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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/are-frequent-porn-users-more-sensitive-to-sexual-cues-new-evidence-suggests-the-opposite/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Are frequent porn users more sensitive to sexual cues? New evidence suggests the opposite</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 7th 2025, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsycho.2025.109046" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Biological Psychology</a></em> suggests that people who frequently watch pornography or engage in other solitary sexual activities may react differently to sexual cues. Even though they still find erotic images pleasant, their bodies show weaker signs of arousal when something signals that sexual content is coming. This pattern supports the idea that some people may use pornography more often because they do not get as much reward from it as others do—not because they are more sensitive to sexual cues, as some past theories have suggested.</p>
<p>With the widespread availability and rising consumption of pornography around the world, researchers Johannes B. Finke and Tim Klucken from the University of Siegen sought to examine whether the underlying mechanisms of habitual pornography use align with those seen in addiction. One key question was whether frequent engagement with visual sexual content reflects an increased sensitivity to sexual cues—or the opposite: a reduced ability to experience pleasure from them, prompting repeated use to compensate.</p>
<p>“Visual sexual stimuli (e.g., pornographic images, video clips) are often considered to be special (in comparison to auditory stimuli, verbal materials, etc.), as humans are known to be largely visually oriented, especially in terms of sexual attraction,” explained Finke, a senior researcher specializing in the intersection of biological and clinical psychology.</p>
<p>“However, it has long been debated whether they are intrinsically rewarding (such as food or pleasant touch) and can thus act as primary reinforcers in a learning context. This question is notoriously difficult to investigate because we all carry an individual as well as cultural history of learning. Nevertheless, to tap into this issue, we compared effects of conditioning with visual versus auditory sexual stimuli on psychophysiological markers of emotion as well as self-report.”</p>
<p>“In addition, we were interested in the relationship between sexual conditioning and trait aspects of sexual motivation (particularly solitary sexual desire), because the interplay of these factors has been implicated in the development of problematic pornography use, which presumably represents an addiction-like behavior that is on the rise in Western societies,” Finke continued.</p>
<p>“Importantly, there are several different theories of addiction, and it is unclear which best explains this kind of mental health problem. For instance, it is conceivable that people consume higher amounts of porn simply because they experience a ‘reward deficiency’—that is, they have a blunted sensitivity to sexual rewards, so they need a higher ‘dosage.’ Alternatively, they could acquire addictive behaviors because of heightened sensitivity to cues that predict sexual rewards. This model of addiction has been termed ‘incentive sensitization’ and has been effective in explaining the development and symptomatology of certain substance use disorders, which cannot be accounted for solely in terms of tolerance.”</p>
<p>The study involved 62 heterosexual adults, most of them women, who each completed two lab sessions held one week apart. In each session, participants took part in a conditioning task—a type of learning experiment designed to test how people react to cues that predict emotionally powerful outcomes, such as sexual or disturbing stimuli. In one session, the “reward” was visual—erotic images. In the other session, it was auditory—sexual sounds.</p>
<p>During the task, participants were repeatedly shown abstract visual patterns on a screen. These patterns acted as cues. Some of them were followed by a sexual stimulus half the time, either an erotic image or sound depending on the session. Other patterns were followed by unpleasant or disturbing material, such as an aversive sound or image. One pattern was never followed by anything and served as a neutral control.</p>
<p>To track participants’ emotional and physiological reactions during the learning process, the researchers used three main measures: pupil dilation (to detect arousal and attention), acoustic startle responses (to gauge emotional valence), and skin conductance (to measure autonomic nervous system activity). Participants also rated how pleasant, arousing, and expected each stimulus was.</p>
<p>Participants also completed the Trait Sexual Motivation Questionnaire, which assesses how frequently and intensely people engage in solitary sexual behaviors, such as masturbation or pornography use. This allowed the researchers to examine how differences in sexual motivation related to learning patterns and cue reactivity.</p>
<p>Across the board, participants showed signs of having learned the associations between neutral cues and sexual or aversive outcomes. Visual cues that predicted sexual images triggered pupil dilation and reduced startle reflexes, while cues predicting unpleasant outcomes had the opposite effects. These patterns were consistent regardless of whether the rewards were visual or auditory, confirming that both types of sexual stimuli can reinforce learning.</p>
<p>However, when the researchers looked at how individual differences in solitary sexual desire shaped responses, a more nuanced picture emerged. People with higher scores on solitary sexuality showed smaller pupil dilation responses to cues that predicted visual sexual stimuli. They also demonstrated less increase in pupil dilation over repeated trials. This suggests diminished anticipatory arousal and slower learning—rather than heightened craving or increased sensitivity to reward.</p>
<p>Interestingly, this effect was specific to visual sexual stimuli. People with high solitary sexual desire did not show a comparable reduction in response to auditory sexual stimuli. Nor did they differ significantly in their physiological reactions to cues predicting aversive outcomes, suggesting that the effect was not simply due to a general difference in emotional reactivity.</p>
<p>Despite reduced physiological arousal, these individuals rated the erotic images as more pleasant than others did. This dissociation between subjective “liking” and physiological “wanting” hints at a decoupling between how enjoyable a stimulus is perceived to be and how strongly the body anticipates it.</p>
<p>“Viewing visual sexual stimuli seems to be rewarding in itself, at least to a certain degree,” Finke told PsyPost. “But people who show a problematic use of pornography are (perhaps somewhat counterintuitively) less likely to be influenced—that is, reinforced—by sexual stimuli. They experience visual (yet not auditory) sexual stimuli as well as cues that predict them as less arousing than individuals with lower levels of solitary sexuality. The latter finding was somewhat surprising, since the few existing studies rather suggested an account in terms of ‘incentive sensitization.'”</p>
<p>“Still, despite the reduced arousal and attention to these stimuli, they rate erotic pictures as more pleasant. Notably, however, we still do not know whether this is a predisposition (e.g., based on genetics) or an acquired condition—that is, a result of a long history of exposure and consumption.”</p>
<p>To further explore the learning process, the researchers fitted computational models to the pupil dilation data. The models showed that individuals with higher solitary sexual desire had lower learning rates in response to prediction errors—moments when a reward was expected but did not occur. This suggests they may be less flexible in updating expectations based on changing information, particularly when dealing with uncertain outcomes.</p>
<p>Startle reflex data supported this idea. Participants with higher solitary sexual desire exhibited enhanced habituation to cues predicting sexual images, meaning their emotional responses faded more quickly over time. This again aligns with the idea that frequent consumers of visual sexual content may require more intense or novel stimulation to maintain the same level of arousal or reward.</p>
<p>“Using solitary sexuality as a proxy for regular porn consumption, our data are mostly in line with the ‘reward deficiency’ model, suggesting that individuals who are relatively more prone to porn use show blunted reinforcement learning to cues that predict sexual stimuli,” Finke explained. “However, this applies only to erotic pictures (not auditory stimuli), which is consistent with the notion of at least some extent of ‘specialness’ of visual stimulation.”</p>
<p>However, the study does have some limitations. First, the sample included only non-clinical participants. While some may have had relatively high levels of solitary sexual desire, none had a formal diagnosis of compulsive sexual behavior. It remains unclear whether the same patterns would be observed in clinical populations with more severe symptoms. Future research should examine whether these findings hold in individuals diagnosed with compulsive sexual behavior or problematic pornography use.</p>
<p>It is also important to note that the study is correlational. This means it cannot determine whether reduced cue reactivity is a cause or consequence of frequent pornography consumption. Longitudinal studies or experiments that manipulate exposure to sexual content would help clarify the direction of the effect.</p>
