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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/brain-boost-from-pecans-new-study-finds-short-term-cognitive-benefits/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Brain boost from pecans? New study finds short-term cognitive benefits</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jun 12th 2025, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study found that consumption of a pecan-enriched shake improved the cognitive performance of study participants compared to their performance after consuming a shake high in saturated fats. Participants performed better after the pecan-enriched shake on 8 out of 23 cognitive tests, though there were 3 tests where they performed better after the saturated fat shake. The paper was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/1028415X.2025.2461018"><em>Nutritional Neuroscience</em></a>.</p>
<p>Pecan is a type of tree nut that comes from the <em>Carya illinoinensis</em> tree, which is native to North America. The nuts are known for their rich, buttery flavor and are commonly used in baking, especially in pies and desserts. Pecans are a good source of healthy fats, fiber, and essential nutrients like manganese, thiamin, and zinc. They are also high in antioxidants, which help protect the body from cellular damage.</p>
<p>Pecans grow inside a hard shell that must be cracked open to access the edible kernel. The trees require a warm climate and several years to mature before they start producing nuts. In the United States, pecans are primarily grown in southern states, particularly Georgia, Texas, and New Mexico. Aside from culinary uses, pecan wood is also valued for furniture and for smoking meats.</p>
<p>Study author Alyssa J. Guadagni and her colleagues note that pecans contain the highest total polyphenol content of any tree nut. Polyphenols are naturally occurring compounds with antioxidant properties that may help protect against inflammation, heart disease, and certain cancers. Previous studies have suggested that polyphenols might also support cognitive performance, for example by preventing a post-meal dip in mental function.</p>
<p>To test the cognitive effects of pecan consumption, the researchers recruited 31 healthy adults between 18 and 30 years old. Sixteen of them were men. Each participant completed two study visits at the researchers’ lab.</p>
<p>For 24 hours before each visit, participants followed a controlled diet consisting of 50–55% carbohydrates, 15–20% protein, and 25–30% fat, and were instructed to avoid foods high in polyphenols. The researchers provided a list of such foods to avoid, as well as a sample meal plan for breakfast and lunch that adhered to the prescribed macronutrient ratios.</p>
<p>“For dinner, researchers provided participants with a dinner meal (Marie Callender’s Vermont Creamy Mac & Cheese) and a snack (animal crackers) containing 58.7% energy from carbohydrates, 28.9% energy from fat, and 12.7% energy from protein,” the study authors explained.</p>
<p>At each visit, participants first completed assessments of sleepiness and motivation, followed by the COMPASS battery of cognitive tests. They were then given one of two shakes to consume. On one visit (the control condition), the shake primarily consisted of heavy whipping cream, 1% milk, and Nesquik chocolate powder. On the other visit (the experimental condition), the shake consisted primarily of 68 grams of pecans, 1% milk, and Nesquik chocolate powder.</p>
<p>The two shakes were matched for total calories, sugar, fiber, and fat content, but the control shake had a much higher saturated fat content. Half of the participants received the control shake on the first visit and the pecan-enriched shake on the second; the other half received them in reverse order. Both participants and researchers interacting with them were blinded to which shake was administered at each visit.</p>
<p>One hour after consuming the shake, participants repeated the COMPASS cognitive battery. They completed the battery again 2, 3, and 4 hours after the meal. Blood samples were collected at the same time points.</p>
<p>Results showed that participants performed better after consuming the pecan-enriched shake on 8 of the 23 cognitive tests. These tests assessed processing speed, memory, and learning. In contrast, participants performed better after the control shake on 3 tests—two related to memory and learning, and one related to executive function.</p>
<p>“This work indicates that incorporating pecans into the diet of healthy young adults can elicit acute benefits to cognitive performance and may lead to pecans being considered a cognitively protective dietary source,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study sheds light on the immediate effects of pecan consumption on cognitive function. However, it remains unclear how long these effects last or whether they extend to real-world outcomes beyond lab-based testing. Additionally, the sample was small and limited to relatively young, healthy individuals, so the findings may not generalize to older adults or clinical populations.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/1028415X.2025.2461018">Cognitive function in response to a pecan-enriched meal: a randomized, double-blind, crossover study in healthy adults</a>,” was authored by Alyssa J. Guadagni, M. Catherine Prater, Chad M. Paton, and Jamie A. Cooper.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/adversity-in-childhood-linked-to-accelerated-brain-development/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Adversity in childhood linked to accelerated brain development</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jun 12th 2025, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41380-024-02850-9" target="_blank">Molecular Psychiatry</a></em> suggests that adversity experienced during late childhood is associated with accelerated changes in brain connectivity between cortical and subcortical regions. These neural changes may help protect against the development of internalizing symptoms, such as anxiety or depression, but they are also associated with lower academic performance. The findings highlight how brain responses to stress may support emotional coping while potentially undermining other aspects of functioning.</p>
<p>Previous studies have shown that early life stress is linked to long-term changes in the brain, including alterations in connectivity between regions involved in emotion regulation and cognitive control. However, it has been difficult to separate the effects of adversity from other factors such as socioeconomic status, genetic risk, or environmental instability. To overcome this, the researchers used a statistical technique known as propensity score weighting, which allowed them to adjust for hundreds of potential confounding variables.</p>
<p>The research drew on data from the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development (ABCD) Study, a large, ongoing project tracking the brain and behavioral development of thousands of children in the United States. For this analysis, the team focused on 7,190 children who had completed resting-state brain scans at both baseline (around age 10) and two years later. They calculated changes in the strength of connections between different brain networks and between cortical networks and subcortical structures like the amygdala, hippocampus, and striatum. The children also reported adverse life events that occurred during the two-year period, such as family conflict, illness, or moving homes.</p>
<p>To reduce bias, the researchers first used machine learning to calculate how likely each child was to experience adverse events based on 390 background variables, including age, sex, race, prior adversity, family income, parental mental health, and baseline brain data. These probabilities were used to create weights that balanced the sample, mimicking a randomized experimental design. The team then applied a method called elastic net regression to predict the number of adverse events a child experienced based on their brain connectivity changes.</p>
<p>In both the training group and an independent testing group, the researchers found that patterns of brain development predicted the number of adverse events experienced, even after adjusting for confounding factors. The strongest patterns involved decreases in functional connectivity between large-scale cortical networks and subcortical regions. These decreases were most prominent in connections involving the cingulo-opercular and sensorimotor networks, suggesting that adversity may accelerate typical developmental trends that occur during this age range.</p>
<p>To understand how these brain changes might affect behavior, the researchers examined whether the altered connections were linked to changes in mental health symptoms or school grades. Interestingly, the brain changes associated with adversity were linked to fewer internalizing symptoms, such as sadness or anxiety, according to parent reports. This suggests that the observed decreases in connectivity may reflect adaptive neural responses that help children regulate emotions in the face of stress.</p>
