer practical directions for relationship counseling and clinical psychology. Therapists often focus on teaching couples how to communicate and support each other. This study suggests that interventions should also emphasize the reception of that support. Helping couples recognize and appreciate the efforts of their partners could be just as important as the efforts themselves.</p>
<p>The authors suggest that future work should investigate how accuracy plays a role in this process. It remains an open question how well partners actually detect felt gratitude. Investigating whether partners correctly interpret non-verbal appreciation could deepen the understanding of these bonds. Misinterpreting a partner’s silence as ingratitude could break the positive feedback loop identified in this research.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1452397" target="_blank">Building happier bonds: gratitude as a mediator between dyadic coping and relationship satisfaction in romantic couples</a>,” was authored by Michelle Roth, Nicolas Good, Thomas Ledermann, Selina A. Landolt, Katharina Weitkamp, and Guy Bodenmann.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-research-highlights-a-shortage-of-male-mentors-for-boys-and-young-men/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New research highlights a shortage of male mentors for boys and young men</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 26th 2025, 20:00</div>
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<p><p>A new <a href="https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA4451-1.html" target="_blank">research report</a> published by RAND indicates that while most boys and young men in the United States have access to adult mentorship, they frequently lack male guidance figures in critical areas of their lives. The data suggests that for many young males, particularly those from lower-income backgrounds, the adults available to assist with schoolwork, relationships, and future planning are predominantly women.</p>
<p>Recent research has found evidence of a widening gap in well-being between young men and young women. Boys today tend to earn lower grades in school and possess lower literacy rates than their female peers. They are also more likely to be suspended or drop out of high school entirely compared to girls.</p>
<p>These difficulties often extend into young adulthood, where men are increasingly disconnected from education and employment. Statistics indicate they are more likely to live with their parents and remain single compared to women of the same age. Perhaps most concerning is the current mental health crisis, as suicide rates among young men have risen significantly over the last decade.</p>
<p>Between 2010 and 2023, suicide rates increased by 26 percent among men between the ages of 15 and 24. Men are currently four times more likely than women to die by suicide. Addressing these complex issues requires a multifaceted approach, and increasing the active involvement of male mentors is one potential strategy.</p>
<p>Mentors serve as guides who offer advice and support regarding schooling, personal relationships, and plans for the future. Mentoring can occur through formal programs, but it happens more frequently through informal social networks. While female mentors provide essential support, same-sex mentors can offer boys empathy grounded in shared lived experiences.</p>
<p>Previous evidence suggests that boys may derive unique benefits from interacting with male role models who demonstrate positive ways to navigate adulthood. In traditional two-parent families, the father is typically the most accessible male mentor. Social science research has consistently shown that paternal presence is associated with positive educational and behavioral outcomes.</p>
<p>Some studies indicate that these benefits are even more pronounced for sons than for daughters. In the absence of a father, other male mentors can help make a difference. Whether they are family members or community figures, engaged male mentors can improve outcomes for their mentees.</p>
<p>Despite the known benefits, finding sufficient numbers of male volunteers remains a challenge for formal mentoring programs. However, when these matches are made, male mentor-mentee pairs often report stronger and longer-lasting relationships. To understand the current state of this mentorship landscape, the researchers sought to quantify the presence of male mentors in the lives of contemporary American youth.</p>
<p>To investigate this prevalence, the study authors analyzed data from a survey fielded in May 2025. The sample consisted of 1,083 males between the ages of 12 and 21. These participants were drawn from the RAND American Life Panel and the Ipsos KnowledgePanel.</p>
<p>The researchers utilized probability sampling methods to ensure the group was nationally representative. They also weighted the data to reflect the demographic diversity of the U.S. youth population. This approach allows for generalizations about the broader population of American boys and young men.</p>
<p>Participants answered questions regarding who they could turn to for help in three specific life domains: schoolwork, relationships, and planning for the future. For each category, respondents indicated if they could rely on their mother, their father, or another adult. The survey allowed participants to select multiple options if they had support from more than one source.</p>
