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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/amygdala-enlargement-linked-to-future-onset-of-depression/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Amygdala enlargement linked to future onset of depression</a>
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<p><p>A neuroimaging study in Germany found that individuals who are about to develop depression tend to have higher gray matter volume of the amygdala brain region compared to both healthy individuals (not about to develop depression) and individuals already suffering from major depressive disorder. The research was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41386-025-02075-6"><em>Neuropsychopharmacology</em></a><em>.</em></p>
<p>Depression, also known as major depressive disorder, is a mental health condition marked by persistent low mood, loss of interest or pleasure, and a range of emotional and physical symptoms. It affects how a person feels, thinks, and handles daily activities such as sleeping, eating, and working. To be diagnosed, symptoms must last at least two weeks and interfere with daily functioning.</p>
<p>Common symptoms include fatigue, difficulty concentrating, feelings of worthlessness or guilt, sleep disturbances, changes in appetite, and suicidal thoughts. Depression can range from mild to severe and may occur once or repeatedly over a lifetime. Brain changes involving neurotransmitters like serotonin and norepinephrine are often involved. Stress, trauma, chronic illness, or major life changes can also trigger depressive episodes.</p>
<p>Study author Anna Kraus and her colleagues wanted to explore whether individuals about to develop depression for the first time (referred to as converters) have some specificities in the brain structure that would allow the prediction of this condition in advance. They note that previous studies report lower gray matter volume in the brains of individuals with depression, but this was related to the number of recurrent depressive episodes and the duration of illness.</p>
<p>Study participants came from two large independent longitudinal studies – the Marburg-Münster Affective Disorders Cohort Study (MACS) and the Münster Neuroimaging Cohort (MNC). Both are ongoing neuroimaging studies including converters, patients with affective, psychotic, and anxious disorders and healthy individuals used as controls.</p>
<p>Analysis for this study included 1279 participants from MACS and 430 from the MNC. In the MACS dataset there were 30 converters, 590 patients with depression, and 659 healthy participants. The MNC sample contained 15 converters, 158 patients with depression, and 257 healthy individuals. All participants underwent neuroimaging.</p>
<p>Results showed that converters (individuals that later developed depression) tended to have higher gray matter volume of the amygdala region of the brain compared to both patients with depression and healthy individuals. It was also higher than that of patients with imminent recurrence of a depressive episode. Compared to healthy individuals, converters additionally had lower gray matter volume of the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and insula regions. However, they did not differ in this from patients with depression. Gray matter volume is the total amount of brain tissue made up of neuronal cell bodies in a brain region.</p>
<p>“By examining one of the largest available converter samples in psychiatric neuroimaging, this study allowed a first determination of neural markers for an impending initial depressive episode. Our findings suggest a temporary vulnerability, which in combination with other common risk factors might facilitate prediction and in turn improve prevention of depression.”, study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study sheds light on the brain structure specificities of individuals about to develop depression. However, it should be noted that the design of this study does not allow any causal inferences to be derived from the results.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41386-025-02075-6">Brain structural correlates of an impending initial major depressive episode,</a>” was authored by Anna Kraus, Katharina Dohm, Tiana Borgers, Janik Goltermann, Dominik Grotegerd, Alexandra Winter, Katharina Thiel, Kira Flinkenflügel, Navid Schürmeyer, Tim Hahn, Simon Langer, Tilo Kircher, Igor Nenadić, Benjamin Straube, Hamidreza Jamalabadi, Nina Alexander, Andreas Jansen, Frederike Stein, Katharina Brosch, Paula Usemann, Lea Teutenberg, Florian Thomas-Odenthal, Susanne Meinert, and Udo Dannlowsk.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/christians-are-more-self-compassionate-than-atheists-but-also-more-narcissistic/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Christians are more self-compassionate than atheists, but also more narcissistic</a>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11089-025-01239-x" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Pastoral Psychology</a></em> explored the psychological traits of Christians and atheists, focusing on self-compassion, narcissism, and shame. The findings suggest that Christians, on average, report both higher levels of self-compassion and higher levels of grandiose narcissism compared to atheists, while both groups reported similar levels of fragile narcissism and shame. These results offer a nuanced view of how religious affiliation may relate to self-perception, emotional well-being, and personality traits.</p>
<p>The study was conducted by <a href="https://www.sjny.edu/directory/faculty/michael-magee-phd" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Michael W. Magee</a>, an associate professor of psychology at St. Joseph’s University in Brooklyn. Magee specializes in the study of self-compassion and runs a related public education initiative called <a href="https://selfcompassionnyc.com/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">SelfCompassionNYC.com</a>. He designed this exploratory project to investigate whether self-compassion and narcissism might manifest differently in religious and nonreligious individuals, given the moral teachings and communal frameworks that often characterize religious life.</p>
<p>“This research is the intersection of my long-held research interests in religious attitudes, specifically anti-atheist prejudice (the focus of my dissertation), and my much newer interest in self-compassion,” Magee explained. “I have a daily meditation and self-compassion practice. And I am also a self-compassion practitioner with trained teacher status with the Center of Mindful Self-Compassion. So it just made sense to take a look to see if there were any observable differences in self-compassion between Christians and atheists, two social groups I’ve conducted a lot of research on.”</p>
<p>Self-compassion has been widely studied for its associations with well-being, reduced psychological distress, and increased resilience. However, little research had directly compared self-compassion across religious and secular populations. Magee also included two types of narcissism—grandiose and fragile—and the emotion of shame to explore their relationship with religious identity. Prior work had linked fragile narcissism with shame and had shown that self-compassion interventions often reduce both traits.</p>
<p>To conduct the research, Magee recruited a sample of 631 English-speaking adults from the online platform Prolific. Participants ranged in age from 18 to 40, with nearly equal numbers identifying as Christians (303 people) and atheists (328 people). The sample was predominantly White and came mostly from the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada. Participants completed a series of validated questionnaires measuring trait self-compassion, grandiose narcissism, fragile narcissism, and shame.</p>
<p>Self-compassion was measured using the Self-Compassion Scale – Short Form, which includes statements such as “I try to be understanding and patient toward those aspects of my personality I don’t like” and “I’m disapproving and judgmental about my own flaws.” Participants rated how often these statements reflected their typical behavior. Grandiose narcissism was measured with the Narcissistic Personality Inventory-13, a questionnaire assessing attitudes such as self-importance, entitlement, and attention-seeking.</p>