<p>However, these same brain changes were also linked to lower academic performance. Children with greater decreases in cortical-subcortical connectivity tended to report worse grades at the two-year follow-up, even after accounting for the number of adverse events experienced. There was also some evidence that these changes were associated with increases in externalizing behaviors, such as acting out or disobeying at school, though these findings were weaker.</p>
<p>The study found no evidence that these brain-behavior relationships differed significantly between boys and girls. When the researchers trained their prediction model on data from girls and tested it on boys, and vice versa, the results were largely consistent. This suggests that the brain’s response to adversity may follow similar patterns across sexes during this developmental window.</p>
<p>These findings provide evidence that the brain can adapt to stressful experiences in ways that may buffer emotional distress. The decreases in functional connectivity between cortical networks and subcortical regions, particularly those involved in emotion regulation and alertness, may reflect a kind of accelerated maturation. This aligns with earlier research suggesting that adversity can speed up the development of brain systems responsible for managing threat and stress. However, while this adaptation may reduce vulnerability to anxiety and depression, it may come at a cost to other domains, such as cognitive performance in academic settings.</p>
<p>There are some limitations to keep in mind. Although the researchers used a large and diverse sample and employed rigorous statistical techniques, the findings are still based on observational data. The analysis focused only on discrete adverse events reported during a specific two-year period, which may not capture the full range of chronic or early-life stressors. Additionally, behavioral outcomes were assessed using parent and child self-reports, which may be influenced by subjective perceptions or reporting biases. The correlations between brain changes and behavior were modest in size, and the long-term consequences of these changes remain unclear.</p>
<p>Future research will be needed to determine whether the observed brain alterations persist into adolescence or adulthood and whether they predict longer-term outcomes such as mental illness or educational attainment. It will also be important to examine whether different types of adversity, such as deprivation versus threat, have distinct effects on brain development. Further exploration of protective and compensatory brain responses may inform interventions aimed at promoting resilience in children facing stress and adversity.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41380-024-02850-9" target="_blank">The effects of adverse life events on brain development in the ABCD study®: a propensity-weighted analysis</a>,” was authored by Amanda Elton, Ben Lewis, and Sara Jo Nixon.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/psychedelic-experiences-can-both-cause-and-resolve-spiritual-struggles-study-suggests/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Psychedelic experiences can both cause and resolve spiritual struggles, study suggests</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jun 12th 2025, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2026-10592-001" target="_blank">Psychology of Religion and Spirituality</a></em> explores how psychedelic experiences relate to people’s spiritual struggles. Some participants associated their experiences with a sense of spiritual growth, while others described feelings of disconnection or confusion. The findings suggest that psychedelics may be associated with both the intensification and resolution of spiritual conflict, depending on individual differences and the nature of the experience.</p>
<p>The research team launched this project to better understand how psychedelic use intersects with spiritual life, especially in relation to spiritual struggles. These struggles, which involve tension or conflict related to beliefs about what is sacred, have been linked to both psychological distress and long-term spiritual transformation. While previous studies have focused on the therapeutic potential of psychedelics and their association with mystical experiences, little attention had been given to their potential to provoke or alleviate spiritual turmoil.</p>
<p>“Psychedelics have become increasingly popular both from a research and clinical perspective,” said study author William Schutt, a PhD student in Case Western Reserve University’s Clinical Psychology program.</p>
<p>“I’ve always been interested in spirituality, and I was surprised when I wasn’t able to find much reliable information on psychedelics and spiritual struggles, despite clear relationships between psychedelics and religion/spirituality. Because these substances are becoming more widely used in clinical settings, I wanted to understand the full scope of their spiritual implications, both to help people who are struggling spiritually and to mitigate risks for those who aren’t.”</p>
<p>To address this gap, the researchers conducted three connected surveys. The first study included 574 U.S. adults who had previously used psychedelics and were asked whether these experiences had influenced any spiritual struggles. Those who said psychedelics had either caused or resolved such struggles were invited to complete one or both of two follow-up studies: one focusing on struggle resolution (260 participants) and the other on struggle causation (248 participants). Across these surveys, the researchers examined both the quantitative characteristics of the psychedelic experiences and open-ended descriptions of how these experiences impacted participants’ spiritual lives.</p>
<p>In the initial survey, participants completed measures assessing six types of spiritual struggles: divine (conflict with God), demonic (perceived attack by evil forces), doubt, moral conflict, interpersonal tension related to religion, and struggles with ultimate meaning. The researchers also gathered information on demographics, psychedelic use history, attitudes about psychedelics, substance use, and religiosity.</p>
<p>One of the main findings from this first survey was that psychedelic experiences were just as likely to be linked with the resolution of spiritual struggles as they were with the onset or worsening of those struggles. Contrary to predictions, participants reported similar levels of struggle resolution and causation overall. Among the types of struggles, ultimate meaning and doubt were the most frequently reported, whether psychedelics had helped or harmed the participant spiritually.</p>
<p>“I was surprised that past psychedelic use alleviated/helped and caused/worsened spiritual struggles a little bit, on average, with no significant difference in the extent to which psychedelics resolved/helped and caused/worsened spiritual struggles,” Schutt told PsyPost. “There’s a large body of research suggesting that psychedelics lead to spiritual growth, so it was unexpected that there weren’t significant differences here.”</p>
<p>The researchers also identified individual characteristics that made certain people more likely to report either struggle resolution or causation. Participants who were younger and more religious reported stronger effects of psychedelics on both struggle resolution and causation. Those who identified as spiritual but not religious and who held positive views about psychedelics were more likely to report struggle resolution. In contrast, participants who were Christian, had concerns about substance use or addiction, or viewed psychedelics as potentially demonic were more likely to report struggle causation.</p>
<p>The second and third studies provided a more detailed look at specific psychedelic experiences that participants associated with struggle resolution or causation. These follow-up surveys included in-depth questions about the features of the psychedelic trip, including the presence of mystical or challenging elements, and participants’ perceptions of spiritual growth and decline afterward.</p>
<p>Participants who described experiences of struggle resolution reported more mystical features—such as feelings of unity, transcendence, and connection—as well as more spiritual growth and fewer challenging experiences. They also described long-term benefits such as greater clarity, a deeper sense of purpose, and improved relationships with death, loss, or the sacred. Participants often attributed these benefits to psychological factors like gaining new perspectives, reducing stress, or letting go of control. Others described overtly spiritual interpretations, such as encountering a divine presence or receiving guidance from otherworldly realms.</p>
