<table style="border:1px solid #adadad; background-color: #F3F1EC; color: #666666; padding:8px; -webkit-border-radius:4px; border-radius:4px; -moz-border-radius:4px; line-height:16px; margin-bottom:6px;" width="100%">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News Daily Digest (Unofficial)</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td> </td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<table style="font:13px Helvetica, sans-serif; border-radius:4px; -moz-border-radius:4px; -webkit-border-radius:4px; background-color:#fff; padding:8px; margin-bottom:6px; border:1px solid #adadad;" width="100%">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/trump-assassination-attempt-lowered-republican-support-for-violence-and-boosted-party-unity/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Trump assassination attempt lowered Republican support for violence and boosted party unity</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 17th 2025, 08:00</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; color:#494949;text-align:justify;font-size:13px;">
<p><p>The July 2024 attempted assassination of former President Donald Trump did not fuel a surge in support for partisan violence, according to new research published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2414689121"><em>Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences</em></a>. Instead, the findings indicate that Republicans, including those who strongly identify with former President Trump’s movement, became less inclined to back violent actions against Democrats and felt more united within their own group. In short, even an event that many feared would widen political divides appeared to have a unifying effect on Republicans without stoking extra hostility toward the opposing party.</p>
<p>The attempted assassination of former President Donald Trump sent shockwaves through the political landscape. The attempt, which mirrored past episodes of political violence such as the one involving President Ronald Reagan in 1981, was widely seen as a dangerous escalation in political conflict. Although the plot did not succeed, it raised immediate concerns about whether such extreme acts might deepen the already wide divides between political groups or even lead to further violence.</p>
<p>The researchers conducted this new study to better understand the immediate impact of the attempted assassination on public attitudes toward political violence and group loyalty. Given that political violence can have far-reaching effects, including destabilizing political institutions and deepening divisions within society, the researchers wanted to see if an event of this nature would prompt citizens to endorse violent actions against those of the opposing party.</p>
<p>“The media are full of claims that Americans are on the verge of another civil war. Immediately after the Trump assassination attempt, pundits and many academics argued that America was going to enter a spiral of violent escalation of partisan conflict. We wanted to test these claims with data,” explained study author Sean Westwood, an associate professor and director of the Polarization Research Lab at Dartmouth College.</p>
<p>To conduct their study, the researchers used data from a large, ongoing national survey conducted by YouGov, a survey research firm. The survey was in progress when the assassination attempt occurred, allowing the researchers to compare responses from before and after the event. They focused on a specific time frame: 26 days before the attempted assassination and 4 days after. During this period, they collected responses from 3,572 people before the event and 703 people after. In addition to this, they also looked at a smaller group of 345 individuals who had participated in the survey both before and after the assassination attempt. This allowed them to track changes in attitudes within the same individuals over time.</p>
<p>All survey participants were asked a standard set of questions designed to measure their political attitudes. These questions covered several areas. To measure feelings toward political parties, participants were asked to rate their feelings toward Democrats and Republicans on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 meant very unfavorable, 100 meant very favorable, and 50 meant neither favorable nor unfavorable.</p>
<p>Participants were also asked if they identified as a MAGA Republican, a Never Trumper, or neither. To assess support for democratic norms, the survey included questions about various actions that could undermine democratic principles, such as reducing polling places in areas supporting the opposing party, prioritizing party loyalty over election rules, ignoring court decisions made by judges appointed by the opposing party, and government censorship of media critical of their own party. Participants indicated their agreement or disagreement with these actions on a scale from strongly agree to strongly disagree.</p>
<p>The survey also measured support for political violence. Participants were presented with six scenarios describing different violent acts committed by a person against the opposing political party. These scenarios ranged in severity from protesting without a permit and vandalism to assault, arson, assault with a deadly weapon, and murder. For each scenario, participants were asked to indicate their level of support or opposition, from strongly support to strongly oppose.</p>
<p>Finally, to gauge perceptions of out-party violence support, participants were asked to estimate what percentage of voters from the opposing party would support a hypothetical murder of a prominent member of their own party.</p>