<p>Looking forward, “one major objective would be to replicate the findings in a sample of patients with compulsive sexual behavior disorder,” Finke said. “Another interesting avenue for future research would be to investigate links to (a) altered reward learning in depression and (b) effects of acute stress, which is thought to often trigger relapse or acute cravings.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsycho.2025.109046" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Trait sexual motivation shapes cue reactivity in visual, but not auditory, sexual reward learning: Psychophysiological and computational evidence</a>,” was published May 10, 2025.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/religious-leaders-become-more-effective-after-two-supported-psilocybin-sessions/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Religious leaders become more effective after two supported psilocybin sessions</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 7th 2025, 09:00</div>
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<p><p>A study involving psychedelic-naïve clergy from various major world religions found that six months after undergoing two psilocybin-assisted sessions, participants reported a number of positive changes in their religious practices, attitudes toward their faith, and perceived effectiveness as religious leaders. They also showed improvements in mood, general attitudes, and behavior compared to a control group that had not yet received the drug at the time of comparison. The paper was published in <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/psymed.2023.0044"><em>Psychedelic Medicine</em></a>.</p>
<p>Psilocybin is a naturally occurring psychedelic compound found in certain species of mushrooms, commonly referred to as “magic mushrooms.” Once ingested, psilocybin is converted in the body to psilocin, which interacts with serotonin receptors in the brain, particularly the 5-HT2A receptor. This interaction can lead to altered perception, vivid visual and auditory hallucinations, changes in thought patterns, and a distorted sense of time.</p>
<p>Many users describe psilocybin experiences as deeply emotional or spiritual, although the effects can vary significantly depending on the dose, mindset, and environment. Traditionally, psilocybin has been used in Indigenous rituals for healing and spiritual insight. In recent years, scientific research has shown promising results for its use in treating conditions such as depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, and addiction. </p>
<p>Clinical trials suggest that even a single guided psilocybin session, combined with psychotherapy, can produce long-lasting improvements in mood and well-being. Despite its potential, psilocybin remains a controlled substance in many countries, although legal restrictions are gradually being reconsidered. Its use is not without risks—side effects can include nausea, confusion, anxiety, and, in rare cases, temporary psychosis or panic reactions.</p>
<p>Study author Roland R. Griffiths and his colleagues sought to explore the acute and long-term effects of psilocybin on clergy. While psychedelics continue to be used in some Indigenous religious contexts, they are generally not incorporated into the practices of major world religions (e.g., Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism, Judaism). As a result, little is known about how members of the clergy would interpret psychedelic experiences.</p>
<p>The study included 33 individuals holding recognized leadership positions within established religious organizations. Eligible participants were required to spend substantial time providing spiritual or religious guidance, to have undergone formal training and ordination (or its equivalent), and to be regarded by fellow believers as clear representatives of their religious tradition.</p>
<p>Most participants were from the New York and Baltimore areas. The researchers recruited them through online announcements, advertisements, newsletters, and print notices, which described the study as an opportunity for clergy to participate in research on “psilocybin and sacred experiences.”</p>
<p>Participants were randomly assigned to one of two groups, balanced for gender and age (with equal proportions of individuals above and below 55 years of age). One group received two psilocybin sessions shortly after enrolling in the study, while the other group completed the same sessions six months later.</p>
<p>In the first session, participants received a moderately high dose of psilocybin (20 mg per 70 kg of body weight). Each session lasted eight hours and took place in a living-room-like setting with two facilitators present to provide support. Depending on each individual’s experience in the first session, the second session included a dose increase to 30 mg per 70 kg for some participants. The two sessions were spaced one week apart.</p>
<p>Six months after the start of the study, both groups completed a questionnaire assessing experiences and changes in attitudes, mood, and behavior over the previous five months. This meant that one group completed the questionnaire months after their psilocybin experience, while the other completed it before receiving psilocybin. Both groups also completed follow-up assessments four and twelve months after their second session.</p>
<p>Additional measures included assessments of the acute effects of psilocybin (seven hours after ingestion), mystical experiences (using the States of Consciousness Questionnaire and the Mysticism Scale), psychologically difficult experiences (using the Challenging Experience Questionnaire), and persisting effects (using the Retrospective Psilocybin Session and Persisting Effects Questionnaire), along with several other instruments.</p>
<p>Results indicated that participants who received psilocybin reported significantly greater positive changes in religious practices, religious attitudes, and effectiveness as religious leaders, compared to those who had not yet undergone the sessions. They also reported improvements in mood, behavior, and general (non-religious) attitudes.</p>
<p>Follow-up assessments revealed that these improvements were largely sustained 16 months later. At that time, a majority of participants rated at least one of their psilocybin sessions as among the top five most spiritually significant (96%), profoundly sacred (92%), psychologically insightful (83%), and psychologically meaningful (79%) experiences of their lives.</p>
<p>“In this population of clergy, psilocybin administration was safe and increased multiple domains of overall psychological well-being including positive changes in religious attitudes and behavior as well as their vocation as a religious leader. The study was limited by a waitlist control design, homogenous sample, and the use of some unvalidated outcome measures,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the effects of psilocybin on clergy. However, it should be noted that all the outcome measures were self-reports, while participants were fully aware of what the topic of the study is and what researcher’s likely expectations are. This means that the outcomes could have been the result of the Hawthorne effect, the phenomenon where individuals alter their behavior because they know they are being observed and what the expectations of observers are.</p>
<p>The paper “<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/psymed.2023.0044">Effects of Psilocybin on Religious and Spiritual Attitudes and Behaviors in Clergy from Various Major World Religions</a>” was authored by Roland R. Griffiths, Robert Jesse, William A. Richards, Matthew W. Johnson, Nathan D. Sepeda, Anthony P. Bossis, and Stephen Ross.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/professors-who-use-safe-space-language-seen-as-more-caring-and-more-authoritarian/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Professors who use safe space language seen as more caring—and more authoritarian</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 7th 2025, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study suggests that common classroom practices meant to protect students from emotional harm don’t affect all students in the same way—and may send messages instructors don’t intend. The study, published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/xap0000541" target="_blank">Journal of Experimental Psychology: Applied</a></em>, found that “safe space” notifications, but not trigger warnings, significantly influence how students view their instructors and the learning environment. Students who heard a professor describe the classroom as a safe space rated the instructor as more caring and trustworthy but also saw the professor as more politically liberal and supportive of censorship.</p>
<p>The researchers aimed to move beyond the clinical debate around trigger warnings and safe spaces to explore a different question: how do these messages function as interpersonal signals? While past work has focused on whether these practices reduce anxiety or help trauma survivors, little attention has been paid to what they communicate about an instructor’s values, trustworthiness, or political leanings. </p>
<p>To investigate this, researchers from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Flinders University, Massachusetts Mental Health Center, and Harvard University designed a study to experimentally test how students interpret these signals in classroom settings.</p>
<p>“Trigger warnings and safe spaces have become increasingly common in educational settings, but we still know very little about how these practices impact students. The goal of our study was to understand what messages instructors send to students by providing these practices in class,” said study author <a href="https://sam-pratt.owlstown.net/" target="_blank">Sam Pratt</a>, PhD student in psychology at the University of California, Los Angeles.</p>
<p>The study involved 738 American undergraduate students who were randomly assigned to watch two short video lectures about psychological trauma. In some videos, the instructor began with a trigger warning, a safe space notification, both, or neither. After viewing, students rated the instructor’s trustworthiness, care for student well-being, political orientation, and authoritarian tendencies. They also reported how psychologically safe they would feel in the class and how willing they would be to discuss controversial issues like politics, gender, or religion.</p>
