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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/breakfast-habits-are-associated-with-depressive-symptoms-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Breakfast habits are associated with depressive symptoms, study finds</a>
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<p><p>A study of young people in Hong Kong found that individuals with higher levels of depressive symptoms and those prone to impulsive reactions were slightly more likely to skip breakfast. Breakfast skipping was also associated with anxiety, but the strength of this association was negligible. The research was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2025.1574119"><em>Frontiers in Psychiatry</em></a>.</p>
<p>Breakfast is the first meal of the day, typically eaten in the morning after a night’s sleep. People around the world eat different foods for breakfast depending on culture, tradition, and availability. In many Western countries, breakfast includes eggs, toast, cereal, fruit, or yogurt. In East Asia, breakfast often consists of rice, soup, pickled vegetables, or steamed buns. Some people prefer a light breakfast like a smoothie or coffee, while others opt for a hearty meal.</p>
<p>Breakfast is considered important because it helps replenish energy and provides essential nutrients after a long overnight fast. Studies have shown that eating breakfast can improve concentration, memory, and academic performance in children. It may also help regulate metabolism and support healthy weight management. Skipping breakfast has been associated with an increased risk of overeating later in the day and poorer overall diet quality. For many, breakfast is also a time to begin the day with a moment of calm or connection with family.</p>
<p>Study author Stephanie Ming Yin Wong and her colleagues aimed to explore patterns of breakfast consumption among youth in Hong Kong and to investigate the associations between breakfast skipping, impulsivity, and symptoms of depression and anxiety.</p>
<p>They analyzed data from the Hong Kong Youth Epidemiological Study of Mental Health (HK-YES), the first territory-wide household-based mental health study in Hong Kong specifically targeting young people aged 15 to 24. Data were collected between 2019 and 2022. Fifty-eight percent of participants were female.</p>
<p>This analysis included data from 3,154 participants, with an average age of 20 years. Participants answered questions about their breakfast habits and completed assessments of impulsivity (using the Barratt Impulsiveness Scale–11), depressive symptoms (Patient Health Questionnaire–9), anxiety symptoms (Generalized Anxiety Disorder Scale–7), and overall functioning (measured by self-reported productivity loss due to mental health problems and an interviewer-rated Social and Occupational Functioning Assessment Scale).</p>
<p>Results showed that 85% of participants consumed breakfast either daily or intermittently, while 15% regularly skipped breakfast. Individuals who skipped breakfast tended to be slightly more impulsive, particularly in terms of attentional control and self-control. They also reported slightly more severe depressive symptoms and marginally higher anxiety symptoms. Compared to peers who ate breakfast, those who skipped it reported just under one additional day of reduced productivity per month and slightly poorer social and occupational functioning.</p>
<p>“Breakfast skipping is associated with elevated depressive symptoms in young people, with impaired attentional control being an important mechanism in this relationship. Encouraging young people to build regular breakfast habits may be incorporated as part of future lifestyle interventions for mental disorders and be further emphasized in public health policies,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study sheds light on the links between breakfast-related habits and mental health. However, it should be noted that the reported associations were all very weak and detectable only because the sample was very large. Additionally, the study was exclusively conducted on residents of Hong Kong. Results on other cultural groups may differ.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2025.1574119">Breakfast skipping and depressive symptoms in an epidemiological youth sample in Hong Kong: the mediating role of reduced attentional control</a>,” was authored by Stephanie Ming Yin Wong, Olivia Choi, Yi Nam Suen, Christy Lai Ming Hui, Edwin Ho Ming Lee, Sherry Kit Wa Chan, and Eric Yu Hai Chen.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/neuroscientists-detect-decodable-imagery-signals-in-brains-of-people-with-aphantasia/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Neuroscientists detect decodable imagery signals in brains of people with aphantasia</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jul 6th 2025, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A new brain imaging study published in <em><a href="https://www.cell.com/current-biology/abstract/S0960-9822(24)01652-X" target="_blank">Current Biology</a></em> has uncovered surprising neural activity in people with aphantasia—a condition where individuals report being unable to form mental images. Although they describe a complete absence of visual imagery, their brains still show patterns of activity in the early visual cortex when they attempt to imagine visual stimuli. However, this activity differs in important ways from what’s seen in people who do experience vivid mental imagery, offering insight into how consciousness might be linked to sensory representations in the brain.</p>
<p>Aphantasia is a relatively newly defined condition in which people are unable to form mental images voluntarily. While those with aphantasia can describe objects and scenes using words or concepts, they report no visual “pictures” in the mind’s eye. Since much of what is known about mental imagery comes from people who can generate vivid images, the researchers wanted to know what happens in the brain when someone with aphantasia tries to visualize something. Do they engage the same brain regions, or are there deeper differences in how their brains represent imagined information?</p>
<p>To answer these questions, the research team compared people with aphantasia to individuals with typical visual imagery using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). The goal was to examine how both groups activated early visual brain regions—especially the primary visual cortex—during attempts to visualize simple stimuli. The researchers focused on whether the brain could still represent specific content in people who lack a subjective visual experience.</p>
<p>The study involved 14 participants with verified aphantasia and 18 control participants with typical imagery. All were right-handed and had normal or corrected vision. Participants completed the Vividness of Visual Imagery Questionnaire to assess their subjective imagery, and their imagery ability was further validated using an objective task called the binocular rivalry paradigm. This method measures how imagining a visual pattern affects what people perceive shortly afterward. As expected, those with aphantasia scored near the floor on the vividness questionnaire and showed little or no sensory bias in the binocular rivalry task, confirming that they lacked typical imagery experience.</p>
<p>In the main experiment, the researchers used fMRI to measure brain activity while participants either viewed or attempted to imagine simple visual patterns—specifically colored Gabor patches—at specific locations on a screen. Each participant completed several types of scans: imagery generation, passive viewing, retinotopic mapping to define visual areas, and region-of-interest localization to pinpoint the parts of the brain involved in processing the stimuli. During the imagery task, participants received a visual cue indicating which pattern to imagine and where to place it in the visual field. After each attempt, they rated how vivid their imagery had felt.</p>
<p>Although people with aphantasia gave extremely low vividness ratings—averaging around 1 on a 1-to-4 scale—their brain activity told a more complex story. In both groups, fMRI signals from early visual areas could be used to decode what kind of pattern a person was trying to imagine. In other words, the brain still encoded specific information about the content of the imagery—even in the absence of subjective experience.</p>