<p>The researchers found that among Republicans, there was a significant decrease in support for political violence in the immediate aftermath of the attempted assassination. This reduction in support was observed across multiple forms of violence, including extreme acts like murder. This decrease was even more pronounced among Republicans who identified as MAGA Republicans.</p>
<p>At the same time, Republicans did not become more hostile toward Democrats. In fact, their feelings toward their own party, the Republican party, became significantly more positive. This suggests that the event led to increased unity and stronger in-group feelings among Republicans.</p>
<p>In contrast, the researchers found no significant changes in attitudes among Democrats. Their support for political violence, their feelings toward both Democrats and Republicans, and their perceptions of out-party violence support remained largely stable.</p>
<p>The panel data analysis, which tracked the same individuals over time, confirmed these findings, strengthening the conclusion that the assassination attempt led to a decrease in support for partisan violence among Republicans and an increase in their party unity.</p>
<p>“Our results show that Americans are nearly entirely against political violence,” Westwood told PsyPost. “An event like an assassination attempt does not, counter to expectations, motivative aggrieved partisans to seek revenge but instead tempers what little support for violence exists in the public. Political violence is a problem in the United States, but concern about political violence may be overstated.”</p>
<p>However, “the major caveat is that the decrease in support for violence we observed was fleeting,” Westwood noted. “The aversion to violence we identified among Republicans did not persist.”</p>
<p>Westwood’s Polarization Research Lab, which he co-founded with Yphtach Lelkes, runs America’s Political Pulse—a real-time, interactive dashboard that tracks American attitudes toward political violence, partisan animosity, and democratic norms through weekly survey interviews.</p>
<p>“The goal of this project is to accurately track American public support for political violence and to offer a warning when public support trends upward,” Westwood explained. “People can explore the data we used in the paper (and see where America stands today) on our dashboard: <a href="https://americaspoliticalpulse.com/citizens/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">https://americaspoliticalpulse.com/citizens/</a>.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2414689121">The July 2024 Trump assassination attempt was followed by lower in-group support for partisan violence and increased group unity</a>,” was authored by Derek E. Holliday, Yphtach Lelkes, and Sean J. Westwood.</p></p>
</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:13px; text-align: center; color: #666666; padding:4px; margin-bottom:2px;"></div>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<table style="font:13px Helvetica, sans-serif; border-radius:4px; -moz-border-radius:4px; -webkit-border-radius:4px; background-color:#fff; padding:8px; margin-bottom:6px; border:1px solid #adadad;" width="100%">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/womens-bodies-are-moralized-more-than-mens-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Women’s bodies are moralized more than men’s, study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 17th 2025, 06:00</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; color:#494949;text-align:justify;font-size:13px;">
<p><p>New research published in the <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/ejsp.3136"><em>European Journal of Social Psychology</em></a> indicates that people tend to view women’s bodies through a moral lens far more often than men’s bodies. This means that when considering issues related to bodily autonomy, such as decisions about appearance or health, people are more likely to frame these as moral questions for women but not for men. This tendency to moralize women’s bodies could help explain why society often places stricter controls and judgments on women’s bodies compared to men’s.</p>
<p>For centuries, women across the globe have experienced various forms of societal control over their bodies. This control manifests in numerous ways, from dress codes and limitations on healthcare access to regulations concerning reproductive rights. It is notable that many of these rules specifically target women’s bodies and choices, while similar restrictions are either absent for men or are not discussed in the same way.</p>
<p>“My interest stemmed from the fact that we see many restrictions on women’s bodily autonomy in the world—much more so than for men,” said study author <a href="https://tmorgenr.wixsite.com/unicornlab" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Thekla Morgenroth</a>, an assistant professor of Social Psychology at Purdue University. “This includes behaviors that just don’t apply to (cisgender) men such as abortion access, but even for behaviors that could be applied to men, we see this discrepancy. For example, it’s normal for men to be topless while mowing their lawn or at the beach, but it is generally not acceptable for women to do the same. I was interested in why this was, where these restrictions are coming from.”</p>
<p>To answer this, the researchers conducted two studies in the United States. In the first study, the researchers wanted to see if body-related behaviors, more so than other types of behaviors, would be considered more of a moral issue for women compared to men. They also wanted to make sure that any differences they found weren’t just because certain behaviors are seen as less socially acceptable for women than men.</p>
