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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/younger-adults-show-higher-levels-of-machiavellianism-and-psychopathy/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Younger adults show higher levels of Machiavellianism and psychopathy</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 8th 2025, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>Personality traits associated with manipulation, callousness, and grandiosity appear to decrease with age, according to a new study published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2025.2564360" target="_blank">Deviant Behavior</a></em>. The research suggests that Machiavellianism and psychopathy, two of the three so-called Dark Triad traits, are more pronounced in younger adults and tend to decline as people get older. Narcissism, by contrast, remained relatively stable across age groups. </p>
<p>Understanding how socially aversive traits change throughout life has been a challenge for psychologists. While much is known about the development of more socially desirable traits, such as agreeableness or conscientiousness, the trajectory of traits often seen as antagonistic or maladaptive has received less attention. These traits—Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and narcissism—are collectively referred to as the Dark Triad. </p>
<p>Machiavellianism involves a tendency to manipulate others for personal gain, often through calculated and strategic behavior. Psychopathy is marked by impulsivity, lack of empathy, and emotional coldness, while narcissism reflects an inflated sense of self-importance and a strong need for admiration.</p>
<p>Previous research has hinted at a decrease in some of these traits over time, possibly due to increased social responsibility or life experience. However, many studies relied on small sample sizes or did not capture the full range of adult life. In the new study, researchers affiliated with the Interdisciplinary Research Team on Internet and Society aimed to provide a more detailed picture by analyzing patterns across a wide age range using a large sample.</p>
<p>“Our group has always been interested in how our personalities shift throughout life, especially the so-called dark traits. Most people believe that personality is fixed, either you’re kind or manipulative, but psychology tells a more dynamic story,” explained study author <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Bruno-Bonfa-Araujo" target="_blank">Bruno Bonfá-Araujo</a>, an assistant professor at the Universidade Tuiuti do Paraná and postdoctoral researcher at Masaryk University.</p>
<p>“The Dark Triad traits (Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy) represent some of the most socially aversive aspects of human behavior, like manipulation, lack of empathy, and impulsiveness. And we know little about how these traits change as people grow older. So, we wanted to explore whether younger individuals really are ‘darker’ and if maturity and life experience soften these traits. The idea came from observing how young adults prioritize competition and self- promotion, while older adults tend to value stability and empathy.”</p>
<p>The researchers collected data from 1,079 Brazilian adults between the ages of 18 and 81. Participants completed the Short Dark Triad questionnaire, which measures Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and narcissism through self-reported agreement with statements like “I like to use clever manipulation to get my way” or “I know that I am special because everyone keeps telling me so.” The study used both traditional group comparisons and a person-centered approach to analyze the data.</p>
<p>Participants were divided into five age groups: 18–25, 26–35, 36–40, 41–59, and 60 and older. The researchers first compared average scores for each trait across age groups using analysis of variance. They found that Machiavellianism was highest among the youngest adults and declined steadily with age. The difference in Machiavellianism scores between the youngest and oldest groups was large. Psychopathy followed a similar trend, although the differences between age groups were somewhat smaller. Narcissism showed no significant differences across the age groups.</p>
<p>To examine how combinations of traits varied by age, the researchers also used a statistical method called latent profile analysis. This technique helps identify subgroups within each age range based on patterns of responses rather than looking only at average scores. Most age groups showed two distinct profiles: a high-dark-trait profile and a low-dark-trait profile. The group aged 36–40 showed three profiles, including a moderate-dark-trait group.</p>
<p>When comparing people with high dark trait profiles across age groups, the researchers observed that older adults in this category still scored lower in Machiavellianism and psychopathy than younger adults in the same category. For example, the level of psychopathy among older adults identified as high in dark traits was comparable to the level seen in younger adults identified as low in these traits. This finding supports the idea that dark traits tend to be less intense with age, even among those who show a generally high tendency toward them.</p>
<p>Among participants with low dark trait profiles, the oldest group again had the lowest scores in Machiavellianism and psychopathy. Interestingly, narcissism did not show a consistent trend. In some comparisons, middle-aged participants in low trait profiles showed slightly lower narcissism than younger or older adults.</p>
<p>The researchers also found that Machiavellianism was the most prevalent dark trait across all age groups, while psychopathy was the least common. Narcissism typically fell between the two. </p>
<p>This pattern may reflect how these traits are expressed and perceived in everyday life. Machiavellian tendencies, such as being strategic or secretive, might be more socially acceptable or even rewarded in certain contexts, especially in competitive environments like the workplace. Psychopathic behaviors, which often involve impulsivity or emotional coldness, may be less tolerated and decrease more noticeably with age.</p>
<p>The researchers noted that some dark traits might be sustained or reinforced by environmental factors. For example, younger adults facing pressure in competitive job markets may rely more on manipulative or self-serving strategies. Over time, as people gain experience or take on responsibilities such as parenting or long-term employment, these behaviors may become less adaptive or socially acceptable, leading to their decline.</p>
<p>“The most important takeaway is that personality isn’t set in stone, it evolves,” Bonfá-Araujo told PsyPost. “We found that two of the dark traits, Machiavellianism (manipulation and strategic thinking) and psychopathy (impulsivity and lack of remorse), tend to vary across age groups, with a tendency to decrease with age. In contrast, narcissism (feeling special or craving admiration) remains relatively stable across age groups.”</p>
<p>“These patterns suggest that as people move through life, they often report being less impulsive and more considerate or strategic in their behavior. Life experiences such as work responsibilities, relationships, and broader social roles may contribute to these differences. Our findings also remind us that having some ‘dark’ traits doesn’t automatically make someone bad. A little ambition or confidence can be useful, it’s when these traits dominate that they become harmful.”</p>