<p>By contrast, participants who reported that psychedelics caused or worsened their spiritual struggles described more distressing features. These included overwhelming hallucinations, terrifying entity encounters, and deepened confusion or doubt about spiritual matters. The most common reason given for struggle causation was that the psychedelic experience challenged existing religious or spiritual beliefs, leading to increased uncertainty. Other explanations included heightened emotional distress, a sense of disconnection, or being forced to confront unwanted thoughts or unresolved trauma.</p>
<p>Interestingly, many participants in both groups described mixed experiences. Some said that the same psychedelic trip both deepened their spiritual confusion and ultimately helped them grow. The researchers found that mystical and challenging elements of the experience were largely independent, meaning a trip could be spiritually transformative and distressing at the same time. Similarly, spiritual growth and decline were not opposite ends of a single continuum but could occur in parallel.</p>
<p>These results highlight the complexity of psychedelic experiences. The same substance can produce widely different outcomes depending on the user’s beliefs, expectations, psychological state, and context. The researchers suggest that psychedelics might offer new perspectives or spiritual insights for some individuals, while triggering spiritual crises in others. Experiences that feel profound and healing to one person might be disturbing or disorienting to another.</p>
<p>“The relationship between psychedelic experiences and spirituality is complicated and can differ depending on the type of spiritual struggle experienced,” Schutt explained. “For anybody considering using these substances for clinical or recreational reasons, know that psychedelics have the potential to alleviate, help, cause, or worsen spiritual struggles, leading to spiritual growth, spiritual decline, or even both! For a lot of folks, it’s not always clear how broad the spiritual implications of using these substances can be.”</p>
<p>The study has some limitations. The sample was drawn from online survey participants and was not representative of the broader population. Most respondents were White, cisgender men with relatively high levels of education, and the majority used psychedelics recreationally rather than in clinical or ceremonial contexts. The findings also relied on retrospective self-reports, which can be shaped by memory biases and personal interpretations. </p>
<p>“This study was preliminary, cross-sectional, and retrospective,” Schutt said. “Think of this as an early conceptual study to be built upon by future research.”</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, the research offers important insights into the spiritual risks and benefits of psychedelic use. As interest in psychedelic-assisted therapy continues to grow, the findings underscore the need for clinicians to assess clients’ spiritual history, struggles, and beliefs when planning treatment.</p>
<p>“I would really like this line of research to assist the development of psychedelic-assisted psychotherapy protocols, perhaps by integrating tools like the Religious and Spiritual Struggles Scale (RSS-6),” Schutt explained. “I hope that identifying common qualitative themes related to spiritual struggles and psychedelics will inform the development of more nuanced therapeutic interventions targeted at specific types of spiritual struggles.” </p>
<p>“Tailoring psychedelic-assisted psychotherapy to individual needs would help clinicians maximize potential benefits while minimizing the spiritual risks associated with psychedelic use. For example, by considering the specific nature of a client’s spiritual struggles and how factors such as religiosity, age, and psychedelic attitudes relate to psychedelic effects, clinicians can better prepare clients who are interested in psychedelic-assisted psychotherapy.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/rel0000562" target="_blank">How Psychedelic Experiences Can Cause, Worsen, or Resolve Spiritual Struggles: A Mixed-Methods Study of Psychedelic Users</a>,” was authored by William A. Schutt, Julie J. Exline, and Kathleen C. Pait.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/from-well-being-to-white-replacement-what-psychology-research-says-about-immigration/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">From well-being to white replacement: What psychology research says about immigration</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jun 11th 2025, 22:00</div>
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<p><p>Immigration is one of the most debated issues in many countries, often sparking strong opinions about its social, economic, and political consequences. But what does the research actually show? From mental health outcomes to attitudes shaped by uncertainty, from the role of high-skilled migrants in entrepreneurship to the psychological roots of conspiracy theories, these seven recent studies offer a data-driven look at the complex realities of immigration and its impact on both immigrants and host societies.</p>
<h3><a href="https://www.psypost.org/immigrants-are-less-likely-than-us-born-individuals-to-experience-mental-disorders/"><strong>1. Immigrants in the United States experience fewer psychiatric disorders than U.S.-born individuals</strong></a></h3>
<p>A large-scale study published in <em>Psychiatry Research</em> found that immigrants in the United States are significantly less likely than native-born individuals to experience anxiety, depression, or trauma-related disorders. The research analyzed data from over 36,000 adults using the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions. Even after controlling for key demographic and family mental health factors, the findings consistently supported the “healthy migrant hypothesis”—the idea that people who choose to migrate are typically more physically and psychologically resilient than those who do not. This pattern echoes previous findings in areas like substance use and obesity.</p>
<p>The protective effect was strongest for those who migrated after age 12 and held across immigrants from Africa, Asia, Europe, and Latin America. However, people who arrived as children resembled U.S.-born individuals in terms of mental health risk. Researchers believe that early acculturation to American norms—and increased exposure to discrimination or stressors in childhood—may play a role in this convergence. Overall, the study adds to growing evidence that immigrants tend to experience better mental health and behavioral outcomes than native-born Americans.</p>
<h3><a href="https://www.psypost.org/uncertainty-about-immigration-intensifies-nationalist-sentiments/"><strong>2. Uncertainty about immigration fosters nationalist attitudes in Portugal</strong></a></h3>
<p>A study published in the <em>Journal of Social and Political Psychology</em> examined how uncertainty about immigration shapes nationalist attitudes among Portuguese citizens. The research found that when people feel unsure about the effects of immigration, they are more likely to perceive immigrants as a threat to national resources and culture. These perceived threats were linked to stronger nationalist beliefs and support for stricter immigration policies.</p>
<p>Across two studies, participants who experienced uncertainty—either naturally or through experimental manipulation—were more likely to endorse economic concerns about immigration, such as job competition or pressure on public services. These realistic threats were more influential than symbolic threats related to cultural identity. The findings suggest that in Portugal, a country marked by economic hardship and recent political shifts, feelings of uncertainty may drive nationalist sentiment more through material concerns than through cultural fears. The researchers called for further cross-national studies to examine whether these patterns hold in other countries with different immigration histories.</p>
<h3><a href="https://www.psypost.org/low-cognitive-ability-intensifies-the-link-between-social-media-use-and-anti-immigrant-attitudes/"><strong>3. Social media amplifies anti-immigrant emotions, especially among people with lower cognitive ability</strong></a></h3>
<p>New research published in <em>Frontiers in Psychology</em> found that social media use contributes to negative emotions toward immigrants, particularly among individuals with lower cognitive ability. In an analysis of over 86,000 posts from Singapore-based platforms like Facebook and Reddit, researchers found that discussions about immigrants were significantly more negative in tone than other topics. These posts often centered on economic and cultural threats, such as job loss or perceived erosion of local identity.</p>
<p>In a follow-up survey of over 1,000 Singaporeans, the researchers confirmed that frequent social media users who perceived immigrants as threats reported more anger, fear, and other negative emotions. Importantly, individuals with lower cognitive ability were more susceptible to these emotional reactions, suggesting they may be more influenced by simplistic or emotionally charged narratives. Those with higher cognitive ability were less likely to be swayed, possibly due to greater resistance to misinformation or biased content. The findings highlight the role of cognitive capacity in shaping susceptibility to online prejudice.</p>