<p>To conduct this study, the researchers recruited 335 participants online from the United States. Participants were asked to rate a variety of behaviors. Some of these behaviors were related to the body, such as getting a tattoo, being topless in public, or undergoing sterilization. Others were control behaviors, unrelated to the body, like littering or being late for work. For each behavior, participants were randomly assigned to consider either a woman or a man performing the action. They then rated how much of a moral issue they thought the behavior was, how unusual or socially unacceptable it was, and how much it related to bodily autonomy. The researchers used scales from 1 to 7 to measure these ratings.</p>
<p>The results of the first study showed that, as expected, body-related behaviors were indeed seen as more strongly connected to bodily autonomy than the control behaviors. The main finding was that body-related behaviors were moralized more for women than for men. This means participants were more likely to see things like getting a tattoo or being topless as moral issues when done by a woman, compared to when done by a man. This difference was not found for the control behaviors, which were not related to the body.</p>
<p>Importantly, this pattern remained even after taking into account how socially unusual these behaviors were considered for women and men. This suggests that the moralization of women’s bodies is not simply about judging women for breaking social norms more generally. Further analysis showed that the more a behavior was seen as related to bodily autonomy, the more it was moralized for women, but this link was much weaker or nonexistent for men.</p>
<p>In the second study, the researchers focused specifically on the issue of public toplessness. This is a context where women’s bodily autonomy is frequently restricted, while men generally face no such restrictions. They predicted that people would use moral reasoning more often when discussing women being topless compared to men. They also explored whether people with more sexist beliefs were more likely to moralize women’s bodies in this context.</p>
<p>For this study, 470 U.S. participants were recruited online. Participants were randomly assigned to think about either women’s toplessness or men’s toplessness. They were asked to rate how inappropriate they thought it was to be topless in various public contexts, such as on a beach or in a park. Those who indicated it was at least somewhat inappropriate then answered further questions. They were asked to explain in their own words why they thought it was inappropriate.</p>
<p>Next, they were given descriptions of the five moral foundations: harm, purity, fairness, authority and tradition, and loyalty. They then rated how much their opposition to toplessness was based on each of these moral foundations, using a scale from 0 to 100. Finally, they completed questionnaires measuring their levels of benevolent sexism and beliefs related to the Madonna-Whore dichotomy, as well as hostile sexism.</p>
<p>The results showed that participants did indeed use moral reasoning more when thinking about women’s toplessness compared to men’s. Specifically, they rated purity, harm, authority and tradition, and loyalty as more important reasons for opposing women being topless than men being topless. When looking at the written explanations, participants were also more likely to spontaneously use harm-based and purity-based arguments when discussing women’s toplessness.</p>
<p>Further analysis explored whether sexist beliefs played a role. The results suggested that people who scored higher on measures of benevolent sexism and endorsement of the Madonna–Whore dichotomy were more likely to moralize women’s toplessness. Benevolent sexism is a seemingly positive form of prejudice that idealizes women in traditional roles, portraying them as pure and needing protection. The Madonna-Whore dichotomy is a societal view that categorizes women into two opposing groups: the virtuous, chaste “Madonnas” who are morally good, and the sexual, promiscuous “Whores” who are morally bad.</p>
<p>In many cases, once sexist beliefs were taken into account, the direct effect of gender on moralization became less significant, highlighting the important role of these beliefs in driving the gendered moralization of bodies.</p>
<p>“The main take-away from our studies is that women’s bodies are <em>moralized</em> more than men’s bodies, meaning they are seen through a moral lens more so than men’s bodies,” Morgenroth told PsyPost. “So it’s not just that people regulate women’s bodies more, they view them through a different lens. For example, whether or not a man overeats at a buffet might be seen as a question of personal preference – but for women, it is seen as a moral issue.”</p>
<p>But like all research, it has limitations. Both were conducted only in the United States, and it’s possible that these patterns might differ in other cultures with different norms and regulations around women’s bodies. The researchers also point out that the relationship between moralization and actual restrictions on bodily autonomy needs further exploration. It’s not entirely clear whether moralization causes people to support restrictions, or if it’s used as a way to justify pre-existing opinions.</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, this research provides important initial evidence that women’s bodies are indeed subject to greater moral scrutiny than men’s bodies in the United States. This tendency to moralize women’s bodies could be a key factor in understanding why women face more restrictions and judgments regarding their bodies and bodily autonomy.</p>