<p>But there were clear differences in how that information was represented. In people with typical imagery, activity in the visual cortex showed expected patterns: stronger responses in the hemisphere opposite to the side of the visual field where the stimulus was imagined. In contrast, people with aphantasia showed the reverse: stronger responses in the same-side hemisphere (ipsilateral) instead of the opposite (contralateral). This suggests a different functional organization of visual activity during imagery attempts.</p>
<p>While the imagery content could be decoded in both groups, only in the control group did the patterns of brain activity overlap between imagery and actual perception. In the control group, algorithms trained on imagery-related brain data could accurately identify visual stimuli seen during passive viewing—and vice versa. This kind of cross-decoding failed in the aphantasia group. Their visual cortex did encode information about imagery attempts, but those patterns did not match those generated during real visual perception.</p>
<p>This mismatch might explain why people with aphantasia experience no visual imagery even though their brains generate structured representations during imagery tasks. According to the researchers, the results point to a difference not just in the strength of visual signals, but in their format. The activity in the visual cortex of people with aphantasia appears to be “less sensory,” meaning it may lack the specific qualities that give rise to conscious visual experience.</p>
<p>The researchers also looked at broader brain networks. During imagery attempts, people with aphantasia showed stronger activity in brain regions associated with language and auditory processing, such as the superior temporal gyri. They also had weaker functional connections between these regions and visual areas. This could indicate that when people with aphantasia try to visualize, they may rely more on verbal or conceptual strategies rather than generating vivid internal images.</p>
<p>To test whether differences in attention or effort might explain the results, the researchers ran a follow-up study with control participants. These individuals were asked to imagine either a clear or blurry version of the same visual patterns. Their reported effort levels and brain activation were similar across both conditions, suggesting that differences in subjective clarity do not necessarily reflect differences in cognitive effort. This makes it less likely that the patterns seen in aphantasia are simply due to lower motivation or task engagement.</p>
<p>Although the findings shed new light on the neural basis of aphantasia, the authors note several limitations. The sample size was relatively small, especially given the rarity of aphantasia, and most participants in both groups were women. Also, while the study focused on low-level visual features, it did not examine whether similar results would hold for more complex images, such as faces or scenes. The absence of eye-tracking during scanning means researchers could not fully rule out whether subtle eye movements influenced the neural signals.</p>
<p>But the results still offer evidence that people with aphantasia can generate structured, content-specific activity in the visual cortex, even though they lack a conscious image. This dissociation between brain activity and experience challenges long-held assumptions that activity in early visual areas is directly tied to visual awareness. Instead, it suggests that not all neural representations are created equal—some may carry enough sensory information to generate conscious images, while others may not.</p>
<p>The study opens new avenues for understanding the neural basis of mental imagery and visual consciousness. Future research could explore what kinds of information are encoded in the brain during imagery attempts in aphantasia, and whether different feedback connections in the brain might account for the altered representations.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2024.12.012" target="_blank">Imageless imagery in aphantasia revealed by early visual cortex decoding</a>,” was authored by Shuai Chang, Xinyu Zhang, Yangjianyi Cao, Joel Pearson, and Ming Meng.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/loneliness-predicts-an-increase-in-tv-viewing-for-older-women-but-not-for-men/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Loneliness predicts an increase in TV viewing for older women, but not for men</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jul 6th 2025, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>Middle-aged and older women who say they feel lonely are likely to spend more hours in front of the television a few years later, according to a new longitudinal study published in the <em>Journal of Affective Disorders</em>. In contrast, men in the same age range showed no comparable pattern, and watching additional television did not predict becoming lonelier over time for either gender.</p>
<p>The research team, led by Zijun Liu and <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Liye-Zou" target="_blank">Liye Zou</a> at Shenzhen University’s Body-Brain-Mind Laboratory, set out to clarify how social disconnection and sedentary leisure might be linked. The World Health Organization recently identified loneliness among older adults as a growing public-health issue, while public-health bodies also warn about the health risks that accompany prolonged sitting and screen time. </p>
<p>Although snapshots of data have linked both issues—people who sit more often report feeling lonelier—previous studies could not determine which tends to come first. The authors wanted to know whether feeling lonely drives people toward the television or whether long hours on the couch quietly erode social ties over the years. Untangling that timeline could help guide interventions that aim to improve emotional wellbeing and reduce passive screen habits later in life.</p>
<p>“Sedentary behavior research is a newly emerging but rapidly growing field, partly because the 2020 guidelines on physical activity and sedentary behavior issued by the World Health Organization (WHO) did not specify a quantitative threshold for sedentary behavior,” explained Zou, a full professor of psychology. “Given its correlates of adverse outcomes such as cardiovascular disease, mental disorders, and obesity, sedentary behavior has increasingly been recognized as a critical public health concern. Meanwhile, the WHO has declared loneliness in ageing populations to be a significant and growing social-economic burden.” </p>
<p>“As a key marker of leisure-time sedentary behavior, watching TV is the most prevalent sedentary behavior in ageing populations. In the context of healthy ageing policies, a deeper understanding of the temporal relationship between loneliness and TV viewing is crucial. This could help us determine whether sedentary behavior or loneliness should be prioritized for the targeted intervention, thus optimising the allocation of public health resources and improving the efficiency of interventions.”</p>
<p>To answer these questions, the researchers drew on the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing, a nationally representative cohort that has tracked the health and lifestyles of adults aged fifty and older since the early 2000s. The present analysis focused on three survey waves collected between 2008 and 2013. After excluding respondents with missing data or implausibly high viewing times, the final sample included 6,788 participants—3,684 women and 3,104 men—with an average baseline age in the early sixties. </p>
<p>Each participant answered two straightforward questions about weekday and weekend television viewing, from which the researchers calculated daily hours. Feelings of social disconnection were measured with the three-item University of California Los Angeles Loneliness Scale, which asks how often someone lacks companionship, feels left out, or feels isolated. Scores can range from three to nine, with higher numbers reflecting more frequent loneliness.</p>
<p>The team also collected a broad set of background characteristics that could muddy the picture: age bracket, marital status, educational attainment, employment, body-mass index, physical-activity frequency, and symptoms of depression. Including these factors in the statistical models helped isolate the unique contribution of loneliness and television habits to one another.</p>