<p>“We were surprised by how stable narcissism appeared to be,” Bonfá-Araujo said. “While we expected all three dark traits to decline with age, narcissism didn’t follow that pattern. This suggests that the desire for recognition or admiration may be a deeper part of humans. It doesn’t vanish, but it may change in how it’s expressed. Younger people might show it through social comparison or status-seeking, while older adults might express it through self-confidence, leadership, or a sense of pride in accomplishments.”</p>
<p>Although the findings provide insight into how dark personality traits change across adulthood, the study was cross-sectional. As a result, it cannot establish how any one person’s traits change over time. Longitudinal research would be necessary to understand individual development and confirm the observed patterns.</p>
<p>“We compared people of different ages at one point in time rather than following the same individuals over several years,” Bonfá-Araujo noted. “So, while we can observe differences across age groups, we can’t say for sure that these changes happen within each person as they age.”</p>
<p>Another limitation is the composition of the sample. The majority of participants were women, which may have influenced the findings. While this gender imbalance is common in psychological research, it limits the ability to generalize the results to the broader population. Future studies should aim for more balanced samples to determine whether men and women show similar patterns of change in these traits.</p>
<p>There is also the possibility that current tools for measuring dark traits may not fully capture how these traits are expressed in older adults. For example, physical aging may limit the expression of impulsive behavior, which could affect how psychopathy is assessed. Future work may need to adapt measurement tools to better reflect the life contexts of older populations.</p>
<p>“As a group, we are interested in understanding how dark personality traits interact with culture, environment, and life experiences,” Bonfá-Araujo explained. “For example, do certain social or professional settings encourage manipulative or narcissistic behavior? How does the pressure to succeed or the influence of social media shape these traits in younger generations?” </p>
<p>“Long-term, we’d like to conduct longitudinal studies that follow individuals over time to see how their dark traits evolve with age, relationships, and life transitions. Ultimately, the goal is not to label people as ‘dark’ or ‘good’ but to understand how personality develops and how self-awareness can lead to healthier choices in work, love, and life.”</p>
<p>The authors suggest that understanding how dark traits evolve with age can help inform how people relate to one another in different life stages. They argue that traits often considered negative can serve adaptive purposes in certain environments.</p>
<p>“Our aversive traits are not something to fear, but to understand,” Bonfá-Araujo said. “Everyone has moments of selfishness, ambition, or even manipulation, it’s part of being human. What matters is how we use those tendencies. Some traits that look “dark” in one context can be useful in another.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2025.2564360" target="_blank">Could the Younger Be Darker? A Cross-Sectional Study on the Dark Triad Levels Across the Lifespan</a>,” was authored by Bruno Bonfá-Araujo, Gisele Magarotto Machado, Nathália Bonugli Caurin, and Ariela Raissa Lima-Costa.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/a-new-psychological-framework-helps-explain-why-people-choose-to-end-romantic-relationships/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">A new psychological framework helps explain why people choose to end romantic relationships</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 8th 2025, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>People often think of breakups as impulsive or emotionally driven events. But new research suggests that ending a romantic relationship is typically a deliberate decision shaped by a range of social, emotional, and cognitive influences. </p>
<p>The study, published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00221309.2025.2572560" target="_blank">The Journal of General Psychology</a>, proposes an integrative framework to explain why people choose to leave their romantic partners. Rather than focusing on isolated personality traits or relationship problems, the authors argue that breakups are better understood as intentional behaviors that reflect a person’s beliefs, emotions, social pressures, and motivations.</p>
<p>Romantic relationships can bring many benefits, including emotional support, companionship, and improved well-being. At the same time, breakups are common and can cause distress for both partners. Despite the frequency and impact of relationship dissolution, much of the psychological literature has focused on why people stay in relationships rather than why they end them.</p>
<p>The researchers, Anna M. Semanko and Verlin B. Hinsz, sought to address this gap by drawing from two well-known theories that explain intentional behavior: the reasoned action approach and the theory of interpersonal behavior. Both models have been used to study a wide range of decisions, such as using birth control or changing jobs. </p>
<p>“Romantic relationship dissolution is a complex topic. This research expands upon prior work by integrating cognitive, emotional, social, and attitudinal factors that influence how people decide and potentially follow through with the decision to end a romantic relationship. The goal was to highlight how key contributors, such as those from the Theory of Interpersonal Behavior (Triandis, 1977) and Reasoned Action Approach (Fishbein & Ajzen, 2011), lead to breakup intentions and behavior,” explained Semanko, an assistant professor of psychology at The College of St. Scholastica.</p>
<p>The researchers developed a theoretical model based on existing literature. They reviewed studies and conceptual work on relationship dissolution, behavioral intentions, and psychological factors related to decision-making. Their goal was to integrate insights from the two behavioral intention theories into a single framework that could explain the many influences on breakup decisions.</p>
<p>The reasoned action approach emphasizes that people’s intentions to act are shaped by their attitudes, perceived social norms, and sense of control over the behavior. For example, someone who believes breaking up is the right thing to do, perceives support from friends, and feels capable of doing it is more likely to follow through.</p>
<p>The theory of interpersonal behavior adds other factors to this equation. It highlights the roles of emotions, habits, social roles, and self-concept. According to this model, people don’t just weigh pros and cons cognitively. They also consider how the behavior makes them feel, how it aligns with their past patterns, and whether it fits with their identity.</p>
<p>The integrative framework proposed by the researchers combines both models and includes additional influences that may be particularly relevant in the context of romantic breakups. These include anticipated emotions (how someone expects to feel after the breakup), moral beliefs, and the individual’s attitude toward the breakup process itself.</p>