<p>“We’re hoping to expand more on this and examine different ways in which the moralization of women’s bodies affects people of different genders,” Morgenroth said.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.3136" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Moralization of Women’s Bodies</a>,” was authored by Thekla Morgenroth, Michelle K. Ryan, Madisyn F. Arnold, and Nadira S. Faber.</p></p>
</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:13px; text-align: center; color: #666666; padding:4px; margin-bottom:2px;"></div>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<table style="font:13px Helvetica, sans-serif; border-radius:4px; -moz-border-radius:4px; -webkit-border-radius:4px; background-color:#fff; padding:8px; margin-bottom:6px; border:1px solid #adadad;" width="100%">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/ketamine-assisted-psychotherapy-helps-rage-filled-man-overcome-antisocial-traits-and-severe-alcoholism/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Ketamine-assisted psychotherapy helps rage-filled man overcome antisocial traits and severe alcoholism</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 16th 2025, 21:00</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; color:#494949;text-align:justify;font-size:13px;">
<p><p>A recent case report published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2025.2449911" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Journal of Psychoactive Drugs</a></em> tells the story of a middle-aged man who underwent an innovative treatment combining low-dose ketamine sessions with psychotherapy. Over a three-year period, this treatment helped him overcome severe alcohol abuse, ease deep feelings of depression, and reduce his harmful, antisocial thoughts. The case offers a promising look at how unconventional therapies might help people with challenging mental health conditions.</p>
<p>Ketamine is a substance that has long been used to induce anesthesia in medical procedures. In recent years, doctors have started using it in lower doses as part of a therapy program to help with conditions such as depression and substance abuse. Unlike the large doses used in surgery, these smaller doses are taken in a setting where a trained therapist supports the patient during the experience. This treatment can open up new ways for people to process difficult feelings and memories.</p>
<p>On the other hand, antisocial personality disorder is a condition in which a person shows a persistent disregard for the rights and feelings of others. People with this condition may act in ways that are aggressive or harmful, often believing that they are above social rules and that others deserve their cruelty. While this disorder is rare among the general population, it is more common in certain settings, such as prisons, and it often appears alongside other issues like substance abuse or depression.</p>
<p>The case study focuses on a 44-year-old white man who sought help at an outpatient clinic specializing in ketamine-assisted psychotherapy. He was primarily seeking treatment for his alcoholism, but also reported experiencing significant depression and intense anger, which he described as “rage.” During his initial assessment, several concerning factors were noted. Physically, he was underweight, appeared fatigued, and had high blood pressure. Emotionally, he presented with a flat expression and reported feeling intensely depressed and angry. He admitted to drinking around ten beers daily, having a very poor appetite, and wanting to sleep constantly.</p>
<p>Disturbingly, he repeatedly used words like “rage” and “hatred” to describe his feelings towards other people. He expressed extreme negativity, stating he hated people he considered unintelligent, religious, or addicted to drugs. He even voiced violent thoughts, suggesting that a large portion of the global population should be eliminated and at one point considered this as a potential purpose in his life.</p>
<p>Further exploration into his background revealed a family history of alcoholism and depression. He shared a traumatic experience of losing a child shortly after birth, but paradoxically described this loss as a positive event. He also recounted a childhood move from a positive educational experience in Singapore to Louisiana, where he felt surrounded by people he perceived as less intelligent. He attributed this experience to the development of racist attitudes. He also admitted to a pattern of being overly forward sexually with women. Overall, he expressed a strong preference for solitude.</p>
<p>Over subsequent sessions, more details emerged that aligned with antisocial personality disorder. He revealed a lifelong preference for being alone and disliked teamwork, consistently believing himself to be superior to others. He described intrusive thoughts of violence, such as wanting to hit pedestrians who disobeyed traffic laws as a form of punishment. He also vaguely alluded to past acts of cruelty and revenge, particularly when he could avoid detection. He rationalized these actions as deserved by his victims, showing no remorse but simultaneously expressing a belief that he was a fundamentally bad person. Although he had past arrests, he had never been convicted of a serious crime. He recognized his past behaviors as spiteful and harmful, acknowledging their intent to cause distress in others.</p>