<p>To track influence across time rather than at one moment, Liu and colleagues used random-intercept cross-lagged panel models. This method separates two kinds of patterns: stable differences between people (for example, the fact that some individuals are both lonelier and more sedentary than their peers across the entire study) and within-person changes (for example, whether a spike in loneliness in one wave predicted a later increase in personal viewing hours). Models were run separately for women and men so any sex-specific effects would be visible.</p>
<p>Several descriptive trends emerged before the directional tests began. At baseline, women reported slightly higher loneliness scores than men and also watched about half an hour more television per day, on average. Across the full six-year span, television time and loneliness were positively related at the between-person level for both sexes. People who generally spent longer in front of the screen also tended to rate themselves as lonelier, suggesting a stable link between the two traits across the population.</p>
<p>The heart of the study lay in the lagged paths that connected one wave to the next. For women, feeling lonelier during one survey wave predicted an uptick in daily television viewing—about a 9-minute increase for each one-point rise on the loneliness scale—by the time the next survey rolled around two years later. That association held after the researchers accounted for physical activity, marital changes, and the other covariates. </p>
<p>No evidence suggested that heavier viewing later made women feel lonelier. In men, neither direction reached statistical significance, even though they showed the same between-person link. Both women and men displayed strong stability in loneliness itself: those who felt isolated at one survey tended to report similar feelings two years on.</p>
<p>“This study provides new evidence suggesting that loneliness may be a predictor of TV viewing time,” Zou told PsyPost. “No evidence was found for a converse effect, meaning that loneliness and TV viewing were not bidirectionally related. An observed sex difference indicates that loneliness may predict increased time spent viewing TV in middle-aged and older women, but not men. This highlights the need for targeted interventions to address loneliness in ageing women.”</p>
<p>Taken together, the findings paint a picture in which loneliness in women, but not men, sets the stage for more time spent watching television as the years go by. Because the analysis controlled for depressive symptoms and exercise frequency, the effect of loneliness appears to stand somewhat apart from these related influences. </p>
<p>One interpretation is that television provides a convenient and socially acceptable way to fill time and attention when face-to-face interaction feels out of reach. The set may serve as an emotional companion or simply a distraction that is easier to access than community activities. The absence of a similar pattern in men raises questions about how older men manage feelings of isolation—some may under-report loneliness due to social expectations, or they may seek different outlets such as hobbies away from screens.</p>
<p>“This study reveals an important connection between loneliness and a specific type of sedentary behavior, TV viewing, particularly among middle-aged and older women,” Zou explained. “We found that increased TV viewing time can be predicted by levels of loneliness. This highlights the importance of raising awareness of the phenomenon of loneliness for the general public, and the need for relevant innovations and support services. Our study adds to the current body of evidence indicating that loneliness can predict subsequent TV viewing time and elevated sedentary behavior in women. Therefore, loneliness should be monitored and addressed early on, as this may help to effectively prevent time spent TV viewing.”</p>
<p>But the researchers are cautious about over-extending their conclusions. “First, due to the limitations of the database, our study utilized self-reported assessment of sedentary behavior and loneliness, which may introduce recall bias,” Zou noted. “Device-based measures, such as accelerometers and inclinometers, can provide more objective data. Second, as our study was observational and epidemiological, our findings demonstrate the correlations rather than causal relationships.” </p>
<p>“Third, our focus was exclusively on TV viewing without including other types of sedentary behavior. In fact, an increasing number of researchers highlight that different contexts of sedentary behavior have different impacts on mental health. For example, mentally active sedentary behavior, such as reading, may show a different impact than mentally passive sedentary behavior, such as watching TV.” </p>
<p>“Thus, future studies should employ more complex methods in order to offer a more comprehensive understanding of the relationship between sedentary behavior and mental health. Additionally, more laboratory-based study designs (e.g., randomized controlled trials and sedentary behavior interventions) could be constructed to explore the relationship between sedentary behavior and human well-being, with a particular focus on the context of sedentary behavior (e.g., watching TV versus reading) and the underlying potential neurobiological mechanisms.”</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, the study has several strengths, including its large sample size and use of a robust statistical model that accounts for stable individual differences. By analyzing the data separately for men and women, the researchers were able to identify important sex-specific patterns that might otherwise have been missed.</p>
<p>“My long-term goal is to develop a comprehensive understanding of the dynamic relationships between sedentary behavior and human well being across the lifespan, with a particular focus on modifiable lifestyle factors,” Zou explained. “Previous sedentary behavior-mental health studies still lack systematic summarization. The absence of a synthesized framework significantly impedes and limits the development of high-quality studies. Collectively, building upon the current investigation of TV viewing and loneliness, our plan is to propose a sedentary behavior-mental health model that accounts for the context and the type of sedentary behavior.”</p>
<p>The study, “Bidirectional relationships between television viewing and loneliness in middle-aged and older men and women,” was authored by Zijun Liu, Andre Oliveira Werneck, Fabian Herold, Cassandra J. Lowe, Mats Hallgren, Boris Cheval, Benjamin Tari, Brendon Stubbs, Markus Gerber, Ryan S. Falck, Arthur F. Kramer, Neville Owen, and Liye Zou.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/othello-syndrome-womans-rare-stroke-leads-to-psychotic-delusions-of-infidelity/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Othello syndrome: Woman’s rare stroke leads to psychotic delusions of infidelity</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jul 5th 2025, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>A recently published case report in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13554794.2024.2436159" target="_blank">Neurocase</a></em> describes an unusual and distressing psychiatric condition that developed in a 50-year-old woman shortly after a stroke. With no history of mental illness, she suddenly became consumed by the belief that her husband was unfaithful—an unshakable conviction that ultimately escalated into violence. Doctors diagnosed her with Othello syndrome, a rare form of psychosis involving delusional jealousy. The case sheds light on how specific types of brain damage can dramatically alter perception, emotion, and behavior.</p>
<p>Othello syndrome is a rare psychiatric disorder characterized by the fixed, false belief that a partner is being unfaithful. This belief persists despite clear evidence to the contrary. Named after the jealous protagonist in Shakespeare’s Othello, the condition is a form of delusional jealousy, a subset of psychotic disorders. </p>
<p>While jealousy is a common human emotion, it becomes pathological when it is based on no real evidence, dominates the person’s thoughts, and results in harmful behavior. Othello syndrome has been observed in people with psychiatric disorders, substance use problems, and some neurological conditions. In rare cases, it can emerge after a stroke, particularly when the stroke affects brain regions involved in judgment, emotional regulation, and attention.</p>