<p>Fragile narcissism, sometimes called covert or vulnerable narcissism, was assessed using the Hypersensitive Narcissism Scale, which includes items reflecting self-consciousness and sensitivity to criticism. Shame was measured using the Experience of Shame Scale, which captures self-conscious emotions about behavior, personal attributes, and body image.</p>
<p>The results showed that Christians reported higher levels of self-compassion overall, with statistically significant differences across all six subcomponents of the self-compassion scale. These subcomponents included self-kindness, mindfulness, and common humanity, as well as negative tendencies like self-judgment, isolation, and overidentification. Although it may seem contradictory to score high on both self-kindness and self-judgment, the pattern could reflect the dual role of religious teachings, which often promote forgiveness alongside moral self-scrutiny.</p>
<p>Christians also scored higher on measures of grandiose narcissism, though the differences were modest. The difference was driven primarily by one aspect of grandiose narcissism—grandiose exhibitionism—which includes tendencies to show off and seek admiration. No significant differences were found between Christians and atheists in the other two aspects of grandiose narcissism: leadership/authority and entitlement/exploitativeness.</p>
<p>“My study reveals that religious and non-religious identity shapes self-perception in complex and sometimes unexpected ways,” Magee told PsyPost. “Compared to the atheists in the sample, Christians reported higher levels of self-compassion—being kind and understanding toward oneself—but also showed greater grandiose narcissism, reflecting feelings of moral or spiritual superiority.”</p>
<p>In contrast, no group differences emerged for fragile narcissism. Christians and atheists reported similar levels of hypersensitivity to criticism, self-consciousness, and social anxiety. Likewise, both groups reported similar levels of shame across behavioral, characterological, and bodily domains.</p>
<p>“I was actually surprised by the null shame finding,” Magee said. “There were no observable differences in levels of self-reported shame between either group, which is interesting because shame has a robust direct relationship to narcissism—particularly fragile narcissism. While, at the same time, shame has such a reliable indirect relationship to self-compassion that self-compassion has been referred to as the antidote to shame. I found the equal levels of shame observed counterintuitive.”</p>
<p>These findings complicate simplistic narratives about the emotional life of religious and nonreligious individuals. While Christians may benefit from community support and teachings that encourage compassion and forgiveness, these same settings may also encourage self-enhancement in domains tied to moral or spiritual identity. For example, someone might see themselves as especially virtuous or morally superior because of their religious affiliation—a pattern that overlaps with grandiose narcissism.</p>
<p>“The key message is that psychological strengths and vulnerabilities aren’t determined solely by religious affiliation,” Magee said. “Instead, each individual’s emotional well-being arises from their unique combination of beliefs, values, and experiences. Therefore, supporting emotional health effectively might mean adopting tailored approaches—promoting humility, emotional awareness, and self-compassion—that respect the diverse worldviews people hold.”</p>
<p>But as with all research, there are some caveats to consider. The research relied on self-reports, which can be influenced by social desirability and may not capture deeper unconscious patterns. The sample was also limited to predominantly White and Western participants.</p>
<p>“This was a relatively large online sample, with self-reported data,” Magee explained. “Until similar results are replicated, there are a few caveats. Researchers sacrifice a lot of situational and focal control for the ease of collecting online data. To maximize their earnings, online participants are motivated to work as quickly as possible, which gives researchers reasonable concern about the speed/accuracy trade off. Ideally, we want all of our participants to complete our surveys in as similar a situation as possible and focused on the task.”</p>
<p>“But with an online sample, we sacrifice knowing where our participants are when they are completing the survey, as well as whether they were distracted or not. Are the participants reading things carefully? Are the participants paying attention? Are the participants sober? Researchers try to use various tools, like attention checks and software assistance that will help keeping track of multiple responses from the same individual or bots, but ultimately we place a lot of trust on the online platform to screen their panels effectively.”</p>
<p>“Additionally, the significant results had effect sizes ranging from small to medium, which is not surprising given the size of the sample,” Magee continued. “Observable statistical differences like these in self-reported attitudes do not necessarily translate into any appreciable differences in behavior. And it is really important to keep this in mind and not to over-extend any interpretations.”</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, the study provides a foundation for future work exploring how religious and nonreligious belief systems shape emotional life. It also raises important questions for therapists, counselors, and spiritual care providers. For example, Christians who report high levels of self-compassion may still struggle with narcissistic tendencies, especially if they view themselves as morally superior.</p>
<p>“These results are cool and interesting, but I’m an experimentalist at heart!” Magee said. “Next semester, the students in my Social Cognition Lab at St. Joseph’s University and I will explore ways to experimentally manipulate self-compassion through cognitive-focal priming, and then we will assess the efficacy through various reaction-time measurements. Once that is achieved, it would be interesting to see if such an experimental design has a differential effect on Christians and atheists — or any other social groups for that matter!”</p>
<p>“Most people are more compassionate to other people than they are to themselves,” he added. “Self-compassion is simply bringing ourselves into the circle of kindness we have for the other loved ones in our lives — and self-compassion is a skill that improves with practice. For those who have never explored the practice of self-compassion, I would highly recommend it. It can be especially effective for people with a particularly harsh inner critic.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11089-025-01239-x" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Christians Have More Self‑Compassion Than Atheists—But Also More Grandiose (Not Fragile) Narcissism</a>,” was published July 12, 2025.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/stanford-scientists-identify-two-distinct-brain-pathways-that-explain-memory-differences-in-older-adults/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Stanford scientists identify two distinct brain pathways that explain memory differences in older adults</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 5th 2025, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study from Stanford University sheds light on why some older adults maintain strong memory while others struggle, even when both groups appear equally healthy. Researchers found that differences in memory performance among cognitively healthy seniors can be explained by two separate brain-based pathways: one involving early biological changes associated with Alzheimer’s disease, and another related to the brain’s capacity to focus attention. The study, published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.ads4206" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Science Advances</a></em>, shows that both factors independently influence how sharply the brain encodes new experiences, which ultimately affects how well they are remembered.</p>