<h3><a href="https://www.psypost.org/trumps-immigration-crackdown-didnt-lower-immigrant-crime-rates/"><strong>4. Stricter immigration enforcement under Trump did not significantly affect immigrant crime rates</strong></a></h3>
<p>A study published in <em>Crime & Delinquency</em> challenges the belief that tougher immigration policies lead to lower immigrant crime rates. Researchers analyzed arrest data from California and Texas—states with very different immigration policies—between 2015 and 2018, spanning the early years of the Trump administration. Despite heightened enforcement efforts, the study found no significant changes in arrest patterns among immigrants in either state.</p>
<p>Immigrants consistently had lower arrest rates than non-immigrants across most crime categories, particularly violent offenses. While some minor decreases were observed in traffic and property offenses in Texas, these mirrored similar trends among non-immigrants and likely reflected broader societal shifts rather than policy effects. The researchers concluded that Trump-era immigration policies did not meaningfully alter immigrant crime rates and that sanctuary policies in California did not lead to increased crime. These findings contribute to a growing body of research suggesting that immigrants are not a significant driver of crime and that punitive immigration policies may have limited public safety benefits.</p>
<h3><a href="https://www.psypost.org/high-skilled-immigration-fuels-regional-entrepreneurship-study-suggests/"><strong>5. High-skilled immigration boosts regional entrepreneurship in the United States</strong></a></h3>
<p>A study published in <em>Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences</em> found that an influx of high-skilled immigrants, particularly those on H-1B visas, is linked to increased entrepreneurship in U.S. metropolitan areas. The researchers found that doubling the number of newly arrived H-1B visa holders in a region was associated with a 6% increase in new business formation within three years. This effect persisted even after accounting for startup quality and other economic factors.</p>
<p>Interestingly, the positive impact was limited to new high-skilled immigrants, not those already residing in the United States or those on low-skilled visas like H-2B. The effect was especially strong in regions with immigrant enclaves and in industries with large, established firms, suggesting that social networks and workplace knowledge transfer play important roles. While the study did not directly measure how knowledge is shared, the findings support the idea that high-skilled immigrants contribute to the broader entrepreneurial ecosystem, even if they are not founding businesses themselves.</p>
<h3><a href="https://www.psypost.org/belief-in-white-replacement-conspiracy-linked-to-anti-social-traits-and-violence-risk/"><strong>6. One-third of Americans believe in the White Replacement conspiracy theory, and it’s linked to antisocial and authoritarian traits</strong></a></h3>
<p>A nationally representative study published in <em>Politics, Groups, and Identities</em> found that about one-third of Americans endorse some version of the White Replacement conspiracy theory—the belief that white Americans are being systematically replaced by immigrants through deliberate policies. Surprisingly, these beliefs were not strongly tied to political party or ideology. Instead, they were more closely associated with psychological traits such as antisocial tendencies, authoritarianism, and generalized distrust of the political establishment.</p>
<p>The study found that believers in the conspiracy theory were more likely to report negative views toward immigrants, minorities, and women, and to engage in behaviors such as sharing misinformation or expressing openness to political violence. Individuals with higher consumption of fringe media were especially likely to hold these beliefs. The findings suggest that White Replacement thinking is fueled more by deep-seated personality traits and alienation than by conventional political divides. The researchers emphasized the need for more research into the origins and behavioral consequences of these beliefs, particularly in light of their connection to real-world violence.</p>
<h3><a href="https://www.psypost.org/beliefs-about-demographic-replacement-strongly-linked-to-support-for-political-violence/"><strong>7. Replacement thinking and perceived status threat increase support for political violence among white Americans</strong></a></h3>
<p>A follow-up study published in <em>Preventive Medicine Reports</em> explored how belief in White Replacement and feelings of social or economic disadvantage relate to support for political violence. Using data from nearly 6,000 white Americans, researchers found that those who agreed with replacement-related beliefs were more than twice as likely to justify political violence. Status threats—such as low income, limited education, and perceived racial isolation—were also linked to higher support for violence, independently of replacement beliefs.</p>
<p>Interestingly, white individuals living in either predominantly white or predominantly non-white neighborhoods were more likely to endorse political violence than those in racially mixed areas, pointing to a U-shaped relationship. Gender also played a role: men with low income and women in non-white neighborhoods were especially prone to supporting violence. The findings suggest that both ideological beliefs and contextual social conditions—like perceived loss of dominance or isolation—can interact to increase political radicalization. While cross-sectional, the study adds to concerns about the societal impacts of replacement narratives and social alienation.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/do-shifts-in-personality-traits-influence-how-long-you-will-live/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Do shifts in personality traits influence how long you will live?</a>
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<p><p>Personality traits such as being conscientious, outgoing, and agreeable have long been linked to a longer life, while higher levels of emotional instability are associated with earlier death. But do changes in these traits over time influence longevity too? A new study published in the <em><a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-67239-001?doi=1" target="_blank">Journal of Personality and Social Psychology</a></em> suggests the answer is: probably not. While stable personality traits were consistently associated with mortality risk, the researchers found little evidence that changes in personality during midlife and older adulthood significantly predict how long someone will live.</p>
<p>The idea that personality influences health and lifespan is not new. Past research has shown that people who are conscientious, extraverted, and agreeable tend to live longer, possibly due to healthier lifestyles, stronger social ties, and better stress management. Likewise, those with high levels of neuroticism—marked by frequent negative emotions—are more likely to die sooner. But while these links are well-established, researchers know far less about whether changes in personality matter for longevity.</p>
<p>Personality traits can shift over time, especially in midlife and old age. Some people become more conscientious or less neurotic, while others may go in the opposite direction. These shifts could reflect how well people adapt to life’s challenges, such as retirement, illness, or loss. Alternatively, changes in personality might signal underlying problems like poor health or social isolation. Either way, the researchers wanted to know: Does the direction or degree of personality change help predict who will live longer?</p>
<p>To answer this question, a large international team of researchers led by Emily Willroth analyzed data from 11 long-term studies that tracked middle-aged and older adults over many years. Altogether, the study included 32,348 participants ranging in age from about 47 to over 80 years at the start of the study. The studies spanned countries such as the United States, Sweden, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom.</p>
<p>Each participant completed personality questionnaires on at least two occasions, with some followed for as long as 43 years and assessed up to 11 times. These questionnaires measured the five major dimensions of personality: conscientiousness, neuroticism, extraversion, agreeableness, and openness to experience. The researchers used these repeated assessments to model how each person’s traits changed over time.</p>