<p>Trigger warnings—brief statements alerting students to potentially distressing material—had no meaningful effect on how students rated the instructor or the classroom climate. This finding aligns with earlier research showing that trigger warnings do not reliably reduce anxiety or help trauma survivors. Students who saw a trigger warning did not rate the instructor as more trustworthy, competent, caring, or politically extreme compared to those who did not. Nor did trigger warnings change students’ comfort with classroom discussions.</p>
<p>“I was surprised that trigger warnings had no impact at all,” Pratt told PsyPost. “In our sample, roughly 80-90% of students supported using trigger warnings. But when they actually received one, it didn’t make them feel more positively about the instructor or the classroom environment. This suggests a disconnect between public support for trigger warnings and the actual effect they have in the classroom.”</p>
<p>In contrast, safe space notifications had a consistent impact. When instructors told students the classroom was a safe space and encouraged them to disengage if they felt distressed, students perceived the instructor as more benevolent and concerned about their well-being. These students also reported higher psychological safety and more willingness to engage in discussions on sensitive topics like sexual orientation and trans identity. </p>
<p>However, the notifications also influenced students’ political perceptions. Instructors who gave a safe space message were viewed as more liberal and more supportive of top-down censorship, a type of left-wing authoritarianism that includes restricting speech to reduce inequality.</p>
<p>“Safe space notifications made instructors seem more caring and trustworthy, and made students more open to discussing difficult topics,” Pratt said. “But they also signaled that the instructor was more politically liberal and left-wing authoritarian.”</p>
<p>Interestingly, the combination of a trigger warning and a safe space notification reduced the positive effects of the safe space message. When both were given together, students rated the instructor as less caring and less trustworthy than when only the safe space notification was used. This pattern raises questions about how the sequence and combination of these statements might affect how they’re received.</p>
<p>One goal of the study was to understand whether personal characteristics—such as political beliefs, trauma history, or beliefs about speech—change how students interpret these cues. The researchers found that students’ political orientation had little effect. Liberals and conservatives reacted similarly to trigger warnings and safe spaces, despite public debate often framing the issue as partisan. </p>
<p>Instead, a student’s belief about the dangers of speech and their support for censorship were stronger predictors of how they interpreted the messages. Students who believed words could cause lasting psychological harm responded more positively to safe space notifications, while those who rejected that idea viewed the same messages more negatively.</p>
<p>Students with a history of trauma, including those who reported symptoms of posttraumatic stress, did not benefit more from trigger warnings or safe spaces. Even among those whose trauma history directly related to the lecture content, warnings and safe space notifications did not change their perceptions. This adds to a growing body of research questioning whether these practices offer special support to trauma survivors.</p>
<p>“Trigger warnings had no positive impact on students’ perceptions of their instructors or the classroom environment,” Pratt said. “This was true even for students with a history of trauma, the very group that trigger warnings are often intended to help.”</p>
<p>Gender and race also played a role. Female students tended to view instructors as more benevolent when they gave a trigger warning, while male students did not. White and multiracial students perceived instructors who gave safe space messages as more authoritarian, but Black students saw them as less authoritarian. These patterns suggest that the impact of these statements may vary based on a student’s background and how they interpret concepts like safety and authority in the classroom.</p>
<p>The study does have limitations. Participants viewed brief, scripted videos rather than interacting with a real instructor over a semester. While prior research shows people can form meaningful impressions from short exposures, the artificial setting may not capture the full dynamics of a classroom. Additionally, although the researchers tried to balance political perspectives among participants, recruiting conservatives proved more difficult, which may have affected how well the sample represents the broader student population.</p>
<p>Still, the study offers new insight into how classroom practices can unintentionally shape students’ social and political impressions. While trigger warnings continue to be debated, they appear to have little influence on how students judge their instructors. Safe space notifications, in contrast, come with both benefits and trade-offs—fostering trust and dialogue on the one hand, but potentially signaling ideological bias on the other. For educators, these results highlight the importance of considering not just what is said, but how it may be interpreted.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/xap0000541" target="_blank">Sending Signals: Trigger Warnings and Safe Space Notifications</a>,” was authored by Samuel Pratt, Payton J. Jones, Victoria M. E. Bridgland, Benjamin W. Bellet, and Richard J. McNally.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/worsening-economic-conditions-fuel-anti-immigrant-conspiracy-beliefs-and-support-for-violence/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Worsening economic conditions fuel anti-immigrant conspiracy beliefs and support for violence</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 7th 2025, 07:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jasp.70002" target="_blank">Journal of Applied Social Psychology</a></em> finds that economic hardship and a sense of societal decline can contribute to hostile attitudes toward immigrants—especially non-European immigrants—by encouraging belief in conspiracy theories. Across six studies, the researchers found that people who experienced or perceived themselves to be economically disadvantaged were more likely to feel that their society was breaking down. This feeling, known as anomie, was strongly linked to belief in anti-immigrant conspiracy theories and, in turn, to support for discriminatory policies, nonviolent protest, and even violence.</p>
<p>The researchers behind the new study set out to understand the psychological pathways that might explain why anti-immigrant attitudes are rising in countries like the United Kingdom. Previous studies have shown that conspiracy theories often flourish during times of uncertainty and social fragmentation, and that economic stress can fuel resentment and mistrust. </p>
<p>But no research had yet tested whether these factors combine to foster anti-immigrant conspiracy thinking, particularly toward groups portrayed as culturally distant. The authors designed a series of experiments and surveys to test whether economic hardship increases feelings of anomie, which in turn make people more receptive to conspiracy narratives that blame immigrants for society’s problems.</p>
<p>“This project emerged from a partnership with <a href="https://www.socialjustice.ie/" target="_blank">Social Justice Ireland</a>, an independent think tank,” explained <a href="https://www.danieljolley.co.uk/" target="_blank">Daniel Jolley</a>, an associate professor at the University of Nottingham. “In both Ireland and the United Kingdom, attacks on non-European immigrants were becoming more frequent. We wanted to understand the deeper psychological drivers of this hostility, going beyond surface-level attitudes. Through a collaborative process, we investigated how economic hardship and feelings of societal breakdown (anomie) might fuel conspiracy beliefs about immigrants – and how these beliefs can escalate into violent intentions.”</p>
<p>In the first two studies, the researchers surveyed a total of 984 adults in the United Kingdom and Ireland. Participants answered questions about their financial situation, perceptions of social decline, belief in anti-immigrant conspiracy theories, and support for various policies and behaviors related to non-European immigrants. These included support for reducing welfare access for refugees, boycotting organizations that help immigrants, and even justifying acts of violence. </p>
<p>The results showed that both perceived and actual economic hardship were linked to higher levels of anomie. In turn, anomie was strongly associated with belief in conspiracy theories that claimed immigrants were secretly trying to undermine national values or the economy. Those who endorsed these beliefs were more likely to express support for discriminatory policies and, disturbingly, were more likely to condone or express intent to engage in violence.</p>
<p>To test whether these associations could be replicated outside of self-report surveys, the researchers conducted a third study using a quasi-experimental design. They recruited 760 participants from economically deprived and more affluent postcode areas in the United Kingdom. </p>
<p>Participants in poorer areas reported greater economic hardship, higher levels of anomie, stronger belief in anti-immigrant conspiracies, and less support for immigration policies. They were also more likely to support non-violent actions, like protests or boycotts, aimed at opposing immigration. However, support for direct violence did not significantly differ between groups in this study.</p>