<p>Alzheimer’s disease is a progressive neurological condition that affects memory, thinking, and behavior. It is the most common cause of dementia in older adults. Long before symptoms emerge, the brain begins accumulating abnormal proteins, particularly tau and amyloid beta. These proteins disrupt normal brain function, especially in areas critical for memory. Even when individuals seem cognitively normal, early biological signs of Alzheimer’s can already be present and silently influence how the brain processes information.</p>
<p>Memory tends to decline with age, but not all older adults experience this decline in the same way. Some remain sharp well into their 80s, while others struggle with daily memory tasks despite showing no signs of dementia. This variability intrigued the Stanford research team. Working within the Knight Initiative for Brain Resilience, the team aimed to understand why these differences arise. They focused on “neural selectivity,” or how precisely the brain represents different types of information, as a key factor in memory performance.</p>
<p>“As individuals age, declines in episodic memory are often one of the first observable signs of cognitive changes. However, there is considerable variability in memory abilities among older adults,” explained study author Jintao Sheng, a postdoctoral fellow. “While some maintain good memory performance, others experience significant decline. Understanding the factors that contribute to these individual differences is crucial, as it can guide interventions aimed at improving the life quality for older adults. In this study, we focus on understanding the causes of these differences in episodic memory, particularly from the perspectives of age, brain function, and early Alzheimer’s disease risk factors.”</p>
<p>The study drew on data from 166 older adults, aged 60 to 88, who participated in the Stanford Aging and Memory Study. All participants were cognitively normal, with no signs of dementia. During the study, participants completed a memory task while undergoing brain scans using functional magnetic resonance imaging. In the task, they were shown pairs of words and pictures—some of famous faces like Queen Elizabeth, others of iconic places like the Golden Gate Bridge. They were asked to form associations between the words and images. Later, they were tested on how well they could recall those associations.</p>
<p>The researchers measured activity in brain areas known to specialize in processing faces and places. They looked at how selectively these areas responded to their preferred category, such as whether a “place region” showed greater activity for places than for faces. They also examined a network of fronto-parietal regions known as the dorsal attention network, which helps people focus on relevant information. In addition to brain scans, the researchers collected blood and spinal fluid samples to measure levels of tau and amyloid proteins, which are early markers of Alzheimer’s disease.</p>
<p>The results revealed that older adults with sharper and more distinct brain responses to faces or places—what the researchers call higher neural selectivity—were better at remembering the associations. These distinct neural patterns were more likely to occur when participants were paying close attention during the task. In other words, when the brain’s attention system was more active, the memory-related areas of the brain were better “tuned” to process and encode new information.</p>
<p>“High neural selectivity helps form clear and stable memories, much like tuning a radio to a clear signal,” Sheng told PsyPost. “However, as we age, this tuning becomes less precise, leading to ‘blurred’ memory traces, which we refer to as neural dedifferentiation. We found that neural selectivity declines with age and toxic protein accumulation, but it improves with higher attention activity, which ultimately influences memory performance. By systematically exploring the interplay among these factors, we provide comprehensive evidence for why some cognitively unimpaired older adults remember better than others.”</p>
<p>However, the researchers also found that higher levels of a specific form of tau protein, known as phosphorylated Tau181, a marker of Alzheimer’s pathology, were linked to lower neural selectivity, especially in brain regions involved in place recognition. This means that even in people who had no symptoms of dementia, early signs of Alzheimer’s biology were already making the brain’s memory encoding less precise.</p>
<p>Attention and Alzheimer’s pathology influenced memory independently. One pathway to poor memory involved lower activity in the brain’s attention network, which reduced how clearly information was encoded. The other pathway involved elevated tau protein levels, which also interfered with encoding by degrading the quality of the brain’s representations of events. Some individuals showed both problems, while others had one or neither.</p>
<p>“Memory decline in older adults can result from various factors, such as the buildup of toxic proteins in the brain or declines in the brain’s ability to differentiate between different types of information (at least these two factors have been supported by our study),” Sheng explained. “However, from a healthy aging perspective, staying engaged in learning, such as by paying close attention and consistently reminding yourself of your learning goals, can activate the brain’s attention centers, helping you continue learning, even if it’s a bit challenging. This approach remains effective, regardless of your age or the accumulation of toxic proteins in your brain.”</p>
<p>Statistical models confirmed that these two pathways—attention and tau pathology—each explained unique portions of the variability in memory performance. In fact, the strength of the brain’s attention network was the strongest predictor of neural selectivity, followed by age and tau levels. This suggests that even in the presence of early Alzheimer’s-related changes, strong attentional engagement can partially protect memory performance.</p>
<p>“One thing that surprised me was that factors like attention and goal-setting seemed to actually mitigate some of the negative effects of aging,” Sheng said. “This suggests that, even with the accumulation of toxic proteins in the brain, individuals can still perform well if their brain’s attention centers are more active during the task. Furthermore, within each individual, attention-related brain activity varied over time. Better memory encoding was linked to periods when the brain’s attention centers were more active. These findings open up new directions for future research on how cognitive strategies might help protect against memory decline.”</p>
<p>The researchers also found that neural selectivity not only predicted how well participants performed on the immediate memory task, but also how they did on other memory assessments given weeks apart. These included tests of delayed recall and the ability to distinguish similar objects—skills important in everyday life. Neural selectivity was not linked to other mental skills like task switching or verbal fluency, suggesting it specifically supports memory.</p>
<p>But as with all research, there are limitations to consider. “One limitation is that the measure of attention used in this study is indirect,” Sheng noted. “Specifically, we relied on neural data from the dorsal attention network, which supports top-down attention in the brain. While this network is associated with attention regulation, it doesn’t directly or purely measure attention itself, and other factors may influence attention that we didn’t capture.”</p>
<p>“As a result, the conclusions we draw about the role of attention are based on an inferred relationship rather than a direct measurement of attentional processes. However, we do have behavioral data that measures sustained attention, and we plan to explore this further in future research.”</p>
<p>The Stanford Aging and Memory Study is ongoing, and researchers plan to follow these participants for several more years to see how their memory and brain health change over time. This will allow them to explore whether neural selectivity can predict who maintains memory performance and who experiences decline.</p>