<p>To assess whether these personality traits—or changes in them—predicted mortality, the researchers used statistical models that estimated the likelihood of death based on both trait levels and changes, while adjusting for age, gender, and education. They also used national death records and other verified sources to track whether and when participants died.</p>
<p>The results reaffirmed what previous studies have shown: baseline personality traits matter. People who were more conscientious, agreeable, and extraverted tended to live longer, while those with higher levels of neuroticism were more likely to die sooner. These associations held even after accounting for demographic factors.</p>
<p>Specifically, each standard deviation increase in conscientiousness was associated with an 18% lower risk of death. Higher levels of agreeableness and extraversion were linked to 11% and 7% lower risks, respectively. In contrast, each standard deviation increase in neuroticism was linked to a 12% higher risk of death. These findings are consistent with the idea that people who are organized, responsible, emotionally stable, and socially engaged tend to maintain healthier habits and relationships, which may support longevity.</p>
<p>However, the story was different when it came to changes in personality traits over time. The researchers found very limited evidence that increases or decreases in these traits had any consistent impact on mortality risk. While a few isolated findings emerged—such as increases in neuroticism being linked to higher mortality risk in one sample, and increases in extraversion or openness linked to lower mortality in others—these effects did not replicate across studies.</p>
<p>Even when the researchers tested whether the combination of trait level and change (for example, being highly conscientious and becoming more so over time) made a difference, they found no reliable patterns. Most interactions between trait level and change were statistically insignificant.</p>
<p>These findings suggest that while who you are matters for your lifespan, how much you change may not. That is, stable personality traits like being dependable and emotionally steady seem to provide a consistent advantage when it comes to longevity. On the other hand, natural personality changes that occur during adulthood may not be strong enough or consistent enough to affect survival in a measurable way.</p>
<p>There are several possible explanations for these results. One is that many health behaviors are shaped early in life and remain relatively stable, so even if a person becomes more conscientious in later years, they might not change their habits enough to impact longevity. Another possibility is that personality changes may be responses to life events—like illness or bereavement—that themselves influence mortality. In this case, personality change might be a marker of vulnerability rather than a cause.</p>
<p>The timing and pace of personality change may also matter. In this study, personality was typically assessed every few years, which may not capture the full dynamics of how traits shift over time. More frequent assessments could reveal different patterns, especially if personality change unfolds unevenly or in response to short-term stressors.</p>
<p>The study is one of the largest and most comprehensive examinations of personality change and mortality to date. It draws from diverse populations, uses data collected over decades, and applies robust statistical techniques. Still, the authors acknowledge several limitations.</p>
<p>First, not all studies included the same personality traits or used the same measurement tools, which could introduce inconsistencies. Second, the number of times personality was assessed varied across samples, and for some participants, the follow-up period may not have been long enough for personality changes to influence mortality. Third, the researchers focused primarily on linear changes—steadily increasing or decreasing traits—without examining more complex patterns of change.</p>
<p>Future research could explore whether sudden or nonlinear shifts in personality are more predictive of health outcomes. It may also be worth investigating whether changes in specific combinations of traits—such as becoming both more neurotic and less conscientious—signal greater health risks. Another promising direction is to study how changes in behavior, social networks, or stress coping relate to personality shifts and mortality.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/pspp0000531" target="_blank">Associations of Personality Trait Level and Change With Mortality Risk in 11 Longitudinal Studies</a>,” was authored by Emily C. Willroth, Emorie Beck, Tomiko B. Yoneda, Christopher R. Beam, Ian J. Deary, Johanna Drewelies, Denis Gerstorf, Martijn Huisman, Mindy J. Katz, Richard B. Lipton, Graciela Muniz Tererra, Nancy L. Pedersen, Chandra A. Reynolds, Avron Spiro III, Nicholas A. Turiano, Sherry Willis, Daniel K. Mroczek, and Eileen K. Graham.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-neuroscience-study-reveals-sex-specific-brain-responses-to-threat/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New neuroscience study reveals sex-specific brain responses to threat</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jun 11th 2025, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41593-024-01748-7" target="_blank">Nature Neuroscience</a></em> has found that male and female mice rely on different brain circuits to process threatening situations, even though they behave in much the same way. While both sexes learned to associate specific cues with danger and showed comparable defensive reactions, the brain pathways they used to make those associations were strikingly different. This finding challenges long-standing assumptions in neuroscience that similar behavior implies similar brain function, and it highlights the importance of including both sexes in brain research to ensure that results are broadly applicable.</p>
<p>The study, led by Rosemary Bagot at McGill University, was designed to address a persistent gap in neuroscience: the underrepresentation of females in experimental research. Historically, male animals have been used as the default subjects in many studies under the assumption that findings would apply universally. But mounting evidence suggests that males and females often exhibit different patterns of brain activity, especially when it comes to processing emotions and stress. Understanding these differences is critical for developing treatments for mental health conditions like anxiety and depression, which frequently affect women and men in different ways.</p>
<p>To investigate how the brains of male and female mice process threatening versus non-threatening signals, the researchers focused on two key brain pathways. Both pathways originate in brain regions known to regulate emotion and decision-making: the medial prefrontal cortex and the ventral hippocampus. These areas send information to a brain region called the nucleus accumbens, which plays a central role in integrating signals related to both reward and threat. Previous research has shown that these connections help balance fear and motivation, but how they function in females has remained largely unexplored.</p>
<p>The study used a variety of advanced techniques to examine brain activity in both sexes. In one part of the experiment, 17 mice (eight males and nine females) underwent a form of Pavlovian conditioning, where one cue (such as a tone or light) signaled an upcoming mild footshock, while another cue predicted no shock. Over time, mice learned to freeze—a common fear response—when the threat-predicting cue appeared. Researchers used fiber photometry to record real-time changes in calcium levels in specific brain cells, a proxy for neural activity. The recordings targeted pathways from the prefrontal cortex and hippocampus to the nucleus accumbens.</p>
<p>In parallel experiments, the researchers used a method called chemogenetics to selectively inhibit activity in these pathways. Mice received injections of designer receptors that could be activated by a drug, allowing researchers to temporarily shut down either the prefrontal-to-accumbens or hippocampus-to-accumbens connections. This allowed them to observe how silencing each pathway affected behavior in both male and female mice. A total of 90 mice participated in these chemogenetic experiments, with roughly equal numbers of males and females.</p>
<p>Across several days of conditioning, both sexes learned to distinguish between the threatening and neutral cues. They froze more during the threat cue and resumed normal behavior during the safe one. But when the researchers analyzed the brain recordings, they discovered that the pathways responsible for learning this discrimination differed by sex. In male mice, activity in the pathway connecting the hippocampus to the nucleus accumbens was most involved in distinguishing between threat and safety. In female mice, however, the prefrontal cortex–to–accumbens pathway carried this information instead.</p>