<p>The framework distinguishes between different types of influences. Affective influences refer to emotions and anticipated feelings. Social influences include perceived norms, roles, and self-concept. Cognitive influences involve beliefs about the consequences of breaking up and whether the person feels in control. Motivational factors like the formation of specific plans (called implementation intentions) are also included.</p>
<p>The authors explain that all these factors shape a person’s intention to break up. That intention, in turn, predicts whether the breakup will actually happen. However, they also acknowledge that this intention-behavior link is not always perfect. Strong emotions, unexpected obstacles, or changes in circumstances can interfere with someone’s original plan to end the relationship.</p>
<p>“Breaking up with a romantic partner is often a reasoned action – it involves a thoughtful decision-making process,” Semanko told PsyPost. “This work highlights the many factors that may facilitate (or constrain) the act of ending a romantic relationship. By highlighting these factors, individuals can better understand the underlying motivations and reasons behind this important decision.”</p>
<p>Importantly, the paper provides examples of how these factors operate in real life. For instance, someone might believe that ending their relationship would give them more independence, which leads to a favorable attitude toward breaking up. </p>
<p>But if they also expect to feel intense guilt or sadness, their emotional hesitation might reduce the strength of their intention. Or, they might believe that their friends would disapprove, weakening their motivation further. Conversely, someone who has broken up with past partners and found it empowering may have stronger habits and higher confidence that support their decision.</p>
<p>The framework also highlights how background characteristics like age, religion, or personality traits shape breakup behavior indirectly. Rather than having a direct effect, these traits influence beliefs and emotions that feed into the decision-making process.</p>
<p>“Much psychological research investigates individual differences (e.g., attachment styles),” Semanko said. “Although individual differences are important, broader factors – like social factors – substantially contribute too.”</p>
<p>Social norms and self-concept emerged as particularly important influences. If a person identifies strongly with being a committed partner or sees their relationship as central to their identity, they may feel greater reluctance to end it. On the other hand, someone whose social circle views breakups as common and acceptable may be more inclined to see dissolution as a viable option.</p>
<p>The researchers also discussed how implementation intentions—detailed plans for when and how to act—can increase the likelihood of following through. For example, deciding in advance to have a conversation with one’s partner during a quiet evening at home can make the breakup more likely to occur.</p>
<p>This work is conceptual rather than empirical. That means the authors did not test their framework with data. Instead, they built a model based on previous studies and theoretical reasoning. As a result, more research is needed to determine which factors in the framework are the most predictive of actual breakup behavior.</p>
<p>Another limitation is that the review does not account for cultural differences in relationships. Norms around dating and commitment can vary across cultures, which might affect the weight or relevance of certain beliefs or social influences.</p>
<p>“This framework will be tested to investigate which theoretical antecedents contribute the most to intentions to break up with a partner,” Semanko said.</p>
<p>By identifying the factors that make breakups more or less likely, the framework could help individuals better understand their own motivations and choices. It may also inform therapists or counselors who support people navigating the difficult decision to end a relationship.</p>
<p>“The proposed framework can be applied to other important interpersonal decisions too, such as the decision to end a friendship, leave an occupation, or even an intention to be married or have children,” Semanko added.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00221309.2025.2572560" target="_blank">Intending to Break Up: Exploring Romantic Relationship Dissolution from an Integrated Behavioral Intention Framework</a>,” was authored by Anna M. Semanko and Verlin B. Hinsz.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/physical-activitys-protective-effect-on-depression-is-more-evident-in-girls/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Physical activity’s protective effect on depression is more evident in girls</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 7th 2025, 20:00</div>
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<p><p>A long-term study of Canadian adolescents suggests that being physically active may help protect against future symptoms of depression, but not anxiety. The research, which tracked teenagers over several years, also found that this protective effect was most apparent in older adolescence and appeared stronger for girls. Published in <em><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10802-025-01330-0" target="_blank">Research on Child and Adolescent Psychopathology</a></em>, the study adds nuance to our understanding of how lifestyle habits relate to mental health during a formative period of development.</p>
<p>Depression and anxiety are among the most common mental health challenges facing teenagers. These conditions can affect everything from school performance to social relationships, and they often persist into adulthood if not addressed. While physical activity is widely recommended as a tool to support mental well-being, the precise nature of this relationship has remained unclear. It has been difficult to determine if exercise reduces depressive symptoms, if feeling depressed leads to less exercise, or if both are happening simultaneously.</p>
<p>Additionally, other modern lifestyle factors complicate the picture. Adolescents today spend a significant amount of time on screens and often get less sleep than recommended. These behaviors compete with physical activity for a limited number of hours in the day. </p>
<p>To gain a clearer view, a research team from the School of Psychoeducation at the Université de Montréal sought to untangle these interconnected variables. They wanted to see how physical activity and mental health symptoms influenced each other over time, while also accounting for the roles of screen time and sleep duration.</p>
<p>The study drew upon data from the Québec Longitudinal Study of Child Development, a large project that has followed a cohort of children born in the late 1990s. The researchers focused on data collected from over 1,500 adolescents when they were 13, 15, and 17 years old. At each of these ages, the participants answered questionnaires about their mental health, lifestyle habits, and other personal factors.</p>
<p>Participants reported on their symptoms of depression and anxiety over the previous months. They also provided information on their leisure-time physical activity, including how often they exercised, for how long, and at what intensity. Other questions gauged their average weekly screen time from television, video games, and computers, as well as their typical sleep duration. </p>