<p>The woman described in the case report had lived a stable life with her husband for over 30 years. She had no history of psychiatric illness, substance abuse, or previous strokes. The only known health issue was hypertension, which had not been adequately controlled. One day, while preparing a meal, she experienced a sudden, intense headache followed by confusion and memory problems. These symptoms led her to seek emergency medical care.</p>
<p>Magnetic resonance imaging revealed that she had experienced a rare type of stroke known as a bilateral paramedian thalamic infarct. This type of stroke is caused by a blockage in a unique artery known as the artery of Percheron. Instead of supplying only one side of the brain, this artery provides blood to both sides of a deep brain structure called the thalamus. In her case, the damage was more pronounced on the right side. The thalamus plays a key role in regulating attention, emotion, and the integration of sensory and cognitive information. When this area is damaged, it can have far-reaching effects on a person’s behavior and personality.</p>
<p>During her hospital stay, the woman was sometimes agitated, experienced visual hallucinations, and had trouble moving her eyes vertically—symptoms consistent with damage to the thalamus. After about two weeks, she was discharged from the hospital. Only a few days later, she began accusing her younger sister of having an affair with her husband. The accusations came out of nowhere, as her sister had only come to visit after the hospital stay. The woman told friends and family that her husband’s supposed infidelity was the cause of her illness. Over time, her suspicions shifted. She no longer accused her sister, but now believed her friend’s daughter was involved with her husband.</p>
<p>Her behavior became increasingly erratic. She would try to check her husband’s phone without his knowledge. She stayed up late watching him, sometimes waking him in the middle of the night to accuse him of cheating. These outbursts escalated into two separate violent incidents in which she attacked him with a bladed weapon. Although she later denied these attacks, her jealousy remained intense and unrelenting.</p>
<p>A psychiatric evaluation revealed signs of cognitive decline, such as impaired memory, reduced attention span, and a narrowed focus on her jealous suspicions. On two common cognitive screening tools—the Mini-Mental State Exam and the Montreal Cognitive Assessment—she scored well below the threshold for normal function. The clinicians ruled out other possible causes, such as dementia, drug intoxication, or metabolic disorders. The timing of her symptoms and brain imaging supported the conclusion that her psychiatric symptoms were linked to the stroke. Doctors diagnosed her with Othello syndrome stemming from her thalamic infarct.</p>
<p>She was initially treated with quetiapine, an antipsychotic medication, which appeared to improve her symptoms for a few months. But she relapsed, and her jealous beliefs returned with the same intensity. Her care team then switched her to another antipsychotic, olanzapine, which led to much greater improvement. Over the course of the following year, she continued to take the medication at a reduced dose, with no reappearance of symptoms. She eventually recognized that her past beliefs were false, and she no longer viewed her husband with suspicion.</p>
<p>Although this case is striking, it is not without precedent. Psychotic symptoms can emerge after a stroke, although they are far less common than anxiety or depression. Among people who develop post-stroke psychosis, delusional jealousy is one of the more frequently observed subtypes. The brain regions most commonly associated with these delusions include areas of the right hemisphere, particularly the frontal and parietal lobes, as well as the thalamus.</p>
<p>The thalamus acts as a central relay station in the brain. It connects with both cognitive regions, such as the prefrontal cortex, and emotional areas, such as the limbic system. Damage to the thalamus, particularly on the right side, can disrupt networks responsible for attention, self-monitoring, and emotional processing. This kind of disruption can impair judgment and heighten suspicious thoughts. In this case, the patient’s stroke likely disrupted the normal communication between brain regions responsible for interpreting social cues and regulating emotional responses, paving the way for delusional jealousy.</p>
<p>The researchers emphasized that the patient’s test results showed no signs of underlying dementia or small vessel disease. This helped rule out alternative explanations for her cognitive problems. Instead, the stroke itself appeared to be the primary cause of her psychiatric symptoms. The selective damage to her thalamus seemed to explain not only her delusional thinking but also her memory and attention problems.</p>
<p>This case also illustrates how Othello syndrome can pose a danger not only to mental well-being but to physical safety. The woman’s false beliefs led to violent behavior against a loved one. Because of the risks associated with this syndrome, recognizing the signs early and initiating treatment is essential.</p>
<p>At the same time, the authors of the study acknowledged the limitations of a single case. Case reports cannot establish how common a condition is or how often it is caused by a particular type of brain injury. Nor can they predict how other individuals might respond to the same treatment. Each brain injury is unique, and many factors influence how symptoms develop and change over time.</p>
<p>However, case studies remain a valuable part of medical science. They allow researchers and clinicians to document rare conditions, identify patterns, and generate hypotheses that can later be tested in larger studies. In particular, unusual cases like this one can help draw attention to the diverse ways that brain injury can manifest—not just as physical or cognitive disability, but also as profound changes in personality and behavior.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13554794.2024.2436159" target="_blank">Jealousy’s stroke: Othello syndrome following a percheron artery infarct</a>,” and Ghita Hjiej, Maha Abdellaoui, Hajar Khattab, Kamal Haddouali, Salma Bellakhdar, Bouchera El Moutawakil, Mohammed Abdoh Rafai, and Hicham El Otmani.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/how-to-protect-your-mental-health-from-a-passive-aggressive-narcissist/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">How to protect your mental health from a passive-aggressive narcissist</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jul 5th 2025, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>Imagine asking a coworker to help you on a project, and although they agree, they suddenly “forget” whenever the deadline approaches. Or a friend saying “you look beautiful today, I barely recognised you”, after you show them your new haircut.</p>
<p>Perhaps you know all too well the feeling of a parent or partner ignoring you following some perceived slight.</p>
<p>On the surface this behaviour may seem relatively minor. But if it happens often, this could indicate a narcissist is using <a href="https://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/id/eprint/1444700/1/U592009.pdf">passive-aggressive behaviour</a> to try and hurt you.</p>
<p>To protect yourself, it helps to know where a narcissist is coming from.</p>
<p>The term “narcissist” can refer to people with high levels of narcissism, not necessarily that they have a clinical diagnosis of <a href="https://www.psychiatrist.com/jcp/prevalence-correlates-disability-comorbidity-dsm-iv-narcissistic-personality-disorder-wave-2-nesarc/">narcissistic personality disorder</a>. There are generally <a href="https://pearl.plymouth.ac.uk/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?params=/context/psy-research/article/1748/&path_info=Predicting_narcissistic_personality_traits_from_brain_and_psychological_features_A_supervised_machine_learning_approach_6.pdf">two types</a>: grandiose and vulnerable.</p>
<p>Grandiose narcissists usually view themselves as special and superior to others and are likely to brag about their achievements. Vulnerable narcissists tend to be self-conscious, sensitive to the slightest criticism and have an insatiable need for external appreciation.</p>