<p>The fourth and fifth studies introduced an experimental simulation. Participants were asked to imagine themselves living in a fictional society where they belonged to either a high-wealth or low-wealth social group. </p>
<p>Those in the low-wealth condition reported higher anomie, which in turn predicted greater belief in conspiracy theories about immigrants. These beliefs were again associated with stronger support for violence and protest, and lower support for pro-immigrant policies. Notably, the pattern held across both UK and Irish samples, suggesting the effect was not limited to a specific national context.</p>
<p>The sixth study added another layer by manipulating not only participants’ economic status in the simulated society but also their exposure to conspiracy narratives. Some participants were shown a short, fabricated news story suggesting that non-European immigrants were secretly working to destabilize the economy. </p>
<p>Compared to those in the control group, participants exposed to this article reported stronger belief in conspiracies, more negative attitudes toward immigrants, and increased willingness to engage in both violent and non-violent actions. These effects were especially strong among those assigned to the low-wealth condition.</p>
<p>“Across six studies, we found clear evidence that economic hardship may erode social cohesion and foster conspiracy beliefs about non-European immigrants,” Jolley told PsyPost. “These beliefs, in turn, are linked to anti-immigrant attitudes and even violent intentions. Crucially, the results suggest that tackling xenophobia isn’t just about addressing attitudes directly – it’s also about addressing the root causes, such as poverty and feelings that society is breaking down.”</p>
<p>“A major strength of this research is its diversity of methods – we measured hardship directly, sampled people from both high- and low-deprivation areas, and even experimentally manipulated perceptions of hardship. Across all approaches, we saw the same pattern. The most striking and concerning finding was that exposure to conspiratorial narratives about immigrants – combined with economic hardship – could directly increase violent intent. This link between conspiracy exposure and violence has rarely been shown so clearly.”</p>
<p>The research points to several potential ways to address rising anti-immigrant sentiment. Efforts could focus on reducing economic inequality, which might ease the social fragmentation that makes conspiracy beliefs more appealing. Policymakers could also counter conspiracy theories by promoting accurate information and encouraging positive interactions between groups. The authors note that exposure to uplifting or pro-immigrant news stories has been shown to reduce hostility, and that cross-group friendships can help inoculate people against conspiracist thinking.</p>
<p>“The study was co-designed with Social Justice Ireland, from the research materials to the interpretation of findings,” Jolley said. “Together, we <a href="https://www.socialjustice.ie/publication/inequality-and-social-cohesion" target="_blank">produced a policy paper</a> arguing that economic hardship not only causes material deprivation but also undermines social cohesion and political literacy. Our policy recommendations call for addressing these underlying social and economic inequalities as part of any strategy to reduce xenophobic violence.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jasp.70002" target="_blank">The Interplay Between Economic Hardship, Anomie, and Conspiracy Beliefs in Shaping Anti-Immigrant Sentiment</a>,” was authored by Michael Hattersley, Yvonne Skipper, Karen M. Douglas, and Daniel Jolley.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/chatgpt-psychosis-this-scientist-predicted-ai-induced-delusions-two-years-later-it-appears-he-was-right/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">ChatGPT psychosis? This scientist predicted AI-induced delusions — two years later it appears he was right</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 7th 2025, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>Two summers ago, Danish psychiatrist Søren Dinesen Østergaard published an editorial warning that the new wave of conversational artificial‑intelligence systems could push vulnerable users into psychosis. At the time it sounded speculative. Today, after a series of unsettling real‑world cases and a surge of media attention, his hypothesis looks uncomfortably prescient.</p>
<p>Generative AI refers to models that learn from vast libraries of text, images, and code and then generate fresh content on demand. Chatbots such as OpenAI’s ChatGPT, Google’s Gemini (formerly Bard), Anthropic’s Claude, and Microsoft Copilot wrap these models in friendly interfaces that respond in fluent prose, mimic empathy, and never tire.</p>
<p>Their popularity is unprecedented. ChatGPT alone amassed an estimated 100 million monthly users in January 2023—just two months after launch, making it the fastest‑growing consumer app on record. Because the conversation feels human, many people anthropomorphize the software, forgetting that it is really an enormous statistical engine predicting the next most likely word.</p>
<p>Psychiatry has long used the term delusion for fixed false beliefs that resist evidence. Østergaard, who heads the Research Unit at the Department of Affective Disorders at Aarhus University Hospital, saw a potential collision between that definition and the persuasive qualities of chatbots. In his <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/schbul/sbad128">2023 editorial in <em>Schizophrenia Bulletin</em></a>, he argued that the “cognitive dissonance” of talking to something that seems alive yet is known to be a machine could ignite psychosis in predisposed individuals, especially when the bot obligingly confirms far‑fetched ideas.</p>
<p>He illustrated the risk with imagined scenarios ranging from persecution (“a foreign intelligence agency is spying on me through the chatbot”) to grandiosity (“I have devised a planet‑saving climate plan with ChatGPT”). At the time, there were no verified cases, but he urged clinicians to familiarize themselves with the technology so they could recognize chatbot‑related symptoms.</p>
<p>In August 2025, Østergaard revisited the issue in an editorial aptly titled “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/acps.70022">Generative Artificial Intelligence Chatbots and Delusions: From Guesswork to Emerging Cases</a>.” He wrote that after the 2023 piece he began receiving emails from users, relatives, and journalists describing eerily similar episodes: marathon chat sessions that ratcheted up unusual ideas into full‑blown false convictions.</p>
<p>Traffic to his original article jumped from roughly 100 to more than 1,300 monthly views between May and June 2025, mirroring a spike in news coverage and coinciding with an update to OpenAI’s GPT‑4o model that critics said made the bot “overly sycophantic,” eager to flatter and echo a user’s worldview. Østergaard now calls for systematic research, including clinical case series and controlled experiments that vary a bot’s tendency to agree with users. Without data, he warns, society may be facing a stealth public‑health problem.</p>
<p>Stories reported this year suggest that the danger is no longer hypothetical. One of the most widely cited involves a <em>New York Times</em> article about Manhattan accountant Eugene Torres. After asking ChatGPT about simulation theory, the bot allegedly told him he was “one of the Breakers—souls seeded into false systems to wake them from within,” encouraged him to abandon medication, and even promised he could fly if his belief was total.</p>
<p>Torres spent up to 16 hours a day conversing with the system before realizing something was amiss. Although he ultimately stepped back, the episode highlights how a chatbot that combines authoritative language with limitless patience can erode a user’s grip on reality.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.rollingstone.com/culture/culture-features/ai-spiritual-delusions-destroying-human-relationships-1235330175/"><em>Rolling Stone</em> documented</a> a different pattern: spiritual infatuation. In one account, a teacher’s long‑time partner came to believe ChatGPT was a divine mentor, bestowing titles such as “spiral starchild” and “river walker” and urging him to outgrow his human relationships. Other interviewees described spouses convinced that the bot was alive—or that they themselves had given the bot life as its “spark bearer.” The common thread in these narratives was an avalanche of flattering messages that read like prophecy and left loved ones alarmed.</p>
<p>Østergaard’s new commentary links such anecdotes to recent work on “sycophancy” in large language models: because reinforcement learning from human feedback rewards answers that make users happy, the models sometimes mirror beliefs back at users, even when those beliefs are delusional. That dynamic, he argues, resembles Bayesian accounts of psychosis in which people overweight confirmatory evidence and underweight disconfirming cues. A chatbot that never disagrees can function as a turbo‑charged “belief confirmer.”</p>
<p>Nina Vasan, a psychiatrist at Stanford University, has expressed concern that companies developing AI chatbots may face a troubling incentive structure—one in which keeping users highly engaged can take precedence over their mental well-being, even if the interactions are reinforcing harmful or delusional thinking.</p>
<p>“The incentive is to keep you online,” she told <em><a href="https://futurism.com/chatgpt-mental-health-crises">Futurism</a></em>. The AI “is not thinking about what is best for you, what’s best for your well-being or longevity… It’s thinking ‘right now, how do I keep this person as engaged as possible?'”</p>