<p>The researchers used a sophisticated statistical method to analyze these connections over time, allowing them to see how a behavior at one age predicted an outcome at a later age, for both boys and girls separately. The analysis also controlled for other potentially influential factors, such as family income, body mass index, and family functioning.</p>
<p>The results showed a one-way relationship between physical activity and depression. Being more physically active at age 15 was associated with having fewer depressive symptoms at age 17. This finding suggests a protective effect of exercise during later adolescence. While the pattern was observed in both sexes, the connection was statistically significant only for girls.</p>
<p>Conversely, the analysis did not show that having more depressive symptoms led to a decrease in physical activity later on. This finding challenges the idea of a simple two-way street where depression and inactivity reinforce each other over time. Instead, the influence appeared to flow primarily from physical activity to a reduction in depressive symptoms.</p>
<p>When it came to anxiety, the results were different. The researchers found no significant predictive links between physical activity and symptoms of anxiety in either direction. An adolescent’s level of physical activity at one age did not predict their level of anxiety symptoms two years later, and vice versa. This highlights the importance of studying depression and anxiety as distinct conditions, as they may respond differently to lifestyle factors.</p>
<p>The study also investigated whether screen time or sleep could explain the connection between physical activity and depression. The hypothesis was that perhaps exercise helps by displacing screen time or by improving sleep, which in turn reduces depression. However, the analysis did not support this idea. The beneficial association of physical activity on later depressive symptoms seemed to be direct and was not accounted for by changes in screen or sleep habits.</p>
<p>The investigation did reveal other interesting patterns among lifestyle habits. For girls, higher physical activity at age 13 predicted less screen time at age 15. For boys, more screen time at age 15 was linked to shorter sleep duration at age 17. These results point to sex-specific ways in which different behaviors may influence one another during the teenage years.</p>
<p>The researchers note some limitations to their work. The data comes from a group that is primarily White and of a higher socioeconomic status than the general population, so the findings may not apply to all adolescents. All information was based on self-reports, which can be subject to memory errors or social desirability bias. The data was also collected before the COVID-19 pandemic, which has since had a significant impact on adolescent mental health and lifestyle patterns.</p>
<p>Future research could build on these findings by using objective measures, such as accelerometers to track physical activity, and by studying more diverse groups of young people. Such work would help confirm the results and further clarify the complex interplay between daily habits and mental well-being. The study’s findings suggest that promoting physical activity, particularly in older adolescents, may be an effective public health strategy for preventing depressive symptoms.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10802-025-01330-0" target="_blank">Transactional Associations Between Physical Activity and Depressive and Anxious Symptoms in Adolescent Girls and Boys: Considering Screen Time and Sleep Duration</a>,” was authored by Laurianne Fortier, Natalie Castellanos-Ryan, Sophie Chaput-Langlois, and Gabrielle Yale-Soulière.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/a-form-of-narcissism-may-be-surprisingly-adaptive-in-low-stress-teens/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">A form of narcissism may be surprisingly adaptive in low-stress teens</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 7th 2025, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2025.113340" target="_blank">Personality and Individual Differences</a></em> suggests that the behavioral outcomes of adolescent narcissism are not uniform, but instead depend on the type of narcissism and an individual’s exposure to chronic stress. The research indicates that under conditions of low biological stress, one form of narcissism may be associated with positive social behaviors without a corresponding rise in aggression.</p>
<p>Researchers have long conceptualized narcissism as a personality trait characterized by an outsized sense of self-importance. Modern psychology, however, distinguishes between two primary forms. Grandiose narcissism is marked by boldness, extraversion, and an open belief in one’s own superiority. In contrast, vulnerable narcissism is characterized by defensiveness, introversion, and a fragile self-esteem that is highly sensitive to criticism. While both types share a sense of entitlement, their expression in social situations can differ significantly.</p>
<p>Previous studies on narcissism in adolescents have yielded mixed results, sometimes linking the trait to aggression and bullying, and other times to leadership and prosocial acts like helping others. A team of researchers led by Qiming Yu and Silin Huang at Beijing Normal University in China proposed that these apparent contradictions could be resolved by examining the two types of narcissism separately. </p>
<p>They also wanted to investigate how an objective measure of chronic stress might influence the relationship between these personality traits and adolescent social behavior. To do this, they turned to a concept known as allostatic load.</p>
<p>Allostatic load can be thought of as the cumulative “wear and tear” on the body that results from prolonged or repeated activation of stress responses. It is not simply a feeling of being stressed but a physiological state that can be measured through a panel of biological markers. By quantifying allostatic load, the scientists could assess the objective, biological toll of chronic stress on each adolescent, providing a unique window into how persistent environmental pressures might shape personality expression.</p>
<p>The research team recruited 451 adolescents between the ages of 12 and 17, along with their primary caregivers, from a public school in Hebei Province, China. The study involved a comprehensive data collection process. Adolescents completed questionnaires to measure their levels of both grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, as well as their own aggressive behaviors. Their primary caregivers completed separate surveys, reporting on the adolescents’ prosocial behaviors, such as their tendency to be helpful and considerate.</p>
<p>In addition to the surveys, the researchers gathered a range of physiological data from the adolescents to calculate their allostatic load. This involved measuring cardiovascular indicators like blood pressure and heart rate, a metabolic indicator in the form of body mass index, and levels of four key stress-related hormones from overnight urine samples. By combining these eight biomarkers into a single composite score, the team created an objective index of each participant’s cumulative physiological stress.</p>
<p>The initial analysis revealed distinct patterns for the two types of narcissism. Both grandiose and vulnerable narcissism were associated with higher levels of self-reported aggression. However, only grandiose narcissism was linked to higher levels of prosocial behavior as reported by caregivers. Vulnerable narcissism showed no significant connection to these positive social acts.</p>