<p>If they selected a non-parent adult, they received a follow-up question to specify whether that person was a man or a woman. Using these responses, the researchers determined whether each participant had any mentor, a female mentor, or a male mentor. This distinction allowed for a detailed comparison of mentorship across gender lines.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed that the vast majority of boys and young men do have at least one adult they can trust for guidance. Across all three domains, nearly 90 percent or more of the respondents reported having access to a mentor. However, a closer look at the data shows that these supportive figures are frequently women.</p>
<p>In the context of schoolwork, 78 percent of boys reported having a female mentor. In contrast, only 62 percent reported having a male mentor for educational help. This disparity likely reflects the composition of the education workforce, which is dominated by female teachers.</p>
<p>A similar pattern emerged regarding personal relationships, including friendships. About 78 percent of respondents could turn to a woman for relationship advice. Conversely, only 57 percent expressed that they could turn to a man for similar support.</p>
<p>This discrepancy leaves a significant portion of young males without a same-sex guide. Approximately 38 percent of the boys surveyed did not have any adult male to help with schoolwork. Similarly, 43 percent lacked an adult male to consult regarding friendship or relationship problems.</p>
<p>The gap was slightly smaller regarding future plans, yet a substantial minority still lacked male guidance. One in four boys reported having no adult male to help them navigate their long-term goals. This indicates that while general support is available, gender-specific guidance is less common.</p>
<p>The study also identified a strong correlation between household income and access to male mentorship. The researchers analyzed the data across three income levels: less than $50,000, $50,000 to $99,000, and $100,000 or more. Boys from households facing economic challenges were considerably less likely to have a male mentor than those from wealthier families.</p>
<p>For example, less than half of the boys in the lowest income bracket had a male mentor for schoolwork. Specifically, only 41 percent of boys from households earning less than $50,000 had a male guide in this area. In contrast, 72 percent of boys from households earning $100,000 or more reported having a male mentor for schoolwork.</p>
<p>A similar trend appeared regarding relationship advice. Only 45 percent of boys in the lowest income group had a male mentor for relationships. This compares to 67 percent of boys in the highest income group.</p>
<p>These findings align with broader demographic patterns regarding family structure. Female-headed households are more likely to have lower incomes than married-couple households. Consequently, boys in lower-income homes are less likely to have a father present, reducing their immediate access to a male mentor.</p>
<p>The disparity was also evident in planning for the future. Only 54 percent of lower-income boys had a male mentor for future planning. Meanwhile, 84 percent of their higher-income peers had access to such guidance.</p>
<p>While this report provides a clear snapshot of mentorship prevalence, it relies on self-reported data from the participants. The survey identifies the presence of these adults but does not measure the quality or depth of the mentoring relationships. It is possible that some reported mentors provide more substantial support than others.</p>
<p>Future research might investigate how the quality of these interactions varies between male and female mentors. It would be beneficial to understand if the gender of the mentor impacts specific behavioral outcomes. Additionally, further study could explore specific barriers that prevent men from volunteering as mentors.</p>
<p>The research report, “<a href="https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA4451-1.html" target="_blank">The Limited Presence of Male Mentors in the Lives of Boys and Young Men</a>,” was authored by Robert Bozick and Jennie W. Wenger.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/singlehood-stigma-and-the-fear-of-being-alone-linked-to-more-flexible-dating-standards/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Singlehood stigma and the fear of being alone linked to more flexible dating standards</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 26th 2025, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study suggests that the simple prospect of remaining single for a prolonged period can lead individuals to reconsider their firmest dating boundaries. According to research published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/pere.70026" target="_blank">Personal Relationships</a></em>, people become more willing to date someone possessing what they consider a dealbreaker trait when faced with the alternative of staying alone for years. The findings indicate that the expectation of future singlehood, combined with societal pressures, can play a significant part in shaping romantic decisions.</p>
<p>In the world of dating, many people maintain a mental list of “dealbreakers”, which are specific traits or behaviors they consider non-negotiable in a potential partner. These could range from mismatched life goals to unhealthy habits or personality flaws. Researchers have observed that while people often state these standards firmly, their actions can be more flexible. This study was designed to explore what psychological factors might cause someone to bend on a trait they had previously deemed unacceptable.</p>