<p>“The Stanford Aging and Memory Study, a landmark longitudinal project on cognitive aging co-led by <a href="https://memorylab.stanford.edu/research/research-overview" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Anthony Wagner</a> and <a href="https://med.stanford.edu/mormino-lab/research.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Elizabeth Mormino</a> and supported by the National Institute on Aging, continues to gather long-term follow-up data (including imaging and cognitive tests over seven years),” Sheng explained. “Our goal is to answer a crucial question in aging research: Which early brain and biological signals predict memory decline or resilience over time?”</p>
<p>“We aim to deepen our understanding of the mechanisms behind changes in brain function and identify additional factors contributing to memory changes. A key next step is using tau PET imaging to explore how toxic tau proteins accumulate in the brain and disrupt memory circuits. We are also investigating how the hippocampus interacts with cortical areas in aging brain to influence memory encoding and retrieval.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.ads4206" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Top-down attention and Alzheimer’s pathology affect cortical selectivity during learning, influencing episodic memory in older adults</a>,” was authored by Jintao Sheng, Alexandra N. Trelle, America Romero, Jennifer Park, Tammy T. Tran, Sharon J. Sha, Katrin I. Andreasson, Edward N. Wilson, Elizabeth C. Mormino, and Anthony D. Wagner.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/study-racist-and-sexist-views-were-linked-long-before-obama/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Study: Racist and sexist views were linked long before Obama</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 4th 2025, 20:00</div>
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<p><p>A study published in the journal <em><a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11109-024-09970-6" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Political Behavior</a></em> offers a detailed look at how racist and sexist attitudes have been connected in the United States over the past two decades. Using data from five presidential election years between 2004 and 2020, the researchers found that racial resentment among white Americans consistently predicted attitudes related to gender roles, sexism, and beliefs about gender discrimination. These findings suggest that racism and sexism are not isolated opinions but rather part of a broader ideological framework that supports existing social hierarchies.</p>
<p>The researchers also set out to test two competing theories that offer different explanations for why racist and sexist attitudes might be linked. The first, known as the racial priming hypothesis, suggests that the connection between views on race and gender may have emerged or strengthened in response to specific political events.</p>
<p>For example, the election of Barack Obama as the first Black president or Hillary Clinton’s historic candidacy as a woman may have heightened public attention to identity issues. In this view, political elites—through speeches, media appearances, or campaign messaging—can “prime” voters to think about race and gender in new ways, leading people’s attitudes about one to influence their views on the other.</p>
<p>The second theory, known as the system justification hypothesis, takes a different approach. It argues that racist and sexist beliefs are both rooted in a deeper psychological motivation to defend the existing social order. According to this perspective, people who are invested in preserving traditional hierarchies—such as those that prioritize white people or men—are more likely to hold attitudes that rationalize inequality. In this view, racism and sexism are not separate or newly connected attitudes, but rather different expressions of the same underlying worldview that supports the status quo and resists social change.</p>
<p>To investigate, the researchers analyzed data from five waves of the American National Election Studies (ANES), conducted during the U.S. presidential elections in 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, and 2020. The analysis was limited to non-Hispanic white respondents due to both theoretical and practical considerations. First, the concept of racial resentment has been most extensively validated among white populations. Second, the sample sizes of non-white respondents were too small in several of the survey years to allow for reliable analysis.</p>
<p>The study focused on three distinct types of gender-related attitudes traditional gender roles, modern sexism, and perceptions of gender discrimination. Each of these constructs was measured using specific questions from the ANES surveys. For instance, traditional gender roles were assessed using items like:</p>
<ul>
<li><em>“It is much better for everyone involved if the man is the achiever outside the home and the woman takes care of the home and family.”</em></li>
<li><em>“A working mother can establish just as warm and secure a relationship with her children as a mother who does not work.”</em></li>
</ul>
<p>Modern sexism was assessed through questions such as:</p>
<ul>
<li><em>“When women demand equality these days, they are actually seeking special favors.”</em></li>
<li><em>“When women complain about discrimination, how often do they cause more problems than they solve?”</em></li>
</ul>
<p>Beliefs about gender discrimination were measured with items like:</p>
<ul>
<li><em>“How serious a problem is discrimination against women in the United States?”</em></li>
<li><em>“Women often miss out on good jobs because of discrimination.”</em></li>
</ul>
<p>The key independent variable was racial resentment, measured using a standard four-item scale that has been part of the ANES since the late 1980s. This scale captures beliefs that racial inequality is due to individual failings rather than structural disadvantages. Examples of the questions include:</p>
<ul>
<li><em>“Irish, Italians, Jewish, and many other minorities overcame prejudice and worked their way up. Blacks should do the same without any special favors.”</em></li>
<li><em>“It’s really a matter of some people not trying hard enough; if Blacks would only try harder, they could be just as well off as Whites.”</em></li>
<li><em>“Generations of slavery and discrimination have created conditions that make it difficult for Blacks to work their way out of the lower class.” (reverse scored)</em></li>
</ul>
<p>These items were coded such that higher scores reflect more racial resentment—that is, a greater tendency to blame Black Americans for their own social position and to reject structural explanations for racial inequality.</p>
<p>Across all five election years, the study found that white Americans who scored higher in racial resentment were more likely to support traditional gender roles, endorse sexist beliefs, and have lower perceptions of the existence of gender discrimination.</p>
<p>This pattern held even after adjusting for political affiliation, ideology, and other demographic controls. The strength of the relationship between racial resentment and these gendered attitudes did vary somewhat by year. For example, the association between racial resentment and beliefs about gender discrimination grew stronger over time, while its link to traditional family values slightly weakened. However, the link between racial resentment and modern sexism remained relatively stable throughout.</p>
<p>These findings support the system justification hypothesis: the idea that racism and sexism are rooted in a broader belief system that defends and legitimizes the existing social order, particularly the dominance of white men. Notably, this connection between racist and sexist attitudes was already present in 2004, before the political prominence of figures like Barack Obama or Hillary Clinton, suggesting it is not merely a product of recent political events.</p>
<p>“Yet, we do not discount the role of elites in contributing to these connections, as some linkages vary over time, tracking elite behavior,” the researchers wrote. “Our results show that rather than conceptualizing Obama or Trump as the motivating factor linking racism and sexism, it may be more helpful to think about Trump as a figure who capitalized, intentionally or not, on existing but previously untapped intersections between sexist and racist views.”</p>