<p>Both can be self-centred and <a href="https://etheses.dur.ac.uk/13083/1/TALIB_AL_HINAI_SUBMITTED_THESIS.pdf">prone to aggression</a>, though passive-aggressive behaviour may be more often used by <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/2158244019846693">vulnerable narcissists</a>.</p>
<p>One explanation for their behaviour could be their motivation <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1745691619873350">to become dominant and gain status</a>. For example, they may feel like belittling their competition strengthens chances of getting a promotion at work. Another reason is that they can be thin-skinned. Any negative evaluation against them, like being left out of a work social event, may trigger a defensive reaction to attack another person to try and maintain their self-esteem.</p>
<p>They also have a tendency <a href="https://theconversation.com/for-narcissistic-people-the-gap-between-perception-and-reality-may-go-far-deeper-than-we-thought-250434">to feel ostracised</a> even when it’s not true. Research has shown that <a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/doiLanding?doi=10.1037%2Fbul0000323">when narcissists are provoked</a>, they tend to respond with aggression. Subtly undermining someone is more deniable than overt ways of expressing their anger and resentment.</p>
<p>Here are some examples to help you spot when it’s happening:</p>
<ul>
<li>social exclusion – avoiding eye contact, ignoring messages, excluding<br>
you from their social media account or withholding affection to punish you</li>
<li>hostile undertone – making fun of others through jokes, backhanded<br>
compliments or sending messages that suggest you are at fault while minimising their role in a conflict</li>
<li>indirect criticism – sharing embarrassing stories, or trying to undermine you by gossiping to others</li>
<li>sabotage – regularly leaving tasks that are their responsibility to<br>
complete to the last minute, and making it your problem.</li>
</ul>
<p>Such behaviour on its own might not be much bother, but being exposed to<br>
it regularly could cause distress. As an example, repeatedly being socially excluded at work has been linked to <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/public-health/articles/10.3389/fpubh.2022.1075682/full">emotional exhaustion and reduced wellbeing</a>.</p>
<p>Research on victims of narcissistic behaviour is limited, perhaps because passive-aggressive behaviour is often hidden. But the research we do have has shown people on the receiving end of narcissistic abuse experience <a href="https://digitalcommons.tamuc.edu/etd/1203/">anxiety, depression, low self-worth</a> and a tendency to prioritise others’ needs over their own.</p>
<h2>How you can protect yourself</h2>
<p>Given that narcissists react aggressively to criticism, it’s probably best not to fight fire with fire. The following approaches <a href="https://mindpsychiatrist.com/how-to-deal-with-a-passive-aggressive-narcissist/#:~:text=Implement%20strategies%20like%20setting%20clear%20boundaries%2C%20avoiding%20engaging,support%20system%20to%20cope%20with%20passive-aggressive%20narcissists%20effectively.">may help</a>.</p>
<p>Set clear boundaries. Make it clear you will not tolerate such behaviour. You could say something like: “I noticed you are not responding. I am willing to chat with you when you are ready to talk respectfully.”</p>
<p>Emotional detachment. Narcissists will probably throw digs or sarcastic comments your way to get a reaction. Once they get a reaction, the cycle escalates. One helpful technique may be <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/the-time-cure/202211/when-dealing-narcissist-the-gray-rock-approach-might-help?msockid=0bc706676bbb61762bab15e06a086061">“grey rocking”</a>, where you keep your interactions and responses as brief and as uninteresting as possible. When a sarcastic comment is made, you could just say “yep” or “noted”.</p>
<p>Look after yourself. Prioritise your own needs and your wellbeing. For instance, immerse yourself in hobbies you enjoy or have fun with friends. Try also to make space for reflection so you can avoid internalising their comments. It’s about them, not you.</p>
<p>Seek support. Reaching out to people you trust or seeking professional support from a counsellor may help to strengthen your resilience. In the context of work, you may reach out to HR if the passive-aggressive behaviour is persistent, but remember <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/benjaminlaker/2023/10/12/if-someone-gets-angry-at-work-when-should-you-report-it/">to document everything</a> and be factual. This may help minimise a narcissist’s efforts to <a href="https://psychcentral.com/disorders/narcissist-gaslighting#examples">gaslight</a> you or others.</p>
<h2>Power imbalance</h2>
<p>Not everyone can easily create distance between themselves and that narcissistic person they know. Some people may be living with a narcissist, work with one, or they could be part of their social circle.</p>
<p>Given that narcissists often <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0033294120926668">crave status</a>, there’s a good chance there may be a power imbalance between you. This can be tricky as you may feel intimidated if they persistently use passive-aggressive behaviour, if they are senior to you at work for instance.</p>
<p>In this situation, it’s even more important to save important email chains, log conversations and seek support from HR if needed. If there’s a power imbalance with someone outside work, take extra care to set clear boundaries with them.</p>
<p>Each situation is different, and some things will be beyond your control.</p>
<p>What you can do though is focus on what’s within your control: your reactions, your wellbeing, and the support systems around you.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/258021/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
<p> </p>
<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-to-protect-yourself-from-narcissists-weapon-of-choice-passive-aggression-258021">original article</a>.</em></p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/dark-personality-traits-linked-to-generative-ai-use-among-art-students/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Dark personality traits linked to generative AI use among art students</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jul 5th 2025, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-025-02949-w" target="_blank">BMC Psychology</a></em> sheds light on the psychological and behavioral factors that may be influencing how university art students in China use generative artificial intelligence tools. The research found that students who scored higher on personality traits like narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and materialism were more likely to engage in academic misconduct, experience academic anxiety, procrastinate, and ultimately rely more heavily on tools like ChatGPT and Midjourney. These behaviors were also associated with increased frustration and negative thinking.</p>
<p>The study was grounded in social cognitive theory, a psychological framework that emphasizes how personal characteristics, behaviors, and environmental factors interact. The researchers focused on a group of university art students in Sichuan province, a population that faces a unique set of challenges. These include high levels of competition, expectations to produce both technically strong and original creative work, and the increasing influence of generative artificial intelligence in their fields.</p>
<p>The researchers began with an interest in whether certain negative personality traits—commonly referred to as “dark traits”—could help explain patterns of academic misconduct and psychological stress. These traits include narcissism (a heightened sense of self-importance), Machiavellianism (manipulativeness and strategic exploitation of others), psychopathy (a lack of empathy and impulsivity), and materialism (a strong focus on acquiring wealth or status symbols). </p>
<p>Prior studies have linked these traits to dishonest behavior, but the research team wanted to explore these dynamics within the specific context of art education, where creativity is often difficult to evaluate and originality is highly prized.</p>
<p>To conduct the study, researchers surveyed 504 students from six major art-focused universities in Sichuan. The sample was diverse in terms of artistic discipline, including students from visual arts, music, dance, and drama programs. Participants were recruited using a stratified sampling method to ensure representative coverage across schools and artistic specialties. Data collection occurred through both in-person and online surveys. Before the main survey, a pilot test with 30 students was conducted to refine the wording and structure of the questionnaire.</p>