<p>The research was conducted by Val Wongsomboon of Florida State University and Yale University, alongside Amanda N. Gesselman of the Kinsey Institute at Indiana University. They were interested in how a person’s expectations about their romantic future might influence their selectivity. </p>
<p>The investigation aimed to test whether the anticipated length of singlehood could make an otherwise undesirable partner seem more appealing. It also examined the role of singlehood stigma, which refers to the negative social stereotypes that can portray single people as lonely or incomplete.</p>
<p>To prepare for their main experiment, the researchers first conducted a pilot study to identify a list of common and serious dealbreakers. They surveyed 408 single adults, who selected from a list of 46 traits and rated how serious each one was. This process helped the team identify 25 traits that were frequently chosen and consistently rated as highly disqualifying, including things like drug use, a history of cheating, or having a polyamorous relationship style. This preliminary work ensured that the main study would use dealbreakers that were genuinely meaningful to participants.</p>
<p>For the main experiment, the researchers recruited a new group of 452 single adults. Each participant began by choosing their single most significant dealbreaker from the list of 25. They were then presented with a hypothetical scenario. In this scenario, they were to imagine that a person they found physically attractive, but who possessed their chosen dealbreaker trait, expressed romantic interest in them.</p>
<p>The core of the experiment involved randomly dividing the participants into three groups to manipulate their expectations about the future. One group was asked to imagine that if they rejected this person, they would remain single for the next three years. A second group was given a similar instruction but with a longer timeline of ten years. A third group, the control, received no information about their future relationship status. This design allowed the researchers to isolate the effect of anticipating a period of singlehood.</p>
<p>After considering the scenario, all participants rated their likelihood of engaging in five different activities with this person. The activities ranged from a low-stakes meeting, like having coffee, to more involved interactions, such as having a casual date, and finally to high-commitment possibilities, like entering a serious relationship. Participants also completed a questionnaire designed to measure their endorsement of stigmatizing beliefs about being single, such as viewing single people as desperate or destined to die alone.</p>
<p>The analysis of the data produced a clear pattern. The researchers found no significant difference in willingness between those who imagined a three-year period of singlehood and those who imagined ten years. The specific length of the anticipated wait did not seem to alter their decisions between those two conditions.</p>
<p>However, a distinct difference emerged when these two groups were compared to the control group. Participants who were prompted to envision a future of being single for either three or ten years were consistently more likely to say they would engage with the person who had the dealbreaker trait. This was true across the board, from having fun with the person to considering them as a partner for a serious relationship. The results suggest that the mere expectation of a guaranteed stretch of singlehood is enough to make people lower their standards.</p>
<p>The study also revealed a connection between personal beliefs about singlehood and dating flexibility. Individuals who scored higher on the singlehood stigma scale, meaning they held more negative views about being single, were generally more willing to get involved with the person possessing a dealbreaker. </p>
<p>This association was present for nearly every activity, except for the most casual one of having coffee. This suggests that internalizing negative societal messages about being single may create a sense of urgency to partner up, even if it means compromising on important personal standards.</p>
<p>The researchers acknowledge some limitations to their study. The scenarios were hypothetical, and in real life, people rarely have certainty about how long they will remain single. It is also possible that the three-year timeframe was already perceived as a very long time by many participants, which could explain why the ten-year condition did not produce a stronger effect. Furthermore, the sample was primarily composed of volunteers from social media and was not fully representative of the general population, which may affect how widely the findings can be applied.</p>
<p>Future research could build on these findings by exploring a wider range of timeframes or by using more realistic experimental designs that better mimic the uncertainties of actual dating. Investigating how these pressures operate in diverse populations would also provide a more complete picture of partner selection. </p>