<p>Based on these reports and clinical observations, the man was diagnosed with major depressive disorder, alcohol use disorder, and antisocial personality disorder. The diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder was made based on several criteria outlined in standard diagnostic manuals, including a pattern of disregard for rules, deceitfulness, impulsivity, aggression, and lack of remorse. While his presentation of antisocial personality disorder might be considered less severe than some, his thoughts and behaviors still fulfilled several of the diagnostic criteria. Due to the unusual nature of the case, the clinicians consulted with other experts to confirm the diagnosis. Despite the challenges associated with treating antisocial personality disorder, the team decided to proceed with ketamine-assisted psychotherapy because the man showed motivation to change and demonstrated some control over his antisocial impulses.</p>
<p>The treatment plan involved a series of ketamine sessions combined with psychotherapy. Initially, a “psycholytic” approach was adopted, using low doses of ketamine. Unlike typical psychedelic therapy that aims for mystical experiences and limited therapist interaction during drug sessions, psycholytic therapy uses lower, perceptible doses of ketamine. This allows the patient to remain engaged in conversation with the therapist during the ketamine session, potentially facilitating deeper therapeutic exploration.</p>
<p>Over the first year, he received six psycholytic ketamine sessions, mostly at 50mg doses, and two sessions at higher doses (200mg and 275mg). After more than a year of treatment, he was prescribed ketamine syrup for home use at low doses, with limited refills to ensure regular check-ins with his therapist.</p>
<p>Throughout the therapy, techniques were drawn from various approaches, including Internal Family Systems (IFS), Buddhist psychology, and mindfulness-based somatic therapy. The treatment also incorporated lifestyle recommendations focusing on diet, sleep, and exercise, along with mindfulness practices and dietary supplements to support mood and liver health. He also received spinal manipulation therapy on occasion.</p>
<p>The first priority in treatment was addressing his severe alcoholism. He was encouraged to gradually reduce his alcohol intake, which he successfully did, experiencing minimal withdrawal symptoms. By his fourth visit, when ketamine was introduced, he was mostly sober. Over the first six months, his drinking significantly decreased, although he experienced occasional binge drinking episodes during stressful times. Following a significant relapse event after six months away from treatment, he sought detoxification and resumed therapy. After this relapse, he reported only one further drinking episode and eventually achieved sustained abstinence. He was consistently honest about his alcohol consumption, which was often evident in his speech and physical appearance.</p>
<p>In terms of depression, his primary symptom was a severe lack of pleasure. Despite engaging in activities that should be enjoyable, like skydiving, he felt no enjoyment. While he still reported experiencing this lack of pleasure at the time of the case study report, he showed considerable improvement in other areas. Initially unable to work and neglecting his home, he began treatment with passive suicidal thoughts. Over the course of therapy, he secured a new job, started taking flying lessons, enrolled in online education, and began improving his home. His scores on depression questionnaires decreased, indicating a shift from severe to moderate depression, which was reflected in his improved functioning and the absence of suicidal thoughts.</p>
<p>Perhaps most notably, the treatment appeared to have a positive effect on his antisocial traits. Initially, his dominant emotions were anger and rage, and therapy sessions often devolved into angry rants. Over time, these rants became less frequent and less intense. He gained insight into his behavior, for example, after one ketamine session, he reflected on how mean-spirited he had been and recognized his problems as insignificant in the larger context of the world. He also started considering the concept of karma and expressed a desire to avoid causing future harm.</p>
<p>In one significant experience during a ketamine session, he reported a vision where he reviewed his life after death and felt remorse for his past cruelty, displaying sadness and tears for the first time in treatment. When directly asked about violent thoughts, he reported a significant reduction. While he still expressed negative views about certain groups of people, his thoughts were less focused on direct violence and more on frustration with others.</p>
<p>Case reports like this one have limitations because they describe the experience of only one person. This means that the results cannot be assumed to apply to everyone with similar challenges. The observations are based on personal accounts and subjective assessments, and the treatment was not compared to other forms of therapy in a controlled study.</p>
<p>However, individual cases are valuable because they can point to new possibilities and help shape future research. In this instance, the report highlights how an integrative approach that combines low-dose ketamine with supportive therapy may offer hope for people with complex mental health issues, including severe depression, substance abuse, and antisocial tendencies. Such reports serve as early indicators that can guide more extensive studies, which may eventually lead to broader treatment standards.</p>
<p>The case report, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2025.2449911" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ketamine-Assisted Psychotherapy for Antisocial Personality Disorder: A Case Report</a>,” was authored by Matthew R. Hicks, Heather Zwickey, and Ryan Bradley.</p></p>