<p>Students completed standardized self-report measures assessing their personality traits, experiences of academic anxiety, frequency of procrastination, levels of frustration and negative thinking, and generative AI usage habits. The researchers used translated and validated versions of existing psychological scales to ensure the accuracy and cultural relevance of the survey. They then applied a statistical technique called structural equation modeling to examine how the variables were related to one another.</p>
<p>The results showed clear patterns. Students who scored higher on dark personality traits were significantly more likely to engage in academic misconduct. This misconduct included behaviors such as plagiarism and misrepresenting AI-generated work as their own. These students also reported higher levels of anxiety about their academic performance and a greater tendency to put off assignments. These behaviors, in turn, were linked to increased feelings of frustration, persistent negative thinking, and a stronger reliance on generative AI tools to complete academic tasks.</p>
<p>The researchers found that of the four personality traits measured, narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy had the strongest associations with misconduct-related behaviors. For example, students high in narcissism may cheat to maintain their self-image or achieve recognition. Those high in Machiavellianism may view academic dishonesty as a strategic way to gain an advantage. Psychopathy was associated with impulsive behavior and a lack of remorse, which may explain its link to dishonest practices.</p>
<p>Materialism also played a role. Students who strongly valued material success were more likely to cut corners to achieve high grades or awards, suggesting that external rewards can be a strong motivator for dishonest behavior.</p>
<p>Academic anxiety and procrastination emerged as important mediating factors in the model. Students who were anxious about their performance were more prone to negative thinking and reported more frustration with their academic experience. Procrastination added to these problems by creating time pressure and reinforcing avoidance behaviors. These psychological pressures appeared to increase the likelihood that students would turn to generative AI tools for assistance.</p>
<p>The researchers highlighted that reliance on AI tools was not limited to students seeking help for legitimate reasons. Rather, it often reflected a broader pattern of behavior driven by personality traits, stress, and a lack of self-regulation. Students who were already engaging in misconduct or experiencing academic distress were more likely to depend on AI technologies as a coping mechanism.</p>
<p>One strength of the study is its focus on art students, a population often overlooked in discussions of academic misconduct. These students face unique challenges, particularly when new technologies like generative AI blur the boundaries between original creation and automated production. The findings may help inform institutional policies in other creative disciplines facing similar issues.</p>
<p>However, the study also has some limitations. It relied entirely on self-report measures, which can be subject to bias. Students may have underreported dishonest behaviors or overestimated their use of AI tools. The cross-sectional design of the research also means that the observed associations cannot be interpreted as direct evidence of causation. Longitudinal studies following students over time would help clarify how these relationships evolve and whether early personality traits predict later behaviors.</p>
<p>While the study does not establish direct cause-and-effect relationships, it does suggest a network of associations that educators and administrators may want to consider. The use of generative AI in academic settings is growing rapidly, and the researchers argue that it is important to understand not only how students are using these tools but also why.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-025-02949-w" target="_blank">Dark personality traits are associated with academic misconduct, frustration, negative thinking, and generative AI use habits: the case of Sichuan art universities</a>,” was authored by Jingyi Song and Shuyan Liu.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/scientists-are-uncovering-more-and-more-unsettling-facts-about-our-politics/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Scientists are uncovering more and more unsettling facts about our politics</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jul 5th 2025, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>Recent analyses of political division often point to familiar culprits: deepening partisan loyalties, ideological echo chambers, and the rampant spread of misinformation. While these factors are significant, a growing body of research in psychology and political science suggests they are symptoms of a deeper phenomenon.</p>
<p>Across dozens of countries, scientists are uncovering the psychological mechanisms that drive political behavior, from affective polarization to the appeal of authoritarianism.</p>
<p>This emerging field reveals how personality traits, emotional responses to threat, and fundamental needs for social identity are shaping our political landscape. By examining the psychological roots of political hostility and democratic erosion, this new science offers a more fundamental explanation for why persuasion feels increasingly impossible and why societies are growing more divided.</p>
<p>The following 13 summaries from recent scientific literature offer a cross-section of this emerging research.</p>
<hr>
<h3><strong>1. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/the-startling-power-of-political-identity-in-shaping-americans-social-preferences/">Politics is Becoming the Core of American Social Identity</a></strong></h3>
<p>In today’s America, political identity isn’t just about voting—it’s shaping who we want as friends, neighbors, and even in-laws. A study published in <em>Political Psychology</em> found that partisanship now overrides nearly all other social identities—including race, religion, and education level—when people evaluate others. Using a national survey, researchers showed participants profiles of hypothetical individuals and asked them to judge how much they liked each one, or whether they’d want to live near them or have them as family. Political affiliation was the strongest predictor of these social preferences, with people consistently favoring those who shared their party and expressing dislike for those who didn’t.</p>
<p>More strikingly, out-group hostility often outweighed in-group warmth—people disliked the other side more than they liked their own. Even when profiles defied party stereotypes, like a Black Republican or an atheist Democrat, participants still judged them mainly through their political lens. And while religion and race did influence ratings, especially among Republicans, political party was still the most powerful factor overall. This suggests that polarization in the U.S. has seeped far beyond the ballot box into the very fabric of social life, shaping not just political views but how people interact in their communities.</p>
<hr>
<h3><strong>2. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/dark-personalities-more-prevalent-in-less-democratic-countries-massive-study-shows/">Democracy May Be Good for Your Personality</a></strong></h3>
<p>A study published in <em>Scientific Reports</em> found that people living in democratic societies tend to score higher on benevolent personality traits like empathy, kindness, and belief in human goodness. These so-called “light triad” traits were more common in democracies, while authoritarian nations saw higher levels of manipulative, narcissistic, and callous traits—known collectively as the “dark triad.” The study, which included data from nearly 250,000 people in 75 countries, suggests that political systems may be connected to the psychological makeup of citizens, with democratic environments encouraging prosocial behavior and emotional well-being.</p>