<p>The study helps illuminate the complex interplay between personal desires, social pressures, and the perceived passage of time in the search for a romantic partner. It shows that the decision to accept or reject a potential partner is shaped not just by their qualities but also by the perceived alternative of being alone.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/pere.70026" target="_blank">Long Stretch of Singlehood Ahead? Unpacking the Roles of Anticipated Singlehood Duration and Singlehood Stigma in Lowering Dating Standards</a>,” was authored by Val Wongsomboon and Amanda N. Gesselman.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/researchers-identify-a-potential-neural-pathway-from-childhood-trauma-to-feelings-of-powerlessness/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Researchers identify a potential neural pathway from childhood trauma to feelings of powerlessness</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 26th 2025, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study reports a potential neurological link between adverse experiences in childhood and the negative thinking patterns characteristic of mood disorders. Researchers found that a specific signature of spontaneous brain activity appears to act as an intermediary, connecting early life adversity with an adult’s belief that they cannot control negative events. The work was published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pscychresns.2025.112038" target="_blank">Psychiatry Research: Neuroimaging</a></em>.</p>
<p>Individuals living with depression or bipolar disorder often experience what are known as negative cognitive styles. These are persistent patterns of pessimistic thought, such as a tendency to view oneself and the world negatively, a feeling of hopelessness that bad situations will never improve, or a sense of being powerless. These thought patterns can persist even when symptoms of the mood disorder have subsided, suggesting they are a deep-seated characteristic.</p>
<p>Past research has established a strong connection between these cognitive styles and a person’s exposure to adverse childhood experiences. Such experiences can include various forms of abuse or neglect, as well as significant family dysfunction. These stressful events are known risk factors for developing mood disorders in adulthood and are often associated with more severe forms of illness. Scientists have sought to understand the biological mechanisms that connect these early life events to adult psychological symptoms.</p>
<p>A team of researchers from the Vita-Salute San Raffaele University and the IRCCS Ospedale San Raffaele in Milan, Italy, proposed that the bridge between childhood adversity and adult cognitive styles might be found in the brain’s baseline activity. They focused on a measure of spontaneous neural activity, which reflects how the brain functions when it is at rest and not engaged in a specific task. They hypothesized that childhood adversity could alter these fundamental patterns of brain function, and that these alterations would in turn be related to negative thinking styles.</p>
<p>To investigate this, the researchers recruited 94 inpatients who were being treated for a depressive episode, including 48 with major depressive disorder and 46 with bipolar disorder. They also recruited a comparison group of 35 healthy individuals with no history of major psychiatric disorders. All participants completed the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire, a self-report measure that assesses five types of adversity: emotional abuse, physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional neglect, and physical neglect. </p>
<p>A subset of 71 patients also completed the Cognitions Questionnaire, which measures different facets of negative thinking, such as the perceived uncontrollability of events and the tendency to assume negative outcomes will persist over time.</p>
<p>Each participant also underwent a brain scan using functional magnetic resonance imaging, or fMRI. The scans were performed while the participants were at rest with their eyes closed, allowing the researchers to measure spontaneous brain activity. From these scans, they calculated a specific metric known as the fractional Amplitude of Low Frequency Fluctuations. This measurement reflects the intensity of slow, spontaneous brain signals in localized regions, offering a window into the brain’s baseline functional state.</p>
<p>The researchers then employed a statistical technique called Canonical Correlation Analysis to identify relationships between the complex datasets. This method is designed to find the strongest possible link between one set of variables, in this case the five types of childhood adversity, and another set of variables, which was the spontaneous activity in 246 distinct brain regions. This approach allowed the team to see if a particular pattern of childhood experiences was associated with a corresponding pattern of brain activity.</p>
<p>In the group of patients with mood disorders, the analysis identified a significant relationship. A pattern of childhood adversity, with emotional neglect contributing most strongly, was linked to a distinct signature of spontaneous brain activity. </p>
<p>This signature involved increased activity in several brain regions, including the bilateral precuneus, the posterior cingulate gyrus, and the left dorsolateral insula. At the same time, this pattern involved decreased activity in the right superior temporal gyrus. No such significant association was found in the healthy control group.</p>
<p>The team then examined whether this brain activity pattern was related to the patients’ negative thinking styles. They found that it was. The signature of brain activity linked to childhood adversity also predicted patients’ scores on two specific types of negative thinking: the tendency to generalize negative events across time, which is a form of hopelessness, and the belief that one is unable to control negative events.</p>
<p>Finally, the researchers performed a mediation analysis to test their central hypothesis. This analysis assesses whether the relationship between two variables, here childhood adversity and negative thinking, can be explained by a third, intermediate variable, which was the brain activity pattern. </p>