<p>To confirm this, the team used a machine learning classifier trained to predict whether a mouse was hearing the threat or safe cue based on its brain activity. In males, only activity from the hippocampal pathway predicted the correct cue, while in females, only the prefrontal pathway did. This showed that the two sexes relied on distinct brain circuits to solve the same learning problem.</p>
<p>Interestingly, these neural differences did not correspond to major differences in basic freezing behavior, which remained similar between the sexes. But when the researchers added a reward-based task, new sex differences emerged. Mice were trained to press a lever to receive a sweet treat. Then, during testing, the threat and safety cues were reintroduced. Mice were expected to reduce their lever pressing during the threat cue but continue pressing during the safe cue.</p>
<p>Here, the researchers found that disabling the hippocampal pathway disrupted the males’ ability to suppress reward-seeking during threat cues, while disabling the prefrontal pathway did the same in females. Not only did this impair their discrimination between threat and safety, but it also revealed that the circuits governing how threat cues affect motivated behavior are not the same in males and females. In female mice, shutting down the prefrontal pathway led to more generalized fear, with some mice failing to press the lever at all. But in males, shutting down this pathway had no such effect, suggesting they did not rely on it for discriminating threat from safety in the same context.</p>
<p>To determine whether these behavioral effects were caused by differences in brain wiring, the researchers examined how the prefrontal and hippocampal pathways connect to neurons in the nucleus accumbens in both sexes. They used optogenetics and brain slice electrophysiology to measure how strongly these inputs excited or inhibited their target neurons. The results showed no significant differences in the strength or balance of these connections between males and females. This suggests that the observed sex differences arise not from structural differences in the brain, but from how similarly connected circuits are recruited during learning.</p>
<p>Another surprising finding involved the synchrony between the two pathways. By analyzing the timing of neural activity in both circuits, the researchers found that threat cues tended to reduce synchrony between the hippocampal and prefrontal inputs to the nucleus accumbens. This effect was more pronounced and lasted longer in females. Conversely, safety cues increased synchrony in females, but not in males. These patterns suggest that female brains may be more attuned to detecting and signaling safety, perhaps as a behavioral strategy to avoid excessive threat generalization.</p>
<p>This research highlights that even when behavior appears the same, the brain may be working in very different ways depending on sex. These findings could help explain why some psychiatric disorders, such as anxiety and depression, show sex-specific patterns in how they develop and how they respond to treatment. Because the pathways involved in this study are also sensitive to chronic stress, the work may also inform future research into how long-term stress differentially affects men and women at the neural level.</p>
<p>The study does have some limitations. It focused only on mice, so it’s unclear how directly the results apply to humans. While rodents are a useful model for basic neuroscience, human brains are far more complex, and social and hormonal influences differ significantly. The sample sizes were also relatively small, which is typical for studies involving invasive neural recording, but it limits generalizability. Finally, the study examined only two brain pathways; other circuits may also contribute to threat processing in sex-specific ways.</p>
<p>Future research could explore how these pathways interact with hormonal changes across the lifespan, such as during puberty or after pregnancy, and whether similar sex-specific circuit recruitment occurs in humans. Longitudinal studies might also reveal whether stress or trauma alters how these circuits function over time.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41593-024-01748-7" target="_blank">Sex-biased neural encoding of threat discrimination in nucleus accumbens afferents drives suppression of reward behavior</a>,” was authored by Jessie Muir, Eshaan S. Iyer, Yiu-Chung Tse, Julian Sorensen, Serena Wu, Rand S. Eid, Vedrana Cvetkovska, Karen Wassef, Sarah Gostlin, Peter Vitaro, Nick J. Spencer, and Rosemary C. Bagot.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/bidirectional-link-uncovered-between-self-compassion-and-psychological-richness/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Bidirectional link uncovered between self-compassion and psychological richness</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jun 11th 2025, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A 3-month longitudinal study in China found that self-compassion is associated with psychological richness. This relationship may be bidirectional, with the two traits reinforcing each other. The research was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/aphw.12607"><em>Applied Psychology: Health and Well-being</em></a>.</p>
<p>Self-compassion is the practice of treating oneself with kindness, understanding, and support during times of failure or distress. It involves being mindful of one’s suffering, recognizing that imperfection is part of the shared human experience, and avoiding harsh self-criticism. Research shows that self-compassion is linked to greater emotional resilience, lower levels of anxiety and depression, and improved well-being. It can be cultivated through mindfulness practices and therapeutic interventions.</p>
<p>Psychological richness refers to a dimension of well-being characterized by having varied, interesting, and perspective-changing experiences. Unlike happiness or meaning, psychological richness emphasizes curiosity, novelty, and complexity in life. People with psychologically rich lives tend to travel, seek intellectual challenges, and pursue situations that broaden their worldview. This concept suggests that even difficult or disruptive experiences can contribute to a fulfilling life if they lead to growth and insight.</p>
<p>Study author Yuening Liu and her colleagues sought to investigate the nature and direction of the relationship between self-compassion and psychological richness in a group of Chinese college students. In other words, they wanted to determine whether self-compassion increases psychological richness or whether psychological richness increases self-compassion. They note that studying this group is particularly important, as previous research suggests that college students may have lower psychological richness than the general population in China.</p>
<p>The study included 237 college students recruited through advertisements at a university in China. Their average age was 21 years, and 215 of them (over 90%) were women.</p>
<p>Participants completed a survey that assessed self-compassion (using a shortened version of the Self-Compassion Scale) and psychological richness (using the Psychological Richness Questionnaire). Three months later, they completed the same survey again.</p>
<p>Results showed that psychological richness and self-compassion were positively associated—both at the same time point and across time. That is, higher self-compassion at the first time point predicted greater psychological richness three months later, and higher psychological richness also predicted greater self-compassion over time.</p>
<p>Both self-compassion and psychological richness were associated with their own values three months later, though this association was stronger for psychological richness. This suggests that psychological richness may be more stable over time than self-compassion.</p>
<p>The analysis of cross-lagged associations did not clearly indicate that one trait was the sole cause of the other. Instead, the findings support a bidirectional relationship—self-compassion may promote future psychological richness, and psychological richness may, in turn, promote future self-compassion.</p>
<p>“Our findings suggest that over time, self-compassion predicts psychological richness, and psychological richness predicts self-compassion, which supports the bidirectional relationship between self-compassion and psychological richness in Chinese college students,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study sheds light on the interplay between psychological richness and self-compassion. However, it is worth noting that all participants were Chinese college students, and over 90% were women. Results may not generalize to men or other demographic groups.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/aphw.12607">Bidirectional relationship between self-compassion and psychological richness: A two-wave longitudinal study</a>,” was authored by Yuening Liu, Xiaoni Yang, Yifan Liu, Cangpi Wei, Jingjing Zhao, and Feng Kong.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/tiktok-edits-can-reshape-how-voters-see-politicians-study-suggests/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">TikTok “edits” can reshape how voters see politicians, study suggests</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jun 11th 2025, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/20563051251329990" target="_blank">Social Media + Society</a></em> finds that highly stylized TikTok videos, known as “edits,” can alter how people perceive political figures. Specifically, videos portraying politicians as physically attractive or “badass” increased ratings of their attractiveness and, in some cases, improved their favorability among viewers. These effects were particularly strong for Donald Trump.</p>