<p>The more complex findings emerged when the researchers introduced allostatic load into their analysis. They found that chronic stress changed the relationship between grandiose narcissism and aggression. For adolescents with high allostatic load, meaning greater physiological wear and tear, higher levels of grandiose narcissism were strongly associated with more aggression. For adolescents with low allostatic load, this connection disappeared; grandiose narcissism was not linked to aggressive behavior in this low-stress group.</p>
<p>The influence of allostatic load on vulnerable narcissism was also notable, but it related to prosocial behavior instead of aggression. Among adolescents with low allostatic load, higher levels of vulnerable narcissism were associated with less prosocial behavior. As physiological stress levels increased, this negative relationship weakened. </p>
<p>For teens experiencing high allostatic load, there was even a slight tendency for vulnerable narcissism to be associated with more prosocial behavior, though this trend was not statistically robust across the entire high-stress group. This suggests that under chronic stress, adolescents with vulnerable narcissism may shift their social strategy, perhaps engaging in helpful behaviors to gain social approval.</p>
<p>The study’s authors acknowledge certain limitations. Because the data were collected at a single point in time, the study cannot establish a cause-and-effect relationship between narcissism, stress, and behavior over the long term. Future studies that follow adolescents over several years could help clarify these developmental pathways. </p>
<p>Additionally, the study did not account for early adverse experiences like childhood trauma, which could independently influence personality, stress physiology, and social functioning. Future investigations could incorporate these factors for a more complete understanding.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2025.113340" target="_blank">Is narcissism always bad? Allostatic load moderates the different relationships between grandiose and vulnerable narcissism and adolescents’ interpersonal adaptation</a>,” was authored by Qiming Yu, Yi Ren, Chenyi Zuo, Shaojie Qiu, Feng Zhang, Sipu Guo, and Silin Huang.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/real-world-social-ties-outweigh-online-networks-in-predicting-of-voting-patterns/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Real-world social ties outweigh online networks in predicting of voting patterns</a>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/pnasnexus/pgaf308" target="_blank">PNAS Nexus</a></em> challenges prevailing views about the influence of online echo chambers on political behavior. The research provides evidence that Americans’ political environments in physical spaces—such as where they live, work, and spend time—are more predictive of voting patterns than their online social networks.</p>
<p>Political polarization in the U.S. has increasingly become a topic of national concern. Much of the public discussion has centered on the role of online spaces, particularly social media platforms, in dividing people along partisan lines. These digital environments have been blamed for fostering echo chambers, amplifying misinformation, and reducing contact with opposing viewpoints.</p>
<p>But people also live in neighborhoods, commute to work, and interact in public spaces. These physical environments may shape political views through casual or repeated encounters with others. While earlier research has examined polarization through residential data or online behavior, there has been limited large-scale analysis comparing these different types of exposure. The authors of this study aimed to fill that gap by examining how online, offline, and residential social networks relate to political segregation and vote choice in the U.S.</p>
<p>To compare different types of partisan exposure, the researchers relied on four major data sources. One set measured offline interactions using Facebook’s co-location data, which captures how often people from different counties are physically present in the same place for at least five minutes. This metric reflects passive encounters in public or shared spaces, such as on public transit, in stores, or at events.</p>
<p>A second set measured online social connections through Facebook’s Social Connectedness Index, which calculates the probability that two people from different counties are Facebook friends. These relationships are typically active, selective, and sustained over time.</p>
<p>The third data source involved voter registration records to estimate residential partisan exposure—that is, the likelihood that someone lives near others who are affiliated with the same or opposing political parties. Finally, the researchers used individual survey responses from the American National Election Studies to understand how people’s offline and online networks related to their actual votes in the 2020 presidential election.</p>
<p>The researchers first assessed how strongly each type of exposure—offline, online, and residential—was associated with voting patterns at the county level. They found that co-location data, which reflects in-person physical proximity, was a stronger predictor of how counties voted than either Facebook friendships or residential partisan makeup. Counties where people frequently encountered others who supported a particular party were more likely to vote in alignment with those patterns.</p>
<p>This pattern held up even after accounting for demographic and socioeconomic factors, such as education levels, race, and urban versus rural composition. Offline social networks appeared to explain more of the variation in voting outcomes than either online ties or residential clustering.</p>
<p>Next, the researchers looked at partisan segregation—the extent to which individuals are exposed mostly to co-partisans versus a mix of political affiliations. They found that physical spaces, including both co-location patterns and residential arrangements, were more politically segregated than online networks. Offline segregation tended to be more pronounced in metropolitan areas with higher educational attainment and larger African American populations, both of which were linked to greater exposure to Democratic voters.</p>
<p>In contrast, counties with lower education levels or predominantly rural populations tended to show stronger exposure to Republican partisans. Online networks, while still showing some degree of partisan sorting, were more diverse than offline environments and displayed greater “extroversion,” meaning people were more likely to be connected to others outside their local region.</p>
<p>The final part of the analysis focused on individual behavior. Survey participants were asked about the political leanings of their family, friends, and Facebook connections. These self-reported networks were then compared to their stated vote in the 2020 presidential election.</p>
<p>Again, offline social exposure had a stronger relationship with vote choice than online connections. People who reported that their friends and family were mostly Democrats were more likely to vote for Joe Biden. Those who were mostly surrounded by Republican-leaning offline contacts were more likely to vote for Donald Trump. While online exposure also mattered, its influence on vote choice was noticeably smaller. This pattern remained stable across two waves of data collection, before and after the 2020 election.</p>