<p>For the cognitive style of perceived uncontrollability, the model showed a total mediation. This result suggests that the observed association between childhood adversity and a feeling of powerlessness in adulthood is accounted for by the identified changes in spontaneous brain activity.</p>
<p>The study has some limitations. The research is correlational, so it can identify associations but cannot prove that childhood adversity causes the changes in brain activity. The assessment of childhood experiences also relied on adults’ retrospective self-reports, which can be subject to memory biases. Additionally, the sample size was relatively modest, which may have limited the statistical power to detect more subtle or diagnosis-specific effects.</p>
<p>Future research could build on these findings by using larger sample sizes to confirm the results and explore potential differences between major depression and bipolar disorder. Longer brain scans could also provide more reliable measurements of spontaneous neural activity. Incorporating other neurobiological markers, such as measures of brain connectivity, might offer a more comprehensive understanding of how early life stress becomes embedded in brain function and contributes to the cognitive symptoms of mood disorders.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pscychresns.2025.112038" target="_blank">Spontaneous neural activity mediates the effect of adverse childhood experiences on negative cognitive styles in mood disorders: a multivariate approach</a>,” was authored by Tommaso Cazzella, Michele Acconcia, Federica Colombo, Federico Calesella, Lidia Fortaner-Uyà, Camilla Monopoli, Greta D’Orsi, Bianca Maria Benatti, Sara Poletti, Raffaella Zanardi, Cristina Colombo, Francesco Benedetti, and Benedetta Vai.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/brain-structure-changes-may-partially-explain-the-link-between-screen-time-and-adhd/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Brain structure changes may partially explain the link between screen time and ADHD</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 26th 2025, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>An analysis of the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development (ABCD) study data found that children 9–10 years of age who spent more time using screens tended to have slightly more severe ADHD symptoms. They also tended to have slightly reduced cortical thickness in specific brain regions. The paper was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41398-025-03672-1"><em>Translational Psychiatry</em></a>.</p>
<p>Screen time refers to the amount of time a person spends using devices with screens, such as smartphones, tablets, computers, and televisions. It includes both active engagement, like gaming, and passive viewing, like watching videos.</p>
<p>In recent years, children have been exposed to screens at increasingly younger ages due to the widespread availability of mobile devices in homes. Many studies show that overall daily screen time has risen steadily among children, especially during and after the COVID-19 pandemic when online schooling and digital entertainment expanded. Younger children tend to use screens mainly for cartoons and simple games, while older children use them for social media, schoolwork, and more complex games.</p>
<p>Research indicates that excessive screen time is linked with shorter sleep duration, increased sedentary behavior, and reduced outdoor play. Some findings also suggest associations with attention problems and emotional difficulties, although these effects are influenced by family context and the type of content being consumed. Educational screen use, such as interactive learning apps or supervised school tasks, tends to have fewer negative effects than passive entertainment.</p>
<p>Parents increasingly report struggling to set limits because devices are integrated into daily routines and children resist restrictions. Trends also show that many children multitask across multiple screens, such as watching videos while gaming or chatting with friends. Health organizations generally recommend limiting recreational screen time and encouraging balanced routines that include physical activity and social interaction.</p>
<p>Study author Qiulu Shou and her colleagues noted that previous studies indicate that children spending more time using screens tend to show more severe symptoms of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). ADHD is a neurodevelopmental disorder characterized by age-inappropriate inattention or hyperactivity/impulsivity. </p>
<p>They wanted to verify these findings and explore potential neural mechanisms behind the links. The researchers noted that ADHD symptomatology has been previously associated with delayed cortical maturation and alterations in cortical thickness.</p>
<p>They analyzed data from the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development (ABCD) study. This is a longitudinal database comprising 11,878 children from the U.S., aged 9–10 years at the start of the study. Data from 10,116 children at the start of the study were used in the analysis. For 7,880 of these children, data from two years later were also available and included in the analysis.</p>
<p>Screen time was assessed using a self-report questionnaire and calculated as the total time spent using various devices, including playing video games and watching TV. ADHD symptoms were reported by parents using the Child Behavior Checklist and by teachers using the Brief Problem Monitor. Participating children underwent magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), providing researchers with information about the structure of their brains.</p>