<p>The researchers set out to understand the political implications of a fast-growing but underexplored form of online media: TikTok “edits.” These are short videos, created by splicing together clips of well-known public figures, usually set to dramatic music and enhanced with filters and visual effects. Unlike traditional political messaging, which emphasizes policy positions or personal credibility, these videos aim to evoke emotion and aesthetic appeal.</p>
<p>“TikTok users are constantly producing new types of media that social scientists don’t have much context for understanding. I came across TikTok ‘edits’ in a video essay by journalist Jules Terpak, and figured that this was potentially important for how politics operates on video-based platforms,” said study author <a href="https://kevinmunger.substack.com/" target="_blank">Kevin Munger</a>, an assistant professor and the Chair of Computational Social Science at the European University Institute in Florence and author of <em><a href="https://amzn.to/4kXC0dJ" target="_blank">The YouTube Apparatus</a></em>.</p>
<p>The researchers conducted a large-scale online experiment in June 2024, just before Joe Biden withdrew from the presidential race. They recruited 2,807 participants through Prolific, a platform commonly used for behavioral and social science research. After screening for attentiveness, the final sample included 2,303 U.S. adults whose demographic composition matched the national population in terms of age, gender, and race.</p>
<p>Participants were randomly assigned to either a control group or a treatment group. The control group watched three non-political TikTok edits, featuring popular celebrities like Ana de Armas and Cristiano Ronaldo. The treatment group, by contrast, viewed three political edits: one featuring Robert F. Kennedy Jr., one featuring Donald Trump, and one featuring Joe Biden. These political edits fell into two genres that emerged during the researchers’ review of popular TikTok content: “thirst trap” edits, which presented the politician as physically attractive and charming, and “badass” edits, which portrayed them as powerful and intimidating.</p>
<p>Each participant in the treatment group saw one Trump edit, one Biden edit, and the same RFK edit (a shirtless gym video). By randomizing which edit of Trump and Biden each participant viewed, the researchers could isolate the effects of the edit type (thirst trap or badass) on perceptions of attractiveness and overall favorability.</p>
<p>The videos were selected from TikTok’s most popular “edit” content using search terms like “Biden edit” and “Trump edit.” The team chose the highest-performing examples of each genre based on view counts and subjective quality. Though this approach introduced variation in video length and production quality, it allowed the experiment to reflect the actual content circulating online.</p>
<p>After viewing the videos, participants rated the politicians on two measures: physical attractiveness and general favorability, the latter assessed using a standard 100-point “feeling thermometer” scale. The researchers also collected demographic information, including political affiliation, age, gender, and social media use.</p>
<p>The researchers found that all four political edits caused statistically significant increases in perceived attractiveness. For Biden, the thirst trap edit had a particularly strong effect, boosting attractiveness ratings by about 0.35 points on a five-point scale—roughly 250% more than the increase from the badass edit. For Trump, both edits had similar effects, increasing attractiveness by about 0.18 to 0.20 points.</p>
<p>However, when it came to favorability, the differences were more pronounced. Both of Trump’s edits led to meaningful increases in his overall favorability, with the badass edit producing a larger effect (3.1 points) than the thirst trap (2.2 points). In contrast, neither of Biden’s edits had any significant effect on how participants evaluated him overall. In fact, the point estimate for the Biden badass edit was slightly negative, though not statistically significant.</p>
<p>This difference in impact between Trump and Biden prompted the researchers to consider a possible explanation: video quality. Although both sets of edits were selected from among the most popular available on TikTok, the Trump edits were judged to be more compelling, both in terms of production value and viewer engagement. Since the study was not designed to control for quality, it’s difficult to separate the effect of video content from the way it was produced and presented. The researchers argue that this mirrors the real world, where content quality is uneven and high-quality videos are more likely to go viral.</p>
<p>Interestingly, the effects of the edits were not strongly influenced by the viewers’ political leanings, gender, age, or TikTok use. While partisanship did shape baseline ratings—Republicans rated Trump as more attractive and Democrats rated Biden more favorably—the changes caused by the videos were fairly consistent across groups. This suggests that even viewers who do not align politically with a candidate might be swayed by a compelling video edit.</p>
<p>“Politics on short-form video isn’t really about <em>facticity</em> — it would be meaningless to call these ‘edits’ either true or false,” Munger told PsyPost. “We’re used to thinking about ‘truth’ or ‘misinformation’ on social media, but this isn’t the only factor for understanding what consuming this content does to political opinions. The point is portray a given politician in an aesthetically appealing way — and this makes the physical appearance of the politician more important. ”</p>
<p>The authors caution that their research is exploratory and based on a specific set of videos that may not generalize to all forms of short-form political content. Future studies could improve control by producing edits in-house, varying only the specific elements of interest such as filters, music, or pacing. They also highlight the need to better understand the creators of these videos—many of whom appear to be hobbyists more interested in making eye-catching content than in promoting a political agenda.</p>
<p>“This is a first effort at studying the phenomenon of TikTok ‘edits,'” Munger said. “I used an online convenience sample to recruit my subjects. Also, the set of politicians being studied included only white men; it’s very possible that the results would be different if there had been non-white politicians or women who were running for office when I ran the study.”</p>
<p>“I’d like to better understand the incentives of the people making these edits. They mostly seemed to be hobbyists rather than political activists, just trying to produce the coolest videos they could. What happens when political campaigns begin to understand the power of these edits and try to make them themselves? Is this the beginning of a ‘post-influencer’ era in short-form video, where content is remixed and edited rather than created from scratch?”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/20563051251329990" target="_blank">Thirst Traps and Quick Cuts: The Effects of TikTok ‘Edits’ on Evaluations of Politicians</a>,” was authored by Kevin Munger and Valerie Li.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/mega-study-shows-exercise-boosts-cognitive-functioning-across-all-ages-and-health-conditions/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Mega-study shows exercise boosts cognitive functioning across all ages and health conditions</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jun 11th 2025, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A sweeping new analysis has confirmed what scientists have long suspected: regular exercise improves cognitive function—not just in healthy adults, but across all age groups and health statuses. Drawing on data from more than 2,700 clinical trials, this umbrella review found that physical activity leads to small-to-moderate improvements in memory, executive function, and overall thinking ability. The study, published in the <em><a href="https://bjsm.bmj.com/content/59/12/866" target="_blank">British Journal of Sports Medicine</a></em>, is the most comprehensive of its kind to date and provides strong support for exercise as a broadly accessible tool to enhance brain health.</p>