<p>The researchers also conducted several robustness checks. For example, when they removed local exposure (connections within the same county) from the analysis, the predictive power of offline networks declined significantly. In these cases, online ties sometimes became more predictive of voting patterns. This finding suggests that local, everyday interactions are a key component of political influence in offline environments.</p>
<p>The study draws on large-scale datasets that offer unique insights, but there are still some limitations. The offline and online network data were derived from Facebook, which may not fully capture the behavior of groups less active on the platform, such as older adults or people in rural areas. While the researchers applied adjustments to improve representativeness, there may still be biases in who is included in the co-location and friendship data.</p>
<p>The analysis also compares different types of networks—casual physical proximity, sustained online friendships, and residential proximity—each of which may involve different levels of interaction and influence. For instance, co-location does not necessarily mean that two people talked or knew each other, and online friendships may vary widely in strength.</p>
<p>Future research could build on these findings by attempting to measure an individual’s complete social network, both online and offline, using a single comprehensive data source. Despite these limitations, the study suggests that while online platforms are an important part of modern social life, the nature of our real-world interactions and the physical spaces we share appear to be more fundamentally linked to our political behaviors.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/pnasnexus/pgaf308" target="_blank">Physical partisan proximity outweighs online ties in predicting US voting outcomes</a>,” was authored by Marco Tonin, Bruno Lepri, and Michele Tizzoni.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/alzheimers-may-damage-nerve-connections-in-fat-tissue/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Alzheimer’s may damage nerve connections in fat tissue</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 7th 2025, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study finds that Alzheimer’s disease can damage the communication between nerves and blood vessels within the body’s fat tissue. Published in the <em><a href="https://www.jlr.org/article/S0022-2275(25)00148-8/fulltext" target="_blank">Journal of Lipid Research</a></em>, this discovery suggests a mechanism by which the neurodegenerative condition may contribute to metabolic problems like heart disease and diabetes.</p>
<p>Alzheimer’s disease is widely recognized for its effects on memory and cognitive function. People with the condition, however, often experience a range of other health issues, including cardiovascular and metabolic disorders. A team of researchers at Houston Methodist, led by Stephen Wong, sought to understand if the disease’s impact on the body’s involuntary, or autonomic, nervous system might play a role in these associated health problems.</p>
<p>The body’s fat tissue, also known as adipose tissue, is a key regulator of metabolism, communicating with the brain through an intricate network of nerves and blood vessels. The team explored the possibility that Alzheimer’s interferes with these communication pathways, which could disrupt the body’s ability to properly manage its energy balance.</p>
<p>To investigate this connection, the researchers used a sophisticated three-dimensional imaging technique to examine fat tissue from mice. They compared tissue from a mouse model engineered to develop features of Alzheimer’s disease with tissue from healthy mice. This approach allowed them to visualize the complete structures of nerves and blood vessels as they exist within the tissue.</p>
<p>In the healthy mice, the images showed that sympathetic nerves, which help control metabolism, were neatly aligned with blood vessels, forming organized bundles. This close physical arrangement is considered important for efficient signaling between the nervous system and the fat cells.</p>
<figure aria-describedby="caption-attachment-229557" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img fetchpriority="high" decoding="async" src="https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Screenshot-2025-11-06-074734-1024x679.png" alt="" width="1024" height="679" class="size-large wp-image-229557" srcset="https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Screenshot-2025-11-06-074734-1024x679.png 1024w, https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Screenshot-2025-11-06-074734-300x199.png 300w, https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Screenshot-2025-11-06-074734-768x509.png 768w, https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Screenshot-2025-11-06-074734-750x497.png 750w, https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Screenshot-2025-11-06-074734-1140x756.png 1140w, https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Screenshot-2025-11-06-074734.png 1448w" sizes="(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">The brain and the body’s fat tissue maintain a constant communication loop to regulate metabolism. Sympathetic nerves (green pathway) carry signals from the brain to fat tissue, while hormones released by fat cells (red pathway) send information back. These nerves and blood vessels form neurovascular bundles, the communication structures that the new study found are disrupted by Alzheimer’s disease.</figcaption></figure>
<p>The images from the Alzheimer’s model mice showed a different arrangement. The researchers observed a “structural decoupling,” where the nerves and blood vessels had lost their close proximity to one another. The once-organized bundles were disrupted, and the signals coming from the sympathetic nerves appeared to be reduced.</p>
<p>This breakdown in the neurovascular structure within fat tissue could have significant consequences for a person’s health. “By disrupting the connection between the nervous system and fat tissue, the disease may impair the body’s ability to manage energy,” said Li Yang, a research associate on the study. This impairment offers a potential explanation for the heightened risk of stroke, heart disease, and diabetes seen in many people with Alzheimer’s.</p>
<p>Because the study was conducted in mouse models, additional work will be needed to confirm that these same changes occur in humans with the disease. The researchers suggest that their discovery points toward new possibilities for understanding and perhaps treating the condition’s broader effects.</p>