<p>While the study offers strong evidence for a longstanding connection between racism and sexism among white Americans, there are so”me limitations. First, the analysis focused only on white respondents due to the structure of the racial resentment measure and limitations in sample size for non-white participants. Future research could explore how these patterns manifest in other racial and ethnic groups, using newer measures of racial attitudes that may be more appropriate for diverse samples.</p>
<p>Importantly, although the findings suggest a shared ideological base for racism and sexism, the study cannot definitively establish cause and effect. It remains unclear whether these beliefs arise from early socialization, political messaging, personal experiences, or some combination of factors.</p>
<p>Still, the study highlights the importance of looking at racism and sexism not as isolated issues, but as interconnected beliefs that often travel together. The researchers suggest that future work should adopt more intersectional approaches, examining how gendered and racial beliefs interact and reinforce each other over time.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11109-024-09970-6" target="_blank" rel="noopener">White Racial Resentment and Gender Attitudes: An Enduring Connection or an Artifact of the 2016 Election?</a>,” was authored by Michael G. Strawbridge, Heather Silber Mohamed, and Jennifer Lucas.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/how-your-dog-helps-your-body-maintain-a-healthier-response-to-stress/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">How your dog helps your body maintain a healthier response to stress</a>
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<p><p>In a 2022 survey of 3,000 U.S. adults, more than one-third of respondents reported that on most days, they feel “<a href="https://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/stress/2022/concerned-future-inflation">completely overwhelmed</a>” by stress. At the same time, a growing body of research is documenting the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psyneuen.2020.104599">negative health consequences of higher stress levels</a>, which include increased rates of cancer, heart disease, autoimmune conditions <a href="https://theconversation.com/chronic-stress-contributes-to-cognitive-decline-and-dementia-risk-2-healthy-aging-experts-explain-what-you-can-do-about-it-250583">and even dementia</a>.</p>
<p>Assuming people’s daily lives are unlikely to get less stressful anytime soon, simple and effective ways to mitigate these effects are needed.</p>
<p>This is where dogs can help.</p>
<p><a href="https://socialwork.du.edu/about/gssw-directory/kevin-nolan-morris">As researchers</a> at the University of Denver’s <a href="https://socialwork.du.edu/humananimalconnection">Institute for Human-Animal Connection</a>, <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=I1SKjjIAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">we study</a> the effects animal companions have on their humans.</p>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/smi.2812">Dozens of studies</a> over the last 40 years <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2025.117815">have confirmed</a> that <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpubh.2023.1196199">pet dogs help humans feel more relaxed</a>. This would explain the growing phenomenon of <a href="https://pettable.com/blog/esa-mental-health-survey">people relying on emotional support dogs</a> to assist them in navigating everyday life. Dog owners have also been shown to have a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1161/CIRCOUTCOMES.119.005554">24% lower risk of death</a> and a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1161/CIR.0b013e31829201e1">four times greater chance of surviving</a> for at least a year after a heart attack.</p>
<p>Now, a new study that we conducted with a team of colleagues suggests that dogs might have a deeper and <a href="https://doi.org/10.3390/stresses4030038">more biologically complex effect on humans</a> than scientists previously believed. And this complexity may have profound implications for human health.</p>
<h2>How stress works</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-012370632-4/50004-8">human response to stress</a> is a finely tuned and coordinated set of various physiological pathways. Previous studies of the effects of dogs on human stress focused on just one pathway at a time. For our study, we zoomed out a bit and <a href="https://doi.org/10.3390/stresses4030038">measured multiple biological indicators of the body’s state</a>, or <a href="https://www.niehs.nih.gov/health/topics/science/biomarkers">biomarkers</a>, from both of the body’s major stress pathways. This allowed us to get a more complete picture of how a dog’s presence affects stress in the human body.</p>
<p>The stress pathways we measured are the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41574-019-0228-0">hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal, or HPA, axis</a> and the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1196/annals.1314.033">sympathoadrenal medullary, or SAM, axis</a>.</p>
<p>When a person experiences a stressful event, the SAM axis acts quickly, triggering a “fight or flight” response that includes a surge of adrenaline, leading to a burst of energy that helps us meet threats. This response can be measured through an <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/biochemistry-genetics-and-molecular-biology/alpha-amylase">enzyme called alpha-amylase</a>.</p>
<p>At the same time, but a little more slowly, the HPA axis activates the adrenal glands to <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/articles/22187-cortisol">produce the hormone cortisol</a>. This can help a person meet threats that might last for hours or even days. If everything goes well, when the danger ends, both axes settle down, and the body goes back to its calm state.</p>
<p>While stress can be an uncomfortable feeling, it has been important to human survival. Our hunter-gatherer ancestors had to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/emo0001333">respond effectively to acute stress events</a> like an animal attack. In such instances, over-responding could be as ineffective as under-responding. Staying in an optimal stress response zone maximized humans’ chances of survival.</p>
<h2>More to the story</h2>
<p>After cortisol is released by the adrenal glands, it eventually makes its way into your saliva, making it <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/bs.irn.2019.12.003">an easily accessible biomarker to track responses</a>. Because of this, most research on dogs and stress has focused on salivary cortisol alone.</p>
<p>For example, several studies have found that people exposed to a stressful situation have a <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2012.00352">lower cortisol response if they’re with a dog</a> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10865-013-9546-1">than if they’re alone</a> – <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.61.4.582">even lower than if they’re with a friend</a>.</p>
<p>While these studies have shown that having a dog nearby can lower cortisol levels during a stressful event, suggesting the person is calmer, we suspected that was just part of the story.</p>
<h2>What our study measured</h2>
<p>For our study, we recruited about 40 dog owners to participate in a 15-minute <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/neuroscience/trier-social-stress-test">gold standard laboratory stress test</a>. This involves public speaking and oral math in front of a panel of expressionless people posing as behavioral specialists.</p>
<p>The participants were randomly assigned to bring their dogs to the lab with them or to leave their dogs at home. We measured cortisol in blood samples taken before, immediately after and about 45 minutes following the test as a biomarker of HPA axis activity. And unlike previous studies, we also measured the enzyme alpha-amylase in the same blood samples as a biomarker of the SAM axis.</p>