<p>The researchers launched this project to address growing questions about how exercise impacts mental performance, especially in different populations. While hundreds of studies have explored the relationship between physical activity and cognitive health, many were limited to specific groups—such as children, older adults, or people with conditions like dementia or depression. </p>
<p>Past reviews often focused narrowly on certain types of exercise, such as aerobic activity or yoga, and sometimes yielded mixed or contradictory results. The authors of the current study wanted to create a more complete picture by pulling together and reanalyzing the findings of all high-quality systematic reviews and meta-analyses on the topic, regardless of population or exercise type.</p>
<p>“There’s been an explosion of research in recent years looking at how exercise affects the brain, but most studies focus on a single age group or population,” said lead author <a href="https://people.unisa.edu.au/ben.singh" target="_blank">Ben Singh</a>, a research fellow in health at the University of South Australia. “We wanted to provide a comprehensive synthesis of all available evidence to understand whether exercise can enhance cognitive function, memory, and executive skills across all ages and health statuses — from children to older adults, and from healthy individuals to those with clinical conditions like ADHD or dementia.”</p>
<p>The team conducted what’s known as an umbrella review—essentially a review of reviews. They searched 11 major databases and identified 133 systematic reviews that met their criteria. Together, these reviews covered 2,724 individual randomized controlled trials and included data from over 258,000 participants. The age range of participants spanned from about 7 to 89 years old, and the populations represented included healthy individuals, people with cognitive impairments, and those living with clinical conditions such as depression, stroke, or neurological disorders.</p>
<p>The types of exercise interventions were broad and diverse. Most reviews examined mixed-mode exercise programs, which combine various forms of activity, but others focused specifically on aerobic workouts, resistance training, dance, yoga, Tai Chi, or so-called exergames—video games that require physical movement. To be included, each intervention had to last at least four weeks, and more than 75% of the component trials in each review had to focus solely on exercise (not combined with other treatments).</p>
<p>The researchers evaluated the effects of exercise on three cognitive domains: general cognition (overall thinking and mental processing), memory, and executive function (skills like attention, planning, and self-control). They used a statistical method to calculate standardized mean differences, which allow comparison of results across different tests and studies. They also examined whether factors like age, exercise intensity, and intervention duration influenced outcomes.</p>
<p>The results were consistent and encouraging. Exercise had a small-to-moderate positive effect on general cognitio, memory, and executive function. Subgroup analyses revealed some interesting nuances. For example, children and adolescents showed greater improvements in memory and executive function than adults or older adults. People with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) experienced the largest gains in executive function.</p>
<p>“The strongest improvements in executive function were seen in individuals with ADHD, suggesting that exercise could be a particularly valuable intervention for improving focus and self-control in this group,” Singh told PsyPost.</p>
<p>The mode and duration of exercise also mattered. Interventions involving exergames produced the largest improvements in general cognition and memory. These games combine physical movement with mental challenges, such as following sequences, solving puzzles, or reacting to changing stimuli. Mind-body exercises like yoga and Tai Chi were especially effective for boosting memory, possibly because they demand both physical coordination and mental focus.</p>
<p>“We were surprised to find that activities like yoga and dance — which blend physical movement with mental focus, rhythm, and coordination — were among the most effective for improving both memory and overall cognitive function,” Singh said.</p>
<p>Interestingly, the largest cognitive benefits occurred in interventions that lasted just one to three months. This may reflect better adherence, novelty effects, or higher-quality comparisons to control groups in short-term studies.</p>
<p>“Shorter interventions often produced greater cognitive benefits than longer ones,” Singh told PsyPost. “That might be due to higher motivation or better adherence in the short term.”</p>
<p>The intensity of exercise appeared to have less impact on outcomes. Low- and moderate-intensity activities were just as effective—if not more so—than high-intensity workouts. This suggests that cognitive benefits can be achieved through relatively gentle forms of movement, which is especially relevant for populations with physical limitations or those new to exercise. These findings also reinforce the idea that the mental engagement required by some low-intensity exercises may play a key role in improving brain function, independent of physical exertion.</p>
<p>“Even light or moderate exercise can meaningfully improve brain function — including memory, focus, and decision-making — and these benefits apply to everyone,” Singh explained. “You don’t have to be an athlete or do intense workouts to experience cognitive gains. Activities like walking, yoga, dance, or even active video games can boost mental sharpness.”</p>
<p>Despite the overall positive findings, the study did identify some limitations. A large portion of the included systematic reviews were rated as low or critically low in quality, mostly because they failed to report key details such as funding sources or reasons for excluding certain studies. However, the research team conducted multiple sensitivity analyses and found that removing low-quality reviews did not significantly change the direction or significance of the results. </p>
<p>Another limitation was the variety of cognitive tests used across studies. Some tools, such as the Mini-Mental State Examination or the Montreal Cognitive Assessment, are designed to detect cognitive decline and may not be sensitive enough to detect subtle improvements in healthy individuals.</p>
<p>“The quality of the underlying reviews was mixed, with many rated as low in methodological quality,” Singh noted. “That doesn’t necessarily mean the original trials were poor, but it does highlight a need for more rigorously conducted reviews going forward. Also, some cognitive tests used in studies aren’t sensitive enough to detect subtle improvements in healthy adults, which may underestimate exercise’s full impact.”</p>
<p>The authors also noted a gap in the literature regarding healthy middle-aged adults. Most studies focused on children, older adults, or clinical populations, leaving a relative lack of data on whether exercise can enhance cognition in people in their 30s, 40s, or 50s. Future research should address this gap using more sensitive cognitive assessments that can detect small changes in mental performance.</p>
<p>Another question raised by the findings is whether the cognitive benefits of exercise come mainly from the physical activity itself or from the mental engagement involved in certain types of exercise. Activities like dance, yoga, and exergaming not only get the body moving but also challenge the brain through memory, coordination, and focus. Disentangling these elements in future studies could help identify the most effective forms of exercise for specific cognitive goals.</p>
<p>“We’re keen to dig deeper into what types of exercise work best for different people — for example, does dance help more with memory in older adults, or do active video games boost focus in kids?” Singh explained. “We also want to investigate how much of the benefit comes from the physical activity itself versus the cognitive engagement involved in activities like yoga or exergaming.”</p>
<p>“One important takeaway is that exercise is an accessible, non-pharmacological way to support brain health. With aging populations and rising mental health concerns, encouraging physical activity may be one of the most scalable tools we have to preserve and improve cognitive functioning across society.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1136/bjsports-2024-108589" target="_blank">Effectiveness of exercise for improving cognition, memory and executive function: a systematic umbrella review and meta-meta-analysis</a>,” was authored by Ben Singh, Hunter Bennett, Aaron Miatke, Dorothea Dumuid, Rachel Curtis, Ty Ferguson, Jacinta Brinsley, Kimberley Szeto, Jasmine M. Petersen, Claire Gough, Emily Eglitis, Catherine E.M. Simpson, Christina L. Ekegren, Ashleigh E. Smith, Kirk I. Erickson, and Carol Maher.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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