<p>What’s more, people with higher light-triad traits also reported greater life satisfaction, hinting at a feedback loop between democracy, personality, and happiness. Even after controlling for income, education, and religious experience, the trend held strong: the more democratic the country, the kinder and more trusting its people tended to be. The researchers acknowledged that causality isn’t certain—benevolent people may help build democratic societies, or democratic conditions might shape people’s personalities. But the implications are unsettling in light of global democratic backsliding: as democracies erode, people may become more distrustful and antagonistic, paving the way for more authoritarian norms.</p>
<hr>
<h3><strong>3. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/dark-personalities-in-politicians-may-intensify-partisan-hatred-particularly-among-their-biggest-fans/">When Voters Idolize Dark Leaders, Polarization Grows</a></strong></h3>
<p>Not all political leaders are admired for their integrity or humility. In fact, when voters support leaders with narcissistic, manipulative, or callous traits, their emotional hostility toward the opposing side tends to deepen. A new study published in the <em>European Journal of Political Research</em> found that voters who feel ideologically close to “dark” political candidates—those scoring high in Machiavellianism, psychopathy, or narcissism—were more likely to express stronger affective polarization. The effect wasn’t caused by dislike of the opposition, but rather by an emotional attachment to their own combative leader.</p>
<p>The researchers found this pattern across 34,000 voters in 40 national elections, covering leaders like Trump, Bolsonaro, and Macron. Crucially, only in-party admiration mattered—voters didn’t become more polarized simply because they disliked dark-spirited opponents. This suggests that strong emotional bonds to dominant or deceptive leaders may not just reflect existing polarization, but actually amplify it. Whether voters are drawn to these traits or shaped by them is still unclear, but the cycle is ominous: dark personalities at the top may be feeding political radicalization from the bottom up.</p>
<hr>
<h3><strong>4. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/narcissism-may-be-fueling-political-polarization-according-to-new-psychology-research/">Narcissists Fuel Political Extremes—On Both Sides</a></strong></h3>
<p>Personality may shape more of our politics than we think. A study in <em>Political Behavior</em> found that narcissism—especially the antagonistic, entitled variety—is strongly linked to affective polarization. People high in narcissistic traits weren’t just more loyal to their political group; they were also more hostile toward the opposing side. This pattern held across traditional party lines and newer political identities like Brexit stances. Those with higher scores in “rivalry narcissism” were especially likely to express emotional attachment to their group and contempt for outsiders.</p>
<p>Interestingly, the researchers found that the hostility wasn’t just about admiration for one’s side—it was mostly driven by negativity toward the outgroup. Narcissistic individuals were more prone to see criticism of their political group as a personal attack and were quick to devalue opponents. Even after accounting for the Big Five personality traits, narcissism stood out as a strong predictor of political animosity. These findings suggest that emotional needs for superiority and recognition may be fueling partisan identity in ways that go beyond ideology or party loyalty.</p>
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<h3><strong>5. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-study-helps-explain-rising-trump-support-among-minority-voters/">Support for Strong Leaders Isn’t Just a Right-Wing Thing</a></strong></h3>
<p>Support for authoritarian-style leaders is often seen as a right-wing trait, but new research in <em>Psychological Science</em> complicates that picture. Across six studies, researchers found that ethnic minorities—regardless of political ideology—were more likely than White left-leaning individuals to support strong, rule-breaking leaders. This wasn’t because of ideology, but because of generalized trust: groups with lower trust in others were more open to leaders who promised order and control, even at the expense of democratic norms.</p>
<p>This helps explain why some minority voters have gravitated toward dominant political figures like Donald Trump, despite his divisive rhetoric. It also suggests that feelings of vulnerability and social threat may shape leadership preferences more than traditional political labels. Experiments showed that when trust in others was experimentally increased, support for strong leaders declined—especially among minority participants. These findings challenge the idea that support for authoritarianism is driven purely by conservatism and highlight how lived experiences of trust and exclusion can influence political choices.</p>
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<h3><strong>6. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-psychology-research-feeling-politically-excluded-heightens-antisocial-tendencies/">Feeling Politically Excluded Makes People Angrier—and More Hostile</a></strong></h3>
<p>New research published in the <em>Journal of Applied Social Psychology</em> suggests that political exclusion—being ignored or rejected because of your political beliefs—can fuel anger, emotional withdrawal, and even online hostility. In two studies using a virtual ball-tossing game called Cyberball, researchers simulated political rejection among young adults. When participants were excluded by others who disagreed with them politically, they reported feeling psychologically threatened, angry, and less willing to interact with people from the opposing side. In some cases, exclusion even increased intentions to insult or threaten opponents on social media.</p>
<p>Interestingly, exclusion from one’s own political group also triggered psychological discomfort, and sometimes even led participants to feel warmer toward the other side. But the dominant effect was clear: being shut out because of political identity increases emotional distress and polarizing behavior. The study suggests that affective polarization may not just stem from ideological conflict, but from social dynamics that mimic bullying or rejection. When political differences become grounds for exclusion, people may dig in deeper—not necessarily because of policy, but because of pain.</p>
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<h3><strong>7. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/narcissistic-leadership-in-hitler-putin-and-trump-shares-common-roots-new-psychology-paper-claims/">Traumatized Childhoods May Shape Narcissistic Leaders</a></strong></h3>
<p>A study published in <em>Frontiers in Psychology</em> offers a striking psychological comparison between Adolf Hitler, Vladimir Putin, and Donald Trump. By analyzing historical and biographical records, the author argues that all three leaders share a pattern of childhood trauma, authoritarian father figures, and emotionally indulgent mothers. These early dynamics may have laid the groundwork for the development of pathological narcissism—an inflated sense of self rooted in emotional insecurity. Rather than stemming from ideology alone, their leadership styles may reflect deep psychological compensation for childhood distress.</p>
<p>Each leader experienced different forms of psychological adversity: Hitler and Putin were “replacement children” born after the deaths of siblings and raised by harsh fathers, while Trump was sent to military school at a young age—an event he interpreted as rejection. The study cautions that while these patterns don’t explain every aspect of their political behavior, they may help account for the grandiosity, aggression, and lack of empathy seen in their public personas. While limited by its interpretive nature, the research adds a provocative layer to our understanding of authoritarian leadership—one rooted in early emotional wounds.</p>
<hr>
<h3><strong>8. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/authoritarian-beliefs-predict-whether-voters-see-trump-or-clinton-as-psychopathic/">What You See in a Candidate May Depend on What You Believe About Authority</a></strong></h3>