<p>As expected based on previous studies, the people who had their dog with them showed lower cortisol spikes. But we also found that people with their dog experienced a clear spike of alpha-amylase, while those without their dog showed almost no response.</p>
<p>No response may sound like a good thing, but in fact, a flat alpha-amylase response can be <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psyneuen.2020.104599">a sign of a dysregulated response to stress</a>, often seen in people experiencing high stress responses, chronic stress <a href="https://theconversation.com/a-tiktok-expert-says-you-have-post-traumatic-stress-disorder-but-do-you-a-trauma-psychiatrist-explains-what-ptsd-really-is-and-how-to-seek-help-220362">or even PTSD</a>. This lack of response is caused by chronic or overwhelming stress that can change how our nervous system responds to stressors.</p>
<p>In contrast, the participants with their dogs had a more balanced response: Their cortisol didn’t spike too high, but their alpha-amylase still activated. This shows that they were alert and engaged throughout the test, then able to return to normal within 45 minutes. That’s the sweet spot for handling stress effectively. Our research suggests that our canine companions keep us in a healthy zone of stress response.</p>
<h2>Dogs and human health</h2>
<p>This more nuanced understanding of the biological effects of dogs on the human stress response opens up exciting possibilities. Based on the results of our study, our team has begun a new study using thousands of biomarkers to delve deeper into the biology of how psychiatric service dogs <a href="https://theconversation.com/service-dogs-can-help-veterans-with-ptsd-growing-evidence-shows-they-may-reduce-anxiety-in-practical-ways-156550">reduce PTSD in military veterans</a>.</p>
<p>But one thing is already clear: Dogs aren’t just good company. They might just be one of the most accessible and effective tools for staying healthy in a stressful world.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/254563/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
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<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/dogs-are-helping-people-regulate-stress-even-more-than-expected-research-shows-254563">original article</a>.</em></p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/conservatives-are-more-receptive-to-ai-generated-recommendations-than-liberals-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Conservatives are more receptive to AI-generated recommendations than liberals, study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 4th 2025, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A new series of studies published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/jcpy.1461" target="_blank">Journal of Consumer Psychology</a></em> suggests that political conservatives are more likely than liberals to accept recommendations from artificial intelligence (AI) systems in everyday contexts like movies, music, and recipes. Although prior research has often found that conservatives tend to be skeptical of new technologies, these findings reveal a more complex pattern: when AI recommendations appear to reflect a person’s own previous choices, conservatives are more inclined to follow them—driven by a broader preference for consistency and resistance to change.</p>
<p>Consumers are regularly exposed to AI-driven recommendations, from the shows Netflix suggests to the songs played on Spotify or the recipes featured on cooking apps. While much research has focused on how to make these systems more accurate, less attention has been paid to who is more likely to accept such suggestions. Given that political ideology influences a wide range of consumer behaviors—from brand preferences to food choices—the research team aimed to explore how ideology might shape receptivity to AI-generated content.</p>
<p>The authors—Iman Paul (Montclair State University), Smaraki Mohanty (Elon University), Monica Wadhwa (Temple University), and Jeffrey Parker (University of Illinois at Chicago)—conducted six studies involving more than 1,500 participants and a Facebook ad campaign to test how political beliefs influence consumer responses to AI recommendations.</p>
<p>Across a series of controlled online experiments, participants were asked to imagine or respond to AI-generated recommendations for movies, music, or recipes. In some cases, they were told the recommendation was based on their own past preferences. In others, this detail was omitted or changed—such as when the recommendation was intentionally described as novel or different from what the user usually consumed.</p>
<p>Participants also rated their political ideology on a scale from liberal to conservative. The researchers then analyzed how likely each group was to accept or follow the AI-generated suggestion. Some studies also measured participants’ preference for consistency and resistance to change to better understand what psychological factors might explain ideological differences.</p>
<p>In the final study, the researchers ran a real-world Facebook ad campaign promoting an AI-generated music playlist. They compared click-through rates between liberal and conservative geographic regions based on voting data.</p>
<p>In contrast to the widespread assumption that conservatives are more skeptical of new technologies, the studies consistently found that conservatives were more likely than liberals to accept AI-generated recommendations—but only under specific conditions.</p>
<p>The effect was strongest when participants believed that the AI recommendation was based on their own past behavior, such as previous music choices or favorite movie genres. Conservatives’ preference for consistent, familiar experiences seemed to override any hesitancy about AI technology itself. This pattern held across product types and even in the real-world Facebook ad study, where conservative-leaning regions showed higher click-through rates for AI-based playlists.</p>
<p>This greater acceptance was not driven by a stronger belief among conservatives that AI recommendations were based on past behavior. Across several pilot studies, participants of all political leanings shared the belief that AI suggestions were primarily generated using their prior preferences.</p>
<p>The researchers also explored why this ideological divide emerged. In one experiment, they measured participants’ resistance to change and preference for consistency—traits that past research has linked more strongly to conservatives. These traits statistically explained why conservatives were more inclined to follow AI suggestions that aligned with previous behaviors. When recommendations were inconsistent with a user’s prior preferences or came from a new, unfamiliar service, the ideological gap in acceptance disappeared.</p>
<p>In a separate study, participants chose between two music apps: one that made suggestions based solely on a person’s past listening history, and another that introduced novel and unexpected options. Conservatives were significantly more likely to choose the app that promised consistency, while liberals were more evenly split.</p>
<p>The findings shed light on an important psychological factor influencing AI adoption, but they do not suggest that conservatives are universally more enthusiastic about AI. The studies focused on low-stakes, everyday consumption contexts, where familiarity and consistency are appealing. Other research has shown that in high-stakes settings—such as medical decisions or autonomous vehicles—conservatives may remain more cautious or skeptical toward AI.</p>