<p>“These insights open new avenues for research into how treating or preventing autonomic dysfunction might improve overall health outcomes for people with Alzheimer’s,” said Wong and Jianting Sheng, another key contributor to the work. Future studies could explore therapies that target this communication breakdown between the nervous system and the body’s fat tissue.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://www.jlr.org/article/S0022-2275(25)00148-8/fulltext" target="_blank">Alzheimer’s disease disrupts intra-adipose neurovascular contact</a>,” was authored by Michelle Kwong, Jianting Sheng, Li Yang, and Stephen T. C. Wong.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-study-sheds-light-on-womens-attraction-to-aggression-in-pornography/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New study sheds light on women’s attraction to aggression in pornography</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 7th 2025, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study reports that many pornography viewers, especially women, find depictions of aggression arousing, particularly when scenes combine expressions of both pleasure and pain. The research provides evidence that for a sizable group of viewers, pleasure and pain are not seen as opposites but are often experienced as deeply connected. The work was published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-025-03229-9" target="_blank">Archives of Sexual Behavior</a></em>.</p>
<p>The study was designed to investigate how viewers interpret aggression, pain, and pleasure in pornographic content, with a particular focus on scenarios involving female performers on the receiving end of aggression. The researcher, Eran Shor, was interested in understanding whether viewers find these scenes arousing, how they reconcile feelings of discomfort or guilt, and what social or psychological meanings they attach to the experience.</p>
<p>The debate over the relationship between pleasure and pain has persisted for centuries. While early Western philosophers tended to view them as opposites, later perspectives from neuroscience, psychology, and sociology have pointed to more complicated interactions. Some evidence suggests that painful sensations can be transformed into pleasurable experiences depending on how they are perceived, the presence of emotional intimacy, and cultural context.</p>
<p>This research builds on work showing that consensual pain during sexual activity—particularly within BDSM practices—is often experienced positively. In these settings, pain is not simply tolerated but sometimes desired, interpreted by participants as contributing to arousal or emotional release.</p>
<p>The study draws on 302 in-depth interviews with adults who regularly watch pornography. Participants were recruited through online advertisements and social media platforms targeting students and general audiences in North America and abroad. The sample was diverse in terms of gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and geographic background, although younger, educated individuals were overrepresented.</p>
<p>Participants were interviewed in English or French by trained research assistants, with interviews conducted anonymously via audio calls to encourage openness. They were asked about their pornography preferences, specifically in relation to aggressive content, and how they perceived expressions of pain and pleasure during those scenes. Responses were analyzed through a mix of quantitative coding and qualitative thematic analysis.</p>
<p>Roughly half of the participants identified as women, and their responses were compared to those of men and gender-diverse individuals. Questions covered a range of topics, including the types of pornographic scenes they watched, whether they found aggression arousing, and under what conditions pain could be part of a sexually stimulating experience.</p>
<p>More than half of all participants said they found at least some level of aggression in pornography to be arousing. This preference was especially common among women. About 69 percent of women in the study said they enjoyed at least some aggressive content, compared to 40 percent of men. Women were also more likely than men to report arousal from “harder” forms of aggression, such as choking or gagging, and were more likely to actively seek out pornographic videos that featured aggression.</p>
<p>Notably, nearly 70 percent of all participants reported that they found it arousing when performers expressed pleasure in response to aggression. This was true regardless of whether the viewer typically enjoyed aggressive pornographic content overall. Some participants said the display of pleasure made the scene feel consensual or affirming. In their view, expressions of enjoyment from the recipient helped justify the aggression as mutual rather than abusive.</p>
<p>A smaller but still significant portion of participants—about one in four—said they found it arousing when performers displayed pain in response to aggression. Again, this was more commonly reported by women than men. However, many of these viewers emphasized that they only enjoyed pain in specific contexts, such as when it was paired with pleasure or presented as brief and voluntary.</p>
<p>The interviews revealed that many viewers conceptualized pain and pleasure not as opposites but as deeply intertwined. One 22-year-old woman from India stated it simply: “There’s no pleasure without pain.” Another male viewer explained his perspective, noting, “Pain is part of pleasure. So, if it’s obviously just pain, I’ll close the video. But if she’s uncomfortable and likes it, I like it.”</p>
<p>This idea of “good pain” was a recurring theme. A 24-year-old woman from Canada said she found pain arousing “if it looks like it’s good pain, enjoyable.” For many, the key was the performer’s perceived desire for the experience. One participant noted that she found a woman’s moans of pain arousing only under certain conditions: “If she’s saying ‘yeah, hit me’ or ‘do it!’”</p>
<p>The BDSM genre emerged as a key area where viewers found this mix of sensations appealing. Many respondents mentioned that BDSM scenarios helped them feel more comfortable with aggressive content because the genre often includes cues about consent. As one 21-year-old male student explained, “I need to know at end of day that woman wants it and isn’t being forced. She needs to enjoy and ask for it… I need them to enjoy it for me to enjoy it too.”</p>
<p>For some, the appeal of dominance and submission in these videos was about a form of release. A 41-year-old university administrator from Canada described her enjoyment of submission, stating, “I find it liberating… It’s a way to let go.”</p>
<p>A few interviewees described their enjoyment of pain and aggression in terms of emotional processing or trauma. One participant shared that her early experiences with sexual assault shaped her perception of sex and led her to seek out pornography with aggressive themes. For her, watching this content felt like a way to reframe her history. “Pain is also pleasure, so it empowers my past. It’s a way to cope,” she explained.</p>
<p>Although rare, a handful of participants reported enjoying depictions of pain without any accompanying pleasure. These individuals often expressed feelings of guilt about their preferences. One man explained, “I guess I’m a sadist; can’t explain it otherwise… It’s about dominance, almost like the degree of suffering it’s causing.”</p>
<p>Importantly, many participants viewed their pornographic interests as distinct from their real-life behaviors and desires. A woman who enjoyed aggressive fantasy content clarified this boundary, saying, “In the context of my work, how people talk to me and men being superior to me, I don’t believe that. I have no tolerance for men who treat women like that. It should stay in the fantasy world.”</p>
<p>Several respondents also expressed feelings of shame or moral conflict. These emotions appeared tied to broader cultural values around gender equality and consent. One woman described her feelings after watching, saying, “I reflect on it and find it problematic… I think it’s fucked up, but I like to see both pleasure and pain in response to aggression.” Another male viewer voiced his confusion: “I mean, like, yes, I like it, but its warped. I’m like, ‘Why am I liking this?’”</p>