</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:13px; text-align: center; color: #666666; padding:4px; margin-bottom:2px;"></div>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<table style="font:13px Helvetica, sans-serif; border-radius:4px; -moz-border-radius:4px; -webkit-border-radius:4px; background-color:#fff; padding:8px; margin-bottom:6px; border:1px solid #adadad;" width="100%">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/americans-more-tolerant-of-anti-democratic-actions-when-their-party-controls-the-white-house/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Americans more tolerant of anti-democratic actions when their party controls the White House</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 16th 2025, 18:00</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; color:#494949;text-align:justify;font-size:13px;">
<p><p>A new study reveals that Americans’ commitment to democratic norms might be weaker than previously assumed, as their willingness to accept actions that undermine these norms appears to depend significantly on whether their preferred political party is in power. The research, published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfae042" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Public Opinion Quarterly</a></em>, indicates that both Democrats and Republicans show a tendency to support behaviors that erode democratic principles when their own party controls the presidency. This partisan-influenced tolerance for norm erosion is further amplified when the government is divided, with different parties controlling the presidency and Congress.</p>
<p>In recent years, many have worried about the health of American democracy, and questions have emerged about why citizens would support policies that might concentrate power in the executive branch. To clarify this picture, the researchers decided to examine public opinion data over a long period, spanning multiple presidential administrations, and to gather new data to assess support for a range of potentially democracy-eroding actions. They aimed to determine if the observed tolerance for norm erosion was a unique phenomenon of the Trump era or a more consistent pattern influenced by partisan loyalty and the political context.</p>
<p>To conduct their investigation, the researchers utilized two primary sources of data. First, they analyzed existing survey data from the Americas Barometer project, a long-running study that includes the United States and is designed to monitor democratic attitudes across the Americas. This dataset provided survey responses from multiple years, ranging from 2006 to 2021, covering the presidencies of George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Donald Trump, and Joe Biden. The specific question from this survey that the researchers focused on asked respondents whether they believed there could be justification for a president to shut down Congress. This question was considered a measure of tolerance for executive overreach and the weakening of checks and balances in government, a core democratic norm.</p>
<p>The Americas Barometer surveys employed different sampling methods over the years. The initial survey in 2006 involved contacting individuals through random telephone number dialing. Subsequent surveys, conducted between 2008 and 2021, utilized online panels managed by YouGov/Polimetrix, with sample sizes typically around 1,500 participants.</p>
<p>In addition to the Americas Barometer data, the researchers collected their own original survey data at two distinct time points. The first survey was conducted in August 2020, during the Trump administration, and the second in December 2021, after Joe Biden had assumed the presidency. These surveys were administered online using Lucid, a large platform for online survey panels.</p>
<p>These original surveys included a more comprehensive set of questions designed to gauge support for various actions that could erode democratic norms. They developed sixteen different questions covering four key aspects of liberal democracy: majority rule, limits on executive power, civil liberties, and the rule of law. These questions presented scenarios that ranged from actions that might be legally permissible but push the boundaries of established democratic practices, to more overt violations of democratic principles.</p>
<p>For example, some questions addressed the idea of expanding the Supreme Court, while others tackled more extreme scenarios such as banning protests or disregarding court decisions. The purpose of using a range of scenarios was to assess the extent to which people were willing to tolerate different types of norm erosion.</p>
<p>The analysis of the Americas Barometer data revealed a consistent pattern. Individuals who identified with the political party of the current president were more likely to agree that there could be justification for a president to shut down Congress. This trend was observed across different presidential administrations, both Republican and Democratic, from 2006 to 2021.</p>
<p>While support for such an action was notably high among Republicans during the later part of the Trump presidency, the longer-term view showed that the tendency for supporters of the president’s party to be more tolerant of this norm erosion was not unique to any particular party or administration. Statistical analysis of this data indicated that, on average, people whose preferred party held the presidency were almost 16 percent more likely to approve of a president dissolving Congress compared to those whose preferred party was out of power.</p>
<p>Furthermore, the researchers found that this partisan difference in tolerance for executive power grabs became even more pronounced when the government was divided. In periods where the presidency and Congress were controlled by different parties, the gap in support for presidential overreach between supporters of the president’s party and the opposing party more than doubled.</p>