<p>Future research could explore how these patterns extend to other domains, including political messaging, financial advice, or public health interventions. It would also be useful to examine whether these preferences evolve as people gain more experience with AI-based systems over time. Additionally, the study did not explore how trust in technology might interact with other factors like age, education, or media exposure, which could influence acceptance of AI recommendations in complex ways.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/jcpy.1461" target="_blank">Swipe right: When and why conservatives are more accepting of AI recommendations</a>,” was published May 19, 2025.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-study-links-psychedelic-use-to-mental-health-recovery-in-times-of-crisis/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New study links psychedelic use to mental health recovery in times of crisis</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 4th 2025, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A new longitudinal study involving more than 240,000 individuals in the United Kingdom suggests that people who used both psychedelics and cannabis during the COVID-19 pandemic experienced average improvements in symptoms of anxiety and depression over time. Unlike other groups of drug users—who tended to report persistently worse mental health—this group’s mental health scores became comparable to those of individuals who had never used illicit drugs. The findings have been published in the <em><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/02698811251346729" target="_blank">Journal of Psychopharmacology</a></em>.</p>
<p>Psychedelics are a class of substances that alter perception, mood, and cognitive processes. Classic psychedelics include psilocybin (the active compound in magic mushrooms), lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD), and dimethyltryptamine (DMT). These substances are known for producing intense alterations in consciousness, including visual and auditory hallucinations, shifts in thought patterns, and changes in self-perception. Unlike more commonly used substances such as alcohol or cannabis, psychedelics are often used less frequently and in settings intended to foster introspection or emotional insight.</p>
<p>Research in recent years has reignited interest in the therapeutic potential of psychedelics. Clinical trials have explored their effects on conditions such as major depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and substance use disorders. Some studies have also suggested that psychedelics may help people cope with stress or improve emotional resilience when used outside clinical settings. However, most evidence has come from small, controlled trials, while data on real-world, long-term use has remained limited.</p>
<p>The COVID-19 pandemic significantly disrupted daily life and mental well-being, creating a natural context in which to study how people coped with stress—including through drug use. Although overall drug consumption decreased in some cases, many individuals began using or increased their use of drugs like cannabis and psychedelics as a way of managing distress. However, most prior research focused on alcohol, tobacco, or cannabis and often grouped all other substances together, making it difficult to understand how different types of drugs might relate to mental health outcomes.</p>
<p>The new study, led by <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/maria-balaet/" target="_blank">Maria Bălăeţ</a>—now head of the <a href="https://www.instagram.com/aset.lab/" target="_blank">Altered States, Evolution and Technology Laboratory (ASET LAB)</a> at King’s College London and formerly of Imperial College London—sought to understand how specific patterns of drug use were associated with mental health symptoms before and during the pandemic. The study is part of <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/articles/5tFHwWMgg9VbrHT9kvGlFqd/the-great-british-intelligence-test" target="_blank">the Great British Intelligence Test</a>, a citizen science initiative supported by the BBC and designed to examine links between lifestyle, cognition, and health.</p>
<p>Participants were recruited online between December 2019 and early 2022, both before and after COVID-19 restrictions were introduced in the UK. More than 240,000 individuals completed baseline assessments, and about 68,000 provided follow-up data at three separate timepoints: December 2020, June 2021, and January 2022. The researchers used a variety of tools to track changes in mental health, including adapted items from the PHQ-9 and GAD-7 scales, which measure symptoms of depression and anxiety.</p>
<p>Participants were also asked about their use of a wide range of illicit substances, including cannabis, cocaine, MDMA, psilocybin, LSD, and DMT. Using a data-driven technique known as k-modes clustering, the researchers identified six distinct groups based on drug use patterns: cannabis-only users, cocaine-only users, users of both cannabis and cocaine, users of both cannabis and psychedelics, polydrug users, and users of unspecified “other” drugs. These groups were compared with drug-naive individuals and with people who had used drugs in the past but not during the pandemic.</p>
<p>“Back in 2023, I <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2023.1184681" target="_blank">published a cross-sectional analysis</a> where I compared the mental health of drug-user groups relative to drug-naive individuals during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, and I was surprised when I saw that, contrary to my hypothesis, the psychedelics and cannabis group had significantly poorer mental health and resilience,” Bălăeţ said.</p>
<p>“This made me hypothesize that perhaps we can only see improvements following psychedelic experiences if we look at the same individuals before and after, but not relative to drug-naive individuals. This would mean that psychedelics may indeed work to improve mental health, but would not make the group of users more mentally healthy than the drug naive.”</p>
<p>Mixed-effects models were used to track how symptoms changed over time within and between groups, adjusting for demographic and lifestyle factors such as age, sex, ethnicity, exercise, and meditation habits.</p>
<p>At the start of the study, nearly all individuals who reported using drugs—including psychedelics—had worse average mental health scores than people who had never used illicit substances. This pattern held across all major symptoms measured, including depression, anxiety, insomnia, and difficulty concentrating. People who increased their drug use during the pandemic also tended to see their mental health worsen over time.</p>
<p>However, the group of participants who used both psychedelics and cannabis showed a different trend. Although they began the study with elevated symptoms of depression and lower overall mental health scores, their average scores improved by the final follow-up in January 2022. Specifically, depression scores dropped by about a quarter of a standard deviation, anxiety scores also fell by a similar amount, and overall mental health scores improved. By the end of the study, their scores were no different from those of drug-naive individuals.</p>
<p>This pattern did not hold for cannabis-only users. People in that group consistently reported worse mental health across all symptoms and timepoints, with no significant improvements. Those who used both psychedelics and cannabis and decreased their usage over time reported better mental health outcomes than those who increased usage or made no change.</p>
<p>Interestingly, these improvements occurred despite the fact that the psychedelics and cannabis group, like other users, began with poorer mental health than the drug-naive group. This suggests that something changed for this group over time, while others stayed relatively stable or declined.</p>
<p>“My current paper illustrates that not only improvements in mental health are a possibility within the group of psychedelics and cannabis users, confirming my hypothesis, but also a normalization of mental health across users is a possibility, making them on par with the drug naive,” Bălăeţ told PsyPost. “I suppose this is somewhat surprising, because these results emerge from an observational study of naturalistic use, not controlled administration within a clinical setting.”</p>
<p>“However, I would note the key importance of the global context in the potential interpretation of results – when the mental health of the group of psychedelics and cannabis users was worse than that of drug naive group, this occurred during a period of global crisis, whereas the normalization was observed in the aftermath of the stressful period that the peak-pandemic was, during relatively calmer times. In another paper, I explore how the context where experiences with psychedelics happen may drive the experiences themselves.”</p>