<p>The findings from the new study reinforce and expand upon <a href="https://www.psypost.org/more-women-than-men-report-being-aroused-by-aggression-in-according-to-study/" target="_blank">earlier work</a> by Shor. In a 2021 study, he interviewed 122 viewers and reported a similar gender pattern, finding that approximately 66% of women enjoyed aggressive content, compared to 40% of men. The current, larger study provides evidence for this same trend.</p>
<p>Both studies also highlight that viewers’ enjoyment is highly conditional. The earlier work noted that participants overwhelmingly rejected nonconsensual aggression, and both investigations found that many women framed their interest as a fantasy that was separate from their real-life sexual desires. The new research builds on this foundation by specifically investigating how viewers interpret performers’ reactions, suggesting that the combination of pleasure and “good pain” is a key element of the appeal for many.</p>
<p>The new study provides a rich dataset due to its large number of interviews. Still, the sample was not representative of the broader population, as it relied on volunteers who may have been more willing to discuss unconventional views. Older individuals and people from working-class backgrounds were underrepresented.</p>
<p>Future research could explore how these patterns manifest across different age groups and cultural contexts. The gender differences in responses also raise questions about how sexual scripts are evolving. Researchers might also investigate how viewers interpret the line between fantasy and harm, and what factors influence whether aggression is seen as acceptable or troubling.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-025-03229-9" target="_blank">‘It’s a Way to Let Go’: The Intersection of Pleasure and Pain in Pornography</a>,” was authored by Eran Shor.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/women-can-read-age-adiposity-and-testosterone-level-from-a-mans-face/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Women can read age, adiposity and testosterone level from a man’s face</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 7th 2025, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A study in Poland found that women perceive men with lower adiposity (body fat) as more attractive. Facial masculinity, in turn, was positively associated with higher testosterone levels and age. While women initially rated faces of men in worse cardiometabolic health as less attractive, this association was fully explained by adiposity, age, and testosterone levels. The research was published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-025-03205-3"><em>Archives of Sexual Behavior</em></a>.</p>
<p>Throughout human history, people have used physical attractiveness as a cue of an individual’s biological condition when choosing a mate. Choosing an attractive partner enhanced an individual’s reproductive success as it increased the likelihood that their offspring will be healthy. Studies indicate that facial attractiveness is a key predictor of overall attractiveness. This is likely because human faces naturally attract more attention than the rest of the body.</p>
<p>In men, traits such as facial symmetry, clear skin, and a balanced body composition are seen as indicators of good genes and developmental stability. Features like a strong jawline or pronounced cheekbones reflect testosterone levels, which historically indicated strength and dominance. Broad shoulders and muscular build are also valued because they suggest physical capability and protection potential.</p>
<p>Study author Wioletta Czernicka and her colleagues wanted to test whether a man’s facial appearance—specifically, his perceived attractiveness and masculinity—is an honest cue to his metabolic health. They conducted a study examining the relationship between these facial ratings and a broad panel of cardiometabolic health indicators, including lipid profile, markers of insulin resistance, liver enzymes, and inflammation levels. Because health differences become more pronounced with age, they focused on men between 30 and 45 years old.</p>
<p>The study began with a larger group, but after applying exclusion criteria, the final analysis included 105 healthy men recruited from the general population. To be included, participants had to be non-smokers, not undergoing hormonal treatment, and free from chronic diseases or ongoing infections. Men with beards were also excluded to ensure facial features were clearly visible.</p>
<p>Participants provided fasting blood samples, allowing researchers to assess various biochemical and hormonal parameters. They also completed a questionnaire on their demographics and health history. Finally, they posed for standardized photos of their faces with a neutral expression.</p>
<p>These photos were then rated in an online survey by women aged between 27 and 48. The photographs were presented in a random order, and for each face, women provided two ratings on a 9-point scale: one for attractiveness and one for masculinity.</p>
<p>The results showed that women tended to perceive older men and those with higher testosterone levels as more masculine. Men with higher adiposity were seen as both less masculine and less attractive.</p>
<p>Initially, faces of men in worse cardiometabolic health (e.g., with higher insulin resistance or triglyceride levels) were rated as less attractive and less masculine. However, these associations disappeared after the researchers statistically controlled for adiposity, age, and testosterone levels. This suggests that facial appearance is not a direct signal of specific health markers, but rather a signal of broader factors like body fat and hormone levels, which are themselves linked to health.</p>
<p>“The hormonal system, body composition, and overall cardiometabolic health are a network of interconnected factors that simultaneously affect appearance and broadly understood ‘biological condition,’” the study authors concluded. “As a result, testosterone and body adiposity may account for a significant portion of the variance in cardiometometabolic functioning, potentially mediating the relationship between specific cardiometabolic markers and physical appearance. It is plausible that sexual selection favored sensitivity to broader morphological cues of health or fertility, such as higher body adiposity or reduced testosterone, rather than for any specific physiology-dependent health problems.”</p>
<p>The study sheds light on the nuanced links between health and facial appearance. However, it is important to note that preferences for facial appearance can show cultural variability; in some cultures, higher adiposity may be valued as a sign of wealth or resilience. Additionally, the cardiometabolic health indicators were measured only once, while these values can fluctuate more rapidly than a person’s facial structure.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-025-03205-3">Facial Appearance and Markers of Cardiometabolic Risk in Healthy Adult Men,</a>” was authored by Wioletta Czernicka, Agnieszka Żelaźniewicz, Judyta Nowak‑Kornicka, and Bogusław Pawłowski.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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