<p>The findings from the researchers’ original surveys conducted in 2020 and 2021 corroborated the pattern of partisan-influenced tolerance for norm erosion. Examining the change in support for the sixteen democratic norm erosion items between the two survey periods, they observed what they termed “democratic hypocrisy.” Democrats, after Joe Biden became president, showed an increase in support for several norm-eroding actions, while Republicans, now in the opposition, generally became less supportive of such actions compared to when Trump was in office.</p>
<p>When considering the average support across all sixteen norm erosion items, the shift in attitudes related to partisan alignment with the presidency accounted for about a quarter of the total change in attitudes observed between the two surveys. The overall average level of support for norm erosion was quite similar between Republicans and Democrats.</p>
<p>“While leading intellectuals made sweeping claims about the greater proclivity of Republican voters to support democracy-eroding policies and showcased this as a novel tendency attributable to the emergence of Donald Trump, our empirical findings suggest otherwise,” the researchers wrote. “Looking at it across administrations, differences between Democrats and Republicans are found to be modest, as the supporters of both parties are more willing to look the other way when their own party leaders act uninhibited by existing norms. Nonnegligible numbers of Democratic and Republican voters, at least since 2006, have prioritized partisan preferences over democratic principles even if, on the elite level, Democrats are less norm eroding.”</p>
<p>However, one notable exception to the general pattern of partisan shift was observed regarding the rejection of election results by candidates. Republicans in 2021 became even more inclined to accept candidates rejecting election outcomes, irrespective of which party was in power. Democrats, in contrast, showed consistently higher approval for changing the size of the Supreme Court in both survey years.</p>
<p>It is important to note that in most norm erosion scenarios presented in the surveys, a majority of both Democrats and Republicans rejected positions that would weaken democratic norms. For instance, only about 33 percent of Democrats during the Biden administration supported the idea of adding more justices to the Supreme Court.</p>
<p>The exception to this was the issue of presidents governing through executive orders, which garnered higher levels of support. Approximately 71 percent of Republicans supported governing by executive order during the first Trump administration, a figure that dropped to 27 percent during the Biden administration. Similarly, around 52 percent of Democrats during the Biden administration supported this approach, compared to about 30 percent during the Trump administration.</p>
<p>“Not surprisingly, in an era of perceived partisan gridlock, the highest level of support in our surveys was to give the president more leeway to act without constraints from Congress: the use of executive orders,” the researchers said. “But the support across the parties for their own president to potentially close Congress or operate without congressional or judicial constraints represents a clear challenge to the balance of powers enshrined in the US Constitution and is reminiscent of executive coups in Latin America.”</p>
<p>Looking ahead, the researchers suggest that future studies should examine more deeply why voters are willing to accept actions that undermine established democratic practices. One area for further inquiry is the role of political polarization—the deep divide between supporters of the two major parties—in shaping these attitudes. Some past studies have suggested that extreme polarization might lead voters to prioritize their party’s success over broader democratic principles. Further research in different countries with lower levels of polarization might help clarify whether this is a uniquely American phenomenon or a common feature of democratic systems in general.</p>
<p>Another important direction for future work is to explore how individual views about democracy influence support for norm erosion. While many studies have focused on personal factors such as ideology or demographic characteristics, this study shows that the political context is also significant. Researchers could use longitudinal panel studies to track how individuals’ support for democratic norms changes over time, particularly when the party in power shifts. This type of research might help uncover the long-term effects of political leadership on public attitudes and could point the way to strategies for strengthening citizens’ commitment to democratic practices.</p>
<p>The findings of this study contribute to a growing body of literature that warns about the fragility of democracy in the United States. While many Americans claim to value democratic principles, the research shows that when their own party is in power, they can be surprisingly willing to support measures that might erode those very principles.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfae042" target="_blank" rel="noopener">It’s Not Just Trump: Americans of Both Parties Support Liberal Democratic Norm Violations More Under Their Own President</a>,” was authored by Levente Littvay, Jennifer L. McCoy, and Gabor Simonovits.</p></p>