<p>It is worth noting that Østergaard is not an AI doom‑sayer. He is also exploring ways machine learning can aid psychiatry. Earlier this year <a href="https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamapsychiatry/fullarticle/2830144">his group trained an algorithm</a> on electronic health‑record data from 24,449 Danish patients. By analyzing more than a thousand variables—including words in clinicians’ notes—the system predicted who would develop schizophrenia or bipolar disorder within five years.</p>
<p>For every 100 patients labeled high‑risk, roughly 13 later received one of the two diagnoses, while 95 of 100 flagged low‑risk did not, suggesting the model could help clinicians focus assessments and accelerate care once its accuracy improves. The same technology that may worsen delusions in isolated users could, in a clinical setting, shorten the often years‑long path to a correct diagnosis.</p>
<p>What should happen next? Østergaard proposes three immediate steps: verified clinical case reports, qualitative interviews with affected individuals, and tightly monitored experiments that vary chatbot behavior. He also urges developers to build automatic guardrails that detect indications of psychosis—such as references to hidden messages or supernatural identity—and switch the dialogue toward mental‑health resources instead of affirmation.</p>
<p>Østergaard’s original warning ended with a plea for vigilance. Two years later, real‑world cases, a more sycophantic generation of models, and his own overflowing inbox have given that plea new urgency. Whether society heeds it will determine whether generative AI becomes an ally in mental‑health care or an unseen accelerant of distress.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/high-sensitivity-may-protect-against-anomalous-psychological-phenomena/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">High sensitivity may protect against anomalous psychological phenomena</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 6th 2025, 20:40</div>
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<p><p>A new study challenges the idea that heightened sensitivity increases the risk of hallucinations or other psychosis-related symptoms. Published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00332941251347255" target="_blank">Psychological Reports</a></em>, the research found that traits linked to being a Highly Sensitive Person do not cause more anomalous perceptual experiences. In fact, when psychosis-prone traits were present, high sensitivity seemed to act as a protective buffer—reducing rather than increasing the likelihood of reporting unusual perceptual phenomena like hallucinations or altered sensory experiences.</p>
<p>Many people report experiences that seem out of the ordinary—hearing voices, sensing unseen presences, or having unusually vivid perceptions. These “anomalous perceived phenomena” are often associated with psychotic disorders, but they can also occur in people who are not clinically ill. At the same time, people with Highly Sensitive Person traits—those who are emotionally responsive, attuned to subtleties in their environment, and easily overstimulated—have been thought to be more vulnerable to distress or mental illness, including psychosis. Yet the connection between high sensitivity and these unusual perceptual experiences has remained unclear.</p>
<p>To address this, the researchers—Álex Escolà-Gascón and colleagues from institutions across Spain and the UK—developed a new model that combines existing theories of temperament, sensitivity, and psychosis. Their goal was to understand how these traits interact and to test whether high sensitivity increases or decreases the risk of experiencing anomalous perceptions. They called this new framework the Integrated Temperamental-Sensitivity Theory of Anomalous Experience (ITSTAE).</p>
<p>The researchers collected survey data from 1,215 Spanish-speaking adults between the ages of 21 and 55. Participants lived in Madrid, Barcelona, or Valencia and completed a series of psychological questionnaires online. These included a temperament inventory assessing traits like emotional reactivity, persistence, sensory sensitivity, and activity level along with a validated scale measuring Highly Sensitive Person traits, including ease of overstimulation and sensitivity to aesthetics or subtle stimuli.</p>
<p>The participants also completed a measure of psychosis-like traits known as the Psychosis Continuum Model, which includes positive symptoms such as hallucinations, negative symptoms like emotional flatness, and depressive symptoms along with an assessment of anomalous perceived phenomena, covering visual, auditory, tactile, olfactory, and bodily sensations not tied to real external stimuli.</p>
<p>As expected, the researchers found that psychosis-prone traits were strongly associated with higher levels of anomalous perceptual experiences. This supports the idea that some individuals are more likely than others to have hallucination-like perceptions, even in non-clinical populations.</p>
<p>However, Highly Sensitive Person traits did not increase the risk of these experiences. In fact, when psychosis-prone traits were taken into account, individuals with higher levels of sensitivity reported fewer anomalous experiences. The relationship reversed: sensitivity became a suppressor, not a risk factor. This counterintuitive finding suggests that while psychosis-like traits may increase susceptibility to altered perceptions, high sensitivity appears to dampen that effect.</p>
<p>This pattern was not apparent when psychosis traits were excluded from the analysis. Without controlling for psychosis-prone characteristics, there was no significant link between Highly Sensitive Person traits and anomalous experiences. Only when psychosis-like traits were considered did the protective effect of sensitivity become clear.</p>
<p>Moreover, when all three components—temperament, psychosis traits, and Highly Sensitive Person traits—were included in the analysis, the model significantly improved in predicting who would report anomalous experiences. The addition of psychosis-related traits raised the explained variance in anomalous experiences from 47.1% to 61.4%, showing that the interaction among these traits offers a more accurate picture than any one alone.</p>
<p>The researchers also confirmed that high sensitivity and psychosis-prone traits are conceptually and statistically distinct. Using a method called Multitrait-Multimethod analysis, they demonstrated that while the two constructs may overlap in some symptoms, they represent different psychological dimensions.</p>
<p>What the findings suggest<br>
The study’s findings offer a new perspective on sensitivity and mental health. Instead of viewing Highly Sensitive People as fragile or at higher risk for hallucinations and delusions, the researchers propose that sensitivity may actually function as a cognitive shield—helping people filter or regulate how they process unusual perceptions.</p>
<p>This insight runs counter to psychiatric reductionism, which tends to interpret any perceptual anomaly as a symptom of mental illness. The new findings support a more nuanced view, in which altered perceptions are not automatically signs of pathology, especially in people with a temperament marked by high sensitivity.</p>
<p>The authors argue that the ITSTAE model could help clinicians better distinguish between benign perceptual quirks and symptoms that reflect real clinical risk. For example, someone with Highly Sensitive Person traits who occasionally experiences vivid perceptions may not be at risk for a psychotic disorder—especially if their sensitivity helps them regulate these experiences. On the other hand, someone with both high psychosis-prone traits and low sensitivity might be more vulnerable.</p>
<p>This model may also help reduce the stigma around both sensitivity and anomalous experiences. Not every unusual perception is a warning sign, and not every sensitive person is on the verge of a breakdown. Recognizing the complexity of these traits could improve psychological assessments and inform more personalized approaches to mental health.</p>
<p>The researchers note several limitations. The study relied on self-report questionnaires and used a correlational design, which means that causal relationships cannot be confirmed. Experimental studies and longitudinal research would be needed to determine whether sensitivity truly buffers psychotic symptoms over time.</p>
<p>The sample also included only non-clinical participants, meaning the results may not generalize to people already diagnosed with psychotic disorders. Clinical samples would be needed to explore whether sensitivity plays a similar role in those populations. In addition, the study focused on a relatively narrow set of temperament dimensions and did not include variables like extraversion, which could also influence how people experience or report anomalous perceptions.</p>
<p>Future research could explore how depressive or negative psychotic symptoms interact with Highly Sensitive Person traits, since the current study focused mainly on positive symptoms like hallucinations. It’s possible that highly sensitive individuals are more vulnerable to depression or social withdrawal, even if they are less prone to hallucinations. Investigating these questions could lead to a more complete picture of how sensitivity shapes mental health.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00332941251347255" target="_blank">Who Has Anomalous Experiences Today? Evidence for the Highly Sensitive Person Paradox</a>,” was authored by Álex Escolà-Gascón, Christopher C. French, Neil Dagnall, Andrew Denovan, and Alejandro Rujano. </p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-research-links-higher-copper-intake-to-better-cognitive-functioning-in-older-adults/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New research links higher copper intake to better cognitive functioning in older adults</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 6th 2025, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>More and more research suggests that the copper in your diet could play a bigger role in brain health than we once believed. A <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-025-09280-9">recent study</a> found that older Americans who ate more copper-rich foods did better on memory and concentration tests.</p>