<p>In polarized politics, voters often project personality traits onto candidates based on their own values—and that includes seeing opponents as mentally unfit. A study in <em>Europe’s Journal of Psychology</em> found that perceptions of psychopathy in political candidates—traits like callousness or deceit—are shaped by voters’ authoritarian beliefs. In two studies conducted after the 2016 U.S. election and again in 2020, participants consistently rated the opposing candidate (Trump or Clinton) as more psychopathic, especially if they scored high in authoritarianism.</p>
<p>This partisan mirror effect was surprisingly stable across time, and it wasn’t based on accurate psychological assessments—just belief and perception. Clinton voters tended to see Trump as far more psychopathic, while Trump voters viewed Clinton similarly. But those who held authoritarian values were more likely to believe their own candidate was psychologically sound and the opponent was dangerously unstable. These findings suggest that mental health perceptions in politics are filtered through ideology, not psychiatric knowledge. The result is a kind of psychological warfare, where traits like cruelty or instability become tools for political judgment.</p>
<hr>
<h3><strong>9. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/major-study-points-to-evolved-psychology-behind-support-for-strongmen/">Around the World, Conflict Sparks Support for Strongmen</a></strong></h3>
<p>In one of the largest cross-cultural studies of its kind, researchers from 25 countries found that people are more likely to support dominant, authoritarian leaders when they perceive intergroup conflict or national threat. Published in <em>Evolution and Human Behavior</em>, the study included over 5,000 participants and tested whether scenarios involving war or peace affected leadership preferences. In conflict situations, people were more likely to prefer leaders who appeared physically dominant, aggressive, or forceful. This preference showed up across cultures—from the United States and China to Kenya and Russia.</p>
<p>The findings support the idea that humans have an evolved tendency to turn toward strong leadership during times of danger. It’s a psychological reflex that may have helped early humans survive tribal warfare—but in modern democracies, it can lead to a cycle of escalating authoritarianism. Once dominant leaders are elected in response to perceived threats, they may amplify those threats to maintain power. The study suggests this cycle is not unique to any one country—it’s a global pattern, deeply embedded in human psychology.</p>
<hr>
<h3><strong>10. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/perceived-social-breakdown-fuels-desire-for-authoritarian-leaders-new-psychology-study-shows/">Feeling Like Society Is Falling Apart Makes Authoritarianism More Appealing</a></strong></h3>
<p>A study in the <em>Journal of Personality and Social Psychology</em> offers new evidence that perceptions of social breakdown can directly increase support for authoritarian rule. When people feel that moral norms are eroding, institutions are ineffective, and society is falling into chaos—a condition known as anomie—they begin to feel politically powerless. This lack of control then leads to political uncertainty, creating fertile ground for authoritarianism. The researchers tested this pathway using both large-scale survey data and a series of controlled experiments.</p>
<p>The results show that the link between societal disorder and authoritarianism isn’t random—it’s a psychological chain reaction. When people feel they no longer understand or influence politics, they become more likely to favor a “strong leader” who promises clarity and control, even if it means bypassing democratic principles. The study adds a layer of psychological depth to political instability: authoritarianism may rise not just because of fear or ideology, but because people crave order in the face of perceived collapse. In times of uncertainty, control can start to look more attractive than freedom.</p>
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<h3><strong>11. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/fear-predicts-authoritarian-attitudes-across-cultures-with-conservatives-most-affected/">Across 59 Nations, Threat Sparks Authoritarian Support—Especially on the Right</a></strong></h3>
<p>A global study published in the <em>Journal of Personality</em> found that people in 59 countries are more likely to support authoritarian forms of government when they feel threatened by crime, poverty, or political unrest. Drawing on data from nearly 85,000 participants, the study confirmed that this psychological response is consistent across cultures: threat increases the appeal of strong, controlling leadership. Although the effect was seen on both the political left and right, it was significantly stronger among conservatives.</p>
<p>The researchers argue that while left-leaning individuals may also turn toward authoritarian attitudes under threat, conservatives tend to do so more predictably. This aligns with previous studies showing that right-leaning individuals are more sensitive to threat cues. Yet the global consistency of the trend is what stands out: whether in Sweden or South Africa, perceived danger pushes people to favor authoritarian rule. It’s a reminder that the desire for security—even at the cost of civil liberties—may be a universal feature of human psychology.</p>
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<h3><strong>12. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-research-links-certain-types-of-narcissism-to-anti-immigrant-attitudes/">Certain Narcissistic Traits Predict Anti-Immigrant Views</a></strong></h3>
<p>Not all narcissists think the same. A study published in <em>Behavioral Sciences</em> found that people high in antagonistic narcissism—those who are hostile, entitled, and competitive—are more likely to hold negative attitudes toward immigrants. This connection is driven in part by how they view the world: as a ruthless competition where others are threats rather than allies. These individuals also tend to endorse authoritarian and dominance-based ideologies, which reinforce exclusionary beliefs.</p>
<p>Interestingly, not all forms of narcissism showed this pattern. Neurotic narcissists—those who are insecure and anxious—were actually less likely to endorse anti-immigrant views. Extraverted narcissists, who crave attention but are not necessarily hostile, showed a more indirect relationship. Across three studies in the U.S. and Israel, the researchers found that narcissism intersects with worldview: those who see society as a competitive jungle are more likely to favor policies that punish or exclude outsiders. Personality, in this case, becomes a lens through which people interpret politics and identity.</p>
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<h3><strong>13. <a href="https://www.psypost.org/democrats-dislike-republicans-more-than-republicans-dislike-democrats-studies-find/">Democrats Show More Partisan Dislike—But for Moral Reasons</a></strong></h3>
<p>A multi-method study published in the <em>Journal of Personality and Social Psychology</em> found that Democrats in the United States tend to express more dislike toward Republicans than vice versa. Across seven studies—including Twitter experiments, hiring scenarios, and controlled surveys—researchers found that Democrats were more likely to reject or block Republican users, rate them lower in hypothetical workplace evaluations, and express stronger moral condemnation. The driving force wasn’t just disagreement, but the belief that Republicans pose harm to disadvantaged groups.</p>
<p>This perception of moral threat—particularly on issues like race and immigration—appears to fuel Democrats’ emotional intensity. When a Republican individual supported diversity or anti-racism causes, Democratic participants showed less animosity. But when they didn’t, the moral condemnation returned. The findings challenge the idea that partisan dislike is symmetric. At least in this moment in history, Democrats’ stronger aversion is rooted in moral concerns. Still, the researchers caution that moralization can cut both ways—and may fuel cycles of dehumanization across party lines.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
<p><strong>This information is taken from free public RSS feeds published by each organization for the purpose of public distribution. Readers are linked back to the article content on each organization's website. This email is an unaffiliated unofficial redistribution of this freely provided content from the publishers. </strong></p>
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