<p>One of the main strengths of the study is its exceptionally large and diverse sample, which included over 240,000 individuals and allowed for robust statistical analyses across different drug use patterns. The longitudinal design enabled the researchers to track mental health changes over time rather than relying solely on cross-sectional data.</p>
<p>“Our study had a large sample of participants, which was recruited for an intelligence study, and who also consented to answering a brief drug survey at various timepoints,” Bălăeţ said. “Therefore, we can have higher confidence in the ecological validity of our results than if individuals were recruited from channels specifically endorsing drug use or psychedelics, which may be biased toward positive experiences with these substances.”</p>
<p>But the researchers caution against drawing firm conclusions about cause and effect. One alternative explanation for the observed improvements is regression to the mean—a statistical phenomenon where extreme scores tend to move closer to the average over time. It’s also possible that people whose mental health was already improving were more likely to use psychedelics near the time of the final survey. Without information on the exact timing or frequency of psychedelic use, it’s difficult to determine what came first.</p>
<p>The study also lacked data on dosage, “set and setting” (i.e., the psychological and environmental context of drug use), or the presence of co-occurring treatments like therapy or psychiatric medication.</p>
<p>Still, the findings suggest that psychedelics may play a distinct role in shaping mental health trajectories, particularly in times of collective stress. Unlike cannabis-only users, those who also used psychedelics reported average improvements over a two-year period, pointing to the possibility that the broader context in which these substances are used—along with their unique psychological effects—could contribute to changes in well-being.</p>
<p>“Importantly, though, these are group average effects, and there was notable variability within each group of drug users regardless of their substances of choice,” Bălăeţ noted.</p>
<p>Future research could build on these findings by examining timing, frequency, and context of use, and by exploring how psychedelics interact with cannabis and other substances. Longitudinal studies that include in-depth interviews or real-time monitoring could also help clarify whether psychedelic use during difficult life periods supports mental health in ways that differ from other forms of drug use.</p>
<p>“We have a lot of amazing research in the pipeline, with key study findings currently being prepared for publication,” Bălăeţ said. “I am particularly interested in the associations between naturalistic drug use, cognition, and creativity.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/02698811251346729" target="_blank">Naturalistic use of psychedelics is associated with longitudinal improvements in anxiety and depression during global crisis times</a>,” was authored by Maria Bălăeţ, William Trender, Annalaura Lerede, Peter J Hellyer, and Adam Hampshire.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/handgrip-strength-and-testosterone-associated-with-brain-health/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Handgrip strength and testosterone associated with brain health</a>
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<p><p>An analysis of UK Biobank data indicates that individuals with greater handgrip strength tend to have lower volumes of white matter hyperintensities (WMHs) in their brains. Their white matter also appears to have a more intact microstructure—that is, it shows fewer signs of microstructural injury. The study was published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/jcsm.13833"><em>Journal of Cachexia, Sarcopenia and Muscle</em></a>.</p>
<p>Cerebral WMHs are bright areas that appear on certain types of magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) brain scans. They are commonly found in older adults and are often considered a feature of aging, but they can also occur in younger individuals with specific health conditions. WMHs are believed to reflect small vessel disease, involving chronic reductions in blood flow or damage to the small arteries within the brain.</p>
<p>These lesions are most frequently located in the periventricular and deep white matter regions—areas composed primarily of myelinated nerve fibers that connect different parts of the brain. Although often not accompanied by overt psychological symptoms, larger WMH volumes have been linked to cognitive decline, slower processing speed, and an increased risk of dementia.</p>
<p>WMHs are also associated with stroke, depression, and gait disturbances. Risk factors include hypertension, diabetes, smoking, and other cardiovascular conditions. As such, WMHs are an important biomarker in neurological research and clinical assessments of brain health. Higher WMH volume suggests that the white matter structure is more disrupted and that more injuries are present.</p>
<p>Study author Yuna Li and her colleagues sought to explore the links between handgrip strength and blood testosterone concentrations with WMH volume and microstructural injury in brain white matter. They noted that skeletal muscles make up approximately 40% of body weight and play a critical role in promoting blood circulation. Lower muscle strength has been linked to poorer health outcomes.</p>
<p>Previous studies have indicated that handgrip strength may be associated with WMH volume, particularly in men. Handgrip strength measures the force exerted when squeezing an object with the hand and is commonly used as an indicator of overall muscle strength and functional health.</p>
<p>The researchers analyzed data from the UK Biobank, a large-scale research initiative that includes data on over 500,000 individuals from the United Kingdom. The Biobank contains a wide range of information, including demographic characteristics, lifestyle factors, medication and surgery history, biological samples, and neuroimaging. For this study, the authors focused on participants for whom both brain MRI scans and serum total testosterone measurements were available.</p>
<p>The final sample included 34,832 participants, of whom approximately 51% were male. On average, the men in the study were older, more likely to be smokers and alcohol consumers, and had higher handgrip strength, testosterone levels, body mass index (BMI), and a higher prevalence of conditions such as diabetes compared to women.</p>
<p>The results showed that individuals with greater handgrip strength tended to have lower WMH volume. Their brain white matter also exhibited healthier microstructure, with fewer signs of damage. Higher testosterone levels were also associated with lower WMH volume in both men and women. Additional statistical analyses suggested that about 1–2% of the relationship between handgrip strength and WMH volume could be explained by testosterone levels.</p>
<p>“Our study revealed that greater HGS [hand grip strength] was linearly associated with reduced WMH volume and less white matter microstructural injury, mediated by STT [serum total testosterone, the amount of testosterone circulating in the bloodstream]. Improving muscle function may contribute to deferring white matter damage and preventing stroke and dementia, offering a feasible secondary prevention measure for CSVD [cerebral small vessel disease],” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study sheds light on the links between hand grip strength and white matter microstructural integrity in the brain. However, it should be noted that study authors assessed WMH volume across the entire brain and not in specific areas. These associations might differ between different areas of the brain.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/jcsm.13833">Associations of Handgrip Strength and Testosterone With Cerebral White Matter Hyperintensity and Microstructural Injury,</a>” was authored by Yuna Li, Shan Tian, Yuan Qiao, Chaohua Cong, Junting Yang, Shanshan Cao, Xirui Zhu, Lei Zhao, Panlong Li, and Jingjing Su.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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