<p>The findings, published in Nature Scientific Reports, looked at people’s diets using detailed food diaries and tested their cognitive function. Those who ate more foods that were high in copper – which include shellfish, dark chocolate and nuts – did better on tests that are used to spot early signs of age-related memory loss and dementia.</p>
<p>But the results aren’t straightforward. People who ate more copper-rich foods were mostly male, white, married and had higher incomes. They were also less likely to smoke or have high blood pressure or diabetes – all factors linked to a lower risk of dementia. People who consumed more copper also had more zinc, iron and selenium in their diets, and consumed more calories overall.</p>
<p>People with higher incomes often have better access to healthy food, medical care, cleaner environments and more education – all of which help protect against memory loss and dementia.</p>
<p>It’s hard to separate the effects of diet from these other advantages, although <a href="https://www.lboro.ac.uk/media-centre/press-releases/2024/september/eef-hogervost-dementia-risk-prevention-treatments/">some research</a> we reviewed suggests that improving nutrition might be especially helpful for people from less privileged backgrounds.</p>
<h2>What other research tells us</h2>
<p>The current study’s limitations are notable. It captured brain function at only one point in time and relied on participants’ food diaries rather than blood measurements of copper levels.</p>
<p>However, long-term studies support the idea that copper might matter for brain health. <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36195639/">One study</a> that tracked people over time found that those who had less copper in their diet showed more pronounced declines in memory and thinking.</p>
<p>More intriguingly, when researchers measured copper levels directly in brain tissue, they discovered that higher concentrations were associated with slower mental deterioration and fewer of the toxic amyloid plaques characteristic of Alzheimer’s disease.</p>
<p>Curiously, brain copper levels bore little relationship to dietary intake, suggesting the body’s processing of this mineral is more complex than simple consumption patterns might indicate.</p>
<p>There’s a good <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/29472855/">biological explanation</a> for why copper might help protect the brain. This essential metal plays several important roles: it helps prevent brain cell damage via antioxidant effects, with production of the chemicals (neurotransmitters) that let brain cells talk to each other, and helps the brain produce energy, by working via particular enzymes.</p>
<p>Copper deficiency is thought to be relatively uncommon, but it can cause noticeable problems. If someone feels tired and weak and has anaemia that doesn’t improve with iron or vitamin B12 supplements, low copper might be to blame. Other signs can include getting sick more often, losing bone strength, and nerve damage that gets worse over time.</p>
<p>Copper is naturally found in <a href="https://lpi.oregonstate.edu/mic/minerals/copper">high amounts</a> in foods like beef, offal, shellfish, nuts, seeds and mushrooms. It’s also added to some cereals and found in whole grains and dark chocolate.</p>
<p>People who have had gastric bypass surgery for obesity or have bowel disorders may have trouble absorbing copper – and these conditions themselves could be linked to a higher risk of dementia.</p>
<p>It’s best to be cautious about taking copper supplements without careful thought. They body needs a delicate balance of essential minerals – too much iron or zinc can lower copper levels, while too much copper or iron can cause oxidative stress, which may <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0197458014003595#:~:text=Copper%20is%20an%20essential%20element,of%20Alzheimer's%20disease%20(AD).">speed up damage to brain cells</a>.</p>
<p>Studies examining mineral supplements in people already diagnosed with Alzheimer’s have shown little benefit.</p>
<p>Paradoxically, people with Alzheimer’s often have higher copper levels in their blood, but key brain areas like the hippocampus – which is vital for memory – often show lower copper levels. This suggests that Alzheimer’s disrupts how the body handles copper, causing it to get trapped in the <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/aging-neuroscience/articles/10.3389/fnagi.2017.00446/full">amyloid plaques</a> that are a hallmark of the disease.</p>
<p>Some <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/21767446/">researchers suggested</a> that after Alzheimer’s develops, eating less copper and iron and more omega-3 fats from fish and nuts might help, while saturated fats seem to make things worse. However, a lack of copper could actually increase plaque build-up before dementia shows up, highlighting the need for balanced nutrition throughout life.</p>
<p>There seems to be an optimal range of copper for brain function – recent studies suggest 1.22 to 1.65 milligrams a day provides copper’s cognitive benefits without causing harm. This mirrors a broader principle in medicine: for many biological systems, including <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/18640783/">thyroid hormones</a>, both deficiency and excess can impair brain function.</p>
<p>The human body typically manages these intricate chemical balances with remarkable precision. But disease and ageing can disrupt this equilibrium, potentially setting the stage for cognitive decline years before symptoms emerge. As researchers continue to unravel the relationship between nutrition and brain health, copper’s role serves as a reminder that the path to healthy ageing may be paved with the careful choices we make at every meal.</p>
<p> </p>
<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/could-the-copper-in-your-diet-help-prevent-memory-loss-as-new-study-suggests-261494">original article</a>.</em></p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/womans-uncontrollable-orgasmic-episodes-apparently-linked-to-dopamine-imbalance/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Woman’s uncontrollable orgasmic episodes apparently linked to dopamine imbalance</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 6th 2025, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A new case report published in <em><a href="https://acr.amegroups.org/article/view/11116/html" target="_blank">AME Case Reports</a></em> sheds light on a rare and distressing medical condition known as persistent genital arousal disorder (PGAD). The study describes the experience of a 20-year-old woman in China who suffered from uncontrollable and spontaneous orgasm-like sensations that were unrelated to sexual desire. Her symptoms persisted for years, severely impairing her daily life, but were eventually alleviated with antipsychotic treatment.</p>
<p>The report was authored by Jing Yan and Dafang Ouyang, affiliated with Peking University Sixth Hospital and several national mental health institutions in Beijing. They describe a case involving a young woman who, since adolescence, experienced symptoms consistent with PGAD. </p>
<p>While PGAD is typically characterized by persistent and unwanted genital arousal without accompanying sexual interest, this patient’s case was especially unusual. Her symptoms included spontaneous orgasmic sensations occurring multiple times a day, lasting several seconds to hours, often without any triggering stimulus. These episodes caused her intense distress and disrupted her ability to attend school, work, or maintain social relationships.</p>
<p>Her history was medically and psychologically complex. At age 12, she had been diagnosed with epilepsy and experienced seizures for several years, but these were eventually managed and resolved with medication. Around age 14, she began showing signs of unusual beliefs and heightened sensitivity, such as thinking others could read her mind. A year later, she was hospitalized in a psychiatric unit and began treatment for depressive and psychotic symptoms. It was during this time that her genital arousal symptoms appeared—first described as an “electric” sensation rising through her abdomen, accompanied by pelvic contractions resembling orgasms.</p>
<p>Despite multiple treatments, including anti-epileptic and psychiatric medications, her symptoms persisted. She began to believe that her orgasms were being externally manipulated, a delusion that compounded her suffering. When she presented to the hospital for the case study, her condition was severe, and her orgasmic episodes interrupted her medical interviews. </p>
<p>Neurologists ruled out epilepsy through EEG monitoring and other tests, and physical examinations showed no structural abnormalities in her brain or reproductive organs. Standard treatments for epilepsy had no effect, but when the researchers prescribed antipsychotic medication—specifically risperidone and later olanzapine—her symptoms began to subside.</p>
<p>After a few weeks of treatment, her orgasmic experiences became infrequent and less severe, and her delusions improved. Over time, she was able to return to work and function socially. Her condition remained stable as long as she continued taking her medication. When she stopped treatment on her own, her symptoms returned, but they improved again after resuming the same regimen.</p>
<p>PGAD remains a poorly understood condition with no established standard treatment. It was first formally described in 2001, and its diagnostic criteria were only recently outlined in 2019 by the International Society for the Study of Women’s Sexual Health. PGAD symptoms vary widely but generally include persistent, intrusive genital arousal sensations that occur without sexual desire or stimulation. The condition can be deeply disruptive to daily functioning and is often accompanied by psychological distress, including anxiety, shame, or suicidal thoughts.</p>