<p>Results showed that children spending more time using screens were significantly associated with more severe ADHD symptoms, although the magnitude of the association was small. Higher screen time was also linked to reduced cortical thickness development in specific regions of the brain over the two-year period. These regions were the right temporal pole, left superior frontal gyrus, and left rostral middle frontal gyrus.</p>
<p>The study authors tested a statistical model proposing that cortical volume partially mediates the relationship between screen time and ADHD (i.e., that screen time leads to reduced cortical volume, which, in turn, leads to more severe ADHD symptoms) and found evidence supporting this model.</p>
<p>“These findings suggest that screen time is associated with ADHD symptoms and brain structure, as well as their development, potentially providing insights into the neural mechanisms underlying the association between screen time and ADHD symptomatology,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the neural underpinnings of ADHD. However, it should be noted that the associations reported in this study are weak. They were detectable largely because the study was conducted on a massive group of children. The associations were small at the start of the study and remained small regarding ADHD symptom development two years later. In other words, while the results showed that screen time is statistically associated with ADHD symptoms and their development, the effect sizes suggest the clinical impact may be marginal.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41398-025-03672-1">Association of screen time with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder symptoms and their development: the mediating role of brain structure,</a>” was authored by Qiulu Shou, Masatoshi Yamashita, and Yoshifumi Mizuno.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/mismatched-alcohol-consumption-might-be-a-warning-sign-for-marital-stability/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Mismatched alcohol consumption might be a warning sign for marital stability</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 26th 2025, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>Alcohol serves as a frequent guest at weddings, dinner parties, and quiet evenings at home, weaving itself into the social fabric of many relationships. A comprehensive new review suggests that while alcohol is often viewed as a source of conflict, the compatibility of a couple’s drinking habits is a primary predictor of marital stability. These conclusions regarding the “drinking partnership” appear in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.2147/SAR.S462382" target="_blank">Substance Abuse and Rehabilitation</a></em>.</p>
<p>Public health experts increasingly view individual well-being through the lens of close social bonds. Marriage represents one of the most significant adult relationships, and shared behaviors within that union can drive health outcomes. Alcohol consumption is fundamentally a social activity for the majority of adults. It functions as an intoxicant that alters memory and attention. It also acts as a medium for communication, signaling shared values or a rejection of social norms.</p>
<p>Researchers Jessica A. Kulak, Sarah Cercone Heavey, Leah F. Marsack, and Kenneth E. Leonard conducted this investigation. They are affiliated with the University at Buffalo’s Department of Community Health & Health Behavior and the Clinical and Research Institute on Addictions. The team sought to synthesize evidence regarding how the drinking patterns of both partners interact. They examined how these patterns influence aggression, relationship satisfaction, and the likelihood of divorce.</p>
<p>The review begins by addressing Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). The authors define this as physical or psychological harm occurring between spouses or cohabitating partners. Global estimates suggest that more than one in four women experience IPV during their lifetime. The researchers found consistent evidence that men’s excessive alcohol use is a significant risk factor for violence against women. This trend appears in data from countries as diverse as Brazil, Canada, India, and Spain.</p>
<p>The connection between alcohol and violence operates on two levels. The first is the distal relationship, involving long-term patterns of consumption. The second is the proximal relationship, which looks at immediate intoxication before an aggressive event. Laboratory experiments reviewed by the team show that alcohol consumption increases aggression during conflict tasks. This effect is particularly potent when the drinker possesses personality traits such as hostility or impulsivity.</p>
<p>The review highlights that alcohol impairs cognitive processing. This impairment leads individuals to focus on the most salient cues in their environment, such as a provoking comment, while ignoring inhibiting cues, such as the consequences of their actions. However, the presence of alcohol does not guarantee violence. The risk rises significantly when coupled with high relationship conflict or specific personality dynamics.</p>
<p>A central theme of the review is the concept of the “drinking partnership.” The researchers found that the configuration of a couple’s drinking habits is often more predictive of outcomes than the amount of alcohol consumed by one person. Couples with discordant drinking patterns face higher risks of conflict. For example, some data suggests that marriages where the wife drinks heavily but the husband does not are at an elevated risk for IPV.</p>