<p>The condition affects an estimated 0.6% to 3% of the population, but it remains underdiagnosed. Possible physical causes include nerve damage, spinal abnormalities, or medication side effects. Some studies have suggested that PGAD might be triggered by changes in the use of antidepressants or anti-anxiety medications, such as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors or serotonin-norepinephrine reuptake inhibitors. Psychological stress and anxiety may also worsen symptoms.</p>
<p>One line of research has proposed that PGAD is related to dopamine system dysfunction. Dopamine is a key neurotransmitter involved in the brain’s reward and arousal systems. Excess dopamine activity in certain brain regions, such as the hypothalamus and limbic system, may amplify sexual responses and could theoretically produce symptoms like those seen in PGAD. The use of dopamine-blocking medications—such as risperidone and olanzapine, both antipsychotics—may reduce these abnormal arousal sensations by dampening the dopamine response.</p>
<p>This case adds support to the dopamine hypothesis. The patient responded well to antipsychotic treatment, even after failing to improve with anti-epileptic drugs. Her sexual symptoms disappeared despite significant fluctuations in hormone levels, including prolactin—a hormone that is often affected by antipsychotic use and may influence sexual function. This pattern suggests that the improvement was not driven by hormone changes but by the drugs’ impact on dopamine signaling.</p>
<p>Case reports like this one play a vital role in advancing medical understanding, especially for rare or emerging conditions. They offer detailed insights into how complex symptoms manifest and how they may respond to treatment. In this instance, the documentation of one patient’s long and difficult journey through multiple failed treatments, and her eventual stabilization with antipsychotics, raises new questions about the neurochemical underpinnings of PGAD and opens the possibility of using antipsychotic medications to manage similar cases.</p>
<p>However, case reports also have limitations. They describe a single individual, which means the findings cannot be generalized to all patients with PGAD. Different people may experience PGAD for different reasons—some with physical causes, others with psychological or neurological origins. Treatments that work for one person may not work for another. Additionally, many variables in this case—such as the patient’s psychiatric history, previous epilepsy, and medication changes—make it difficult to draw firm conclusions about cause and effect.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://acr.amegroups.org/article/view/11116/html" target="_blank">Persistent genital arousal disorder (PGAD) characterized by recurrent and spontaneous orgasmic experience: a case report</a>,” was published July 10, 2025.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/psychedelic-experiences-linked-to-identity-shifts-and-improved-mental-health-among-lgbtqia-individuals/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Psychedelic experiences linked to identity shifts and improved mental health among LGBTQIA+ individuals</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 6th 2025, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2025.2520224" target="_blank">Journal of Psychoactive Drugs</a></em> suggests that psychedelic experiences may be associated with positive changes in gender and sexual identity and improvements in mental health among LGBTQIA+ individuals. Intense psychedelic experiences were linked to greater self-acceptance, reduced symptoms of trauma and anxiety, and increased psychological flexibility. Many participants reported that psychedelics helped them explore their identities more deeply, with some indicating shifts in how they understood or felt about their gender or sexual orientation.</p>
<p>The research was conducted by a collaborative team of scientists and clinicians from institutions such as The Ohio State University, Columbia University, Johns Hopkins University, Naropa University, and the Child Mind Institute. Their goal was to address a gap in psychedelic research by exploring how these substances are experienced by LGBTQIA+ individuals outside of clinical settings, especially in relation to identity and mental health. (LGBTQIA+ is an inclusive term that stands for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer or questioning, intersex, asexual or aromantic or agender, with the plus sign representing other diverse sexual orientations and gender identities.)</p>
<p>This study was motivated by the high rates of psychological distress among sexual and gender minority populations. Despite growing acceptance in some regions, LGBTQIA+ people continue to face systemic discrimination, rejection, and violence, all of which contribute to elevated rates of depression, post-traumatic stress, anxiety, and other mental health challenges. </p>
<p>Traditional therapeutic approaches are often inadequate, particularly when providers lack cultural competence or fail to address the identity-specific aspects of psychological distress. The researchers proposed that psychedelics might offer a unique avenue for healing by facilitating self-exploration, emotional breakthroughs, and shifts in perspective that are difficult to achieve through conventional talk therapy.</p>
<p>“I’m a trans person whose own psychedelic experiences have been deeply affirming and healing in relation to gender and sexual identity,” explained study author Rafaelle Lancelotta, a licensed professional clinical counselor and PhD candidate at The Ohio State University who is affiliated with the <a href="https://www.cpdre.org/" target="_blank">Center for Psychedelic Drug Research and Education</a>.</p>
<p>“That lived experience, combined with my passion for tailoring psychedelic therapy to vulnerable populations, motivated this research. I was invited to lead this project by Dr. Alan Davis, who provided a lot of mentorship and guidance to help make this project a success. The timing of this project felt like a truly aligned opportunity to contribute something meaningful to the field. </p>
<p>“There’s a major gap in the literature when it comes to the experiences of gender and sexual minorities, as well as BIPOC communities, in psychedelic contexts. Too often, the field has focused on the experiences of white, cisgender, middle-class men—so it’s urgent that we broaden our understanding to include those historically excluded.”</p>
<p>The researchers conducted a cross-sectional survey that collected detailed self-report data from LGBTQIA+ adults who had previously used psychedelics or MDMA. Recruitment was conducted through psychedelic advocacy websites, social media, and community networks. </p>
<p>The survey asked participants to reflect on a particularly meaningful psychedelic experience that occurred at least 30 days prior to participation. Participants were assessed using a wide range of validated instruments, including measures of mental health symptoms, emotional breakthroughs, mystical experiences, ego dissolution, self-acceptance, and identity-related rumination. Measures also captured the frequency and intensity of psychedelic use, as well as attitudes about the potential therapeutic value of these substances.</p>
<p>After stringent quality control checks and data validation steps, the final sample consisted of 346 individuals. Most participants were White, with a mean age of 31.7. Just over half were assigned female at birth. Participants identified across a broad spectrum of gender identities, including women, genderqueer individuals, nonbinary people, and men. </p>
<p>Many participants reported prior psychiatric diagnoses, with high rates of anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress, and attention difficulties. On average, respondents reported having experienced four types of adverse childhood events, which are known to increase vulnerability to mental health problems later in life.</p>
<p>In terms of substance use, participants had used classical psychedelics about 23 times on average, and MDMA about 11 times. The most commonly used psychedelics were LSD and psilocybin. Nearly half of respondents described their most memorable psychedelic experience as involving a moderately high dose, and a smaller portion reported a high dose. Most participants believed that psychedelics could be helpful in addressing issues related to gender dysphoria, and two-thirds reported that their psychedelic experiences had affected their attitudes toward their own gender identity.</p>
<p>When asked to reflect on that experience, participants scored highly on measures of mystical experience, emotional breakthrough, and psychological insight. These scores suggest that the experiences were deeply meaningful and involved a sense of unity, emotional release, or new understanding. Scores on the ego dissolution measure—reflecting a sense of merging with the environment or temporarily losing a sense of self—were also in the upper middle range. In contrast, scores on measures of challenging or distressing experiences during the trip were low on average, indicating that most participants did not report intense fear, grief, or paranoia.</p>
<p>Lancelotta and her colleagues found statistically significant changes in measures related to sexual identity. Participants reported decreases in uncertainty about their sexual orientation, increases in commitment and exploration, and greater synthesis of their identity. There were also significant improvements in self-acceptance, including a marked decrease in difficulty accepting one’s sexuality. Changes in transgender congruence—how well one’s outward expression matches internal gender identity—were smaller but still significant.</p>
<p>In addition to identity-related outcomes, participants reported substantial improvements in mental health following their psychedelic experience. Large reductions were observed in symptoms of depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress. Participants also reported greater psychological flexibility, which refers to the ability to adapt to new situations, accept difficult emotions, and pursue meaningful goals even in the face of internal discomfort. Psychological flexibility is a strong predictor of well-being and is often considered a core mechanism of change in various forms of therapy.</p>
<p>To better understand the relationship between the intensity of the psychedelic experience and these reported changes, the researchers conducted a canonical correlation analysis. This analysis revealed a significant link between higher levels of mystical, emotional, and insightful experiences and greater gains in self-acceptance and identity exploration. In contrast, participants who had more challenging or distressing trips were less likely to report these kinds of benefits.</p>
<p>“Psychedelic experiences might support self-acceptance, identity exploration, and emotional healing in gender and sexual minorities,” Lancelotta told PsyPost. “Our study suggests that these substances may help gender and sexual minorities people reframe their experiences of minority stress, increase psychological flexibility, and reduce shame.” </p>
<p>“But it’s also important to recognize that these experiences don’t happen in a vacuum—they’re shaped by complex interpersonal and social contexts. Destigmatizing psychedelic experiences while also promoting intentional, culturally responsive support is key, and we will need controlled, rigorous clinical studies to better understand how psychedelic experiences may or may not be helpful for this population.”</p>
<p>However, the researchers caution that these findings should be interpreted with care. The data are based on retrospective self-reports, which are subject to memory bias. People who had meaningful or positive experiences may have been more motivated to complete the survey, which could skew the results. The survey focused on participants’ most memorable experience, which may not reflect the full range of their psychedelic use or long-term patterns.</p>
<p>Another limitation is the lack of racial diversity in the sample, which may limit the applicability of the findings to LGBTQIA+ people of color. “Future work should focus on recruiting more BIPOC and transgender participants,” Lancelotta said. “Despite these limitations, we believe this study is an important first step toward filling a gap in the literature.”</p>
<p>The study also raises questions about access and inclusion. Psychedelic-assisted therapy remains expensive and legally restricted in many regions, and marginalized groups are often not included in research trials. </p>
<p>“I’m currently working on a secondary analysis examining how social support may shape mental health improvements following psychedelic experiences,” Lancelotta explained. “Ultimately, I hope to contribute to the development of culturally attuned, trauma-informed psychedelic therapy protocols that center the lived realities of GSM individuals. Dr. Alan Davis is working on a secondary analysis of the data to better understand the role of psychological flexibility in this population and my colleague Skylar Gaughan has done qualitative research with our trans survey respondents to better understand trans psychedelic experiences.”</p>
<p>“My long-term goal is for psychedelic research to be more community-integrated and systems informed. I hope that psychedelics are viewed as potentially helpful, but that we also are considering the importance of the contexts (social, political, cultural) where they are used.”</p>
<p>“This project was shaped by a wonderfully diverse research team that included trans people, people of color, gender and sexual minorities, and neurodiverse individuals,” Lancelotta added. “That diversity brought critical insight into how we framed the study and interpreted the findings. I also love that we trialed our survey with a group of gender and sexual minority individuals to ensure that the survey was culturally attuned for the population we were targeting. I’m proud of that collaborative, community-informed approach.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2025.2520224" target="_blank">Exploring Self-Reported Effects of Naturalistic Psychedelic Use Among Gender and Sexual Minorities: A Quantitative Survey Study</a>,” was authored by Rafaelle Lancelotta, Meghan DellaCrosse, Diana Quinn, Syre Saniyah, Micah Saniyah, Natalie Gukasyan, Sasha Narayan, Aki Nikolaidis, Jae Sevelius, and Alan K. Davis.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/narcissists-report-high-emotional-intelligence-but-perform-worse-on-objective-tests/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Narcissists report high emotional intelligence but perform worse on objective tests</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 6th 2025, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>An online survey in Spain found that the link between the Dark Triad traits and emotional intelligence depends on the assessment method used. One assessment indicated that individuals with pronounced narcissism and psychopathy tend to have lower emotional intelligence, while another suggested that individuals with pronounced narcissism tend to report higher emotional intelligence. The research was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2025.113129"><em>Personality and Individual Differences</em></a><em>.</em></p>
<p>The Dark Triad traits are three closely related but distinct personality characteristics: narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy. Narcissism involves grandiosity, a sense of entitlement, and a constant need for admiration. Machiavellianism is characterized by manipulation, deceit, and a strategic, emotionally detached approach to relationships. Psychopathy includes traits such as impulsivity, lack of empathy or remorse, and antisocial behavior.</p>
<p>These traits are considered socially aversive and are associated with unethical, exploitative, or harmful behaviors. Research has linked the Dark Triad to outcomes like aggression, dishonesty, and reduced empathy. Individuals high in these traits may appear charming or confident but often prioritize their own interests at others’ expense. Psychologists study the Dark Triad to better understand destructive interpersonal dynamics, especially in the workplace or intimate relationships.</p>
<p>Study author Louana Marie Denogent and her colleagues sought to explore the link between Dark Triad traits and emotional intelligence. They note that emotional intelligence is defined as “the ability to perceive accurately, appraise, and express emotion; the ability to access and generate feelings when they facilitate thought; the ability to understand emotion and emotional knowledge; and the ability to regulate emotions to promote emotional and intellectual growth.”</p>
<p>Researchers have long been interested in how the Dark Triad traits relate to emotional intelligence, since these traits often involve manipulating others’ emotions or being insensitive to them. However, findings from prior studies have been inconsistent.</p>
<p>Participants in the new study were 222 students from the University of Málaga, Spain, with an average age of 22. About 78% of the participants were women.</p>
<p>They completed an online survey using the LimeSurvey platform. The survey included two assessments of emotional intelligence: the Mayer-Salovey-Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test (MSCEIT), a performance-based measure, and the Trait Meta Mood Scale (TMMS-24), a self-report measure. It also included the Short Dark Triad, which evaluates narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy.</p>
<p>Results showed that men scored significantly higher than women on all three Dark Triad traits. Women scored higher than men on the performance-based emotional intelligence test (MSCEIT), particularly in emotional management. However, there were no significant sex differences in the self-reported emotional intelligence scores (TMMS-24).</p>
<p>In terms of the relationship between personality and emotional intelligence, individuals with higher levels of narcissism and psychopathy tended to score lower on the MSCEIT. But when emotional intelligence was measured with the TMMS-24, higher narcissism was associated with higher self-reported emotional intelligence.</p>
<p>“This study found a negative relationship between psychopathy, narcissism, and EI [emotional intelligence] in performance-based assessments but not in self-reports. Additionally, we identified sex differences in the study variables. Therefore, the nature of the association between DT [Dark Triad] traits and EI may vary according to sex and EI measures. Based on our findings, performance-based EI could be a potential protective factor against the typical DT associated behaviors, such as aggression, impulsivity, and deceit tactics,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the relationship between the Dark Triad traits and emotional intelligence. However, it is important to note that the MSCEIT is a performance-based test, where respondents must solve emotion-related tasks with objectively correct answers. In contrast, the TMMS-24 is a self-report questionnaire, which relies on participants’ subjective evaluations of their own emotional abilities.</p>
<p>Emotional intelligence is generally defined as a mental ability. Self-report measures, in general, are poor indicators of actual ability, since people can easily claim to possess a skill they don’t truly have. In contrast, solving tasks that require a real ability is much harder to fake.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2025.113129">Comparative analysis of Dark Triad traits in relation to performance and self-reported emotional intelligence,</a>” was authored by Louana Marie Denogent, Alberto Megías-Robles, Pablo Fernandez-Berrocal, and Raquel Gomez-Leal.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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