<p>The investigation also explored the link between alcohol and marital satisfaction. This relationship is bidirectional. Relationship dissatisfaction can lead to increased drinking, and increased drinking can erode relationship quality. However, the review indicates that concordance in drinking habits is associated with higher marital satisfaction. Couples who share similar patterns, whether they are both abstainers or both moderate drinkers, tend to report happier unions.</p>
<p>This phenomenon extends to the frequency of intoxication in some contexts. Couples who drink together frequently often report higher satisfaction than couples where one partner drinks heavily alone. The act of drinking together may facilitate intimacy or social bonding. However, this finding comes with a warning. Longitudinal data suggests that while concordant heavy drinking might feel satisfying in the short term, it can predict declines in satisfaction over many years.</p>
<p>The match or mismatch in drinking also influences the risk of divorce. Excessive alcohol consumption is a commonly cited reason for marital dissolution. Historical data sets list drinking and drug use as top reasons for divorce, trailing only infidelity and incompatibility. The review finds that discordant drinking is a strong predictor of separation. Couples with one heavy drinker are more likely to divorce than couples who both drink heavily or both abstain.</p>
<p>The specific combination of drinking habits creates different levels of risk. Some studies indicate that couples consisting of a heavy-drinking wife and a light-drinking husband face the highest statistical risk of divorce. Other research suggests that concordant abstainers have a lower risk of divorce than concordant heavy drinkers. This suggests that while similarity protects the relationship, the total amount of alcohol consumed still matters for long-term stability.</p>
<p>The review also addresses how the dissolution of a marriage impacts subsequent alcohol use. Divorce is a major life stressor that removes the protective elements of a supportive marriage. The data shows that divorced individuals are at a greater risk for developing Alcohol Use Disorder compared to their married peers. This risk appears significantly higher for men than for women.</p>
<p>Gender dynamics play a distinct role in the post-divorce landscape. Women initiate divorce more frequently than men, often seeking to maximize their long-term well-being. For a woman leaving a marriage to a problem drinker, divorce often leads to a reduction in her own heavy drinking. Conversely, men are more likely to increase their heavy drinking following a divorce. This increase is particularly notable in the first few years after the separation.</p>
<p>The authors discuss the “expected utility framework” to explain these decisions. Individuals remain in a marriage only as long as the utility of staying outweighs the utility of leaving. When alcohol misuse disrupts this balance, divorce becomes a rational choice for the dissatisfied partner. The partner who did not initiate the divorce, often the husband, may experience greater distress and rely on alcohol as a coping mechanism.</p>
<p>Genetic and environmental factors also contribute to these outcomes. The review notes that liability for alcoholism and liability for divorce share some genetic overlap. However, environmental factors such as shared values or religious beliefs can serve as protective buffers. The interaction between a person’s genetic predisposition and their marital environment helps determine their trajectory.</p>
<p>The researchers identify several limitations in the current body of scientific literature. The vast majority of studies focus on heterosexual couples. There is a scarcity of data regarding same-sex partnerships and LGBTQ+ individuals. The authors argue that the dynamics of the drinking partnership may operate differently in these groups.</p>
<p>Another limitation involves the measurement of marital satisfaction. Different studies utilize different scales, ranging from single-item questions to detailed fifteen-item surveys. This inconsistency makes it difficult to draw precise comparisons across different decades of research. </p>
<p>Additionally, there is a need for more research involving socio-culturally diverse couples. Alcohol holds specific cultural meanings that vary across communities, which likely influences how drinking impacts relationships.</p>
<p>In their summary, the authors emphasize that treating alcohol issues requires looking beyond the individual. The behavior of both partners creates a dynamic system that sustains or erodes the marriage. Interventions that fail to account for the partner’s drinking habits may miss a critical component of the problem.</p>
<p>The findings suggest that clinical approaches should include both members of the couple. Improving marital functioning could theoretically lead to reduced drinking, just as reducing drinking can improve the marriage. The bidirectional nature of these problems means that a positive change in one area can create a virtuous cycle.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.2147/SAR.S462382" target="_blank">Alcohol Misuse, Marital Functioning and Marital Instability: An Evidence-Based Review on Intimate Partner Violence, Marital Satisfaction and Divorce</a>,” was authored by Jessica A Kulak, Sarah Cercone Heavey, Leah F Marsack, and Kenneth E Leonard.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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