</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:13px; text-align: center; color: #666666; padding:4px; margin-bottom:2px;"></div>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<table style="font:13px Helvetica, sans-serif; border-radius:4px; -moz-border-radius:4px; -webkit-border-radius:4px; background-color:#fff; padding:8px; margin-bottom:6px; border:1px solid #adadad;" width="100%">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/high-intensity-exercise-provides-short-boost-to-brain-protein-in-ptsd-sufferers/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">High-intensity exercise provides short boost to brain protein in PTSD sufferers</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 16th 2025, 16:00</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; color:#494949;text-align:justify;font-size:13px;">
<p><p>A new study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpsychires.2024.11.009" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Journal of Psychiatric Research</a></em> has found that a single session of high intensity interval training can temporarily increase levels of brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF), a brain protein important for memory and learning, in individuals with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). However, the research also found that neither high intensity nor low intensity exercise led to sustained increases in BDNF over a period of nearly two weeks. These findings suggest that while intense exercise might offer a short-term biological boost, more research is needed to understand how exercise can best be used to support long-term brain health in people with PTSD.</p>
<p>PTSD is a mental health condition that can develop after a person experiences or witnesses a terrifying event. These events can include serious accidents, physical or sexual assault, war, natural disasters, or other life-threatening situations. People with PTSD can experience a range of distressing symptoms that significantly interfere with their daily lives. These symptoms can include re-experiencing the trauma through nightmares or flashbacks, avoiding reminders of the trauma, negative changes in mood and thinking, and feeling constantly on edge or hyperaroused. While effective treatments like therapy exist, many individuals with PTSD continue to struggle with their symptoms, highlighting the need for additional and complementary approaches to care.</p>
<p>Researchers are increasingly interested in biological factors that might contribute to PTSD and its treatment. One such factor is BDNF, a protein that acts like fertilizer for the brain, helping to support the survival, growth, and connection of brain cells. It plays a key role in brain plasticity, which is the brain’s ability to reorganize itself by forming new neural connections throughout life.</p>
<p>Studies have shown that individuals with PTSD often have lower levels of BDNF in their bloodstream compared to people without the condition. This reduced level of BDNF may play a role in some of the difficulties faced by individuals with PTSD, such as problems with processing and overcoming traumatic memories. For example, BDNF is thought to be involved in the brain’s ability to ‘extinguish’ fear memories – to learn that a previously feared situation is now safe. If BDNF levels are low, this process might be impaired, potentially contributing to the persistent fear and anxiety seen in PTSD.</p>
<p>Because of BDNF’s importance in brain health and its potential link to PTSD, researchers are eager to explore ways to increase BDNF levels in individuals with this condition, hoping to find new avenues for improving treatment and recovery. Given that physical exercise has been shown to boost BDNF in other populations, the researchers sought to determine whether exercise could be a way to raise BDNF levels and potentially alleviate PTSD symptoms.</p>
<p>To conduct their research, the team recruited 40 adults who had been diagnosed with PTSD. Participants were carefully screened to ensure they met specific criteria, including having a confirmed diagnosis of PTSD according to established guidelines. Individuals with certain other serious mental health conditions like schizophrenia or bipolar disorder, those with current substance abuse issues, or those at immediate risk of suicide were excluded from the study. People who were already engaging in a significant amount of regular exercise were also not included, to ensure that the exercise interventions in the study would be the primary factor influencing any changes. Importantly, individuals who were taking psychiatric medications or undergoing psychotherapy were allowed to participate, as long as their medication doses and therapy type had been stable for at least two months prior to the study.</p>
<p>Once enrolled, participants underwent a thorough physical examination, including a fitness test to determine their individual exercise capacity and maximum heart rate. This personalized assessment was important to tailor the exercise programs to each person’s fitness level and to ensure safety. Participants were then randomly assigned to one of two exercise groups: high intensity interval training or low intensity training. The exercise period lasted for 12 days, with participants engaging in exercise sessions every other day, for a total of six sessions. Each session was 30 minutes long and consisted of a warm-up, 20 minutes of the assigned exercise type, and a cool-down period.</p>
<p>The high intensity interval training involved cycling on an exercise bike. During the high intensity intervals, participants were encouraged to cycle at a pace that elevated their heart rate to above 77% of their maximum heart rate. This high intensity period was followed by a recovery interval where they cycled at a lower intensity allowing their heart rate to drop below 77% of their maximum. Each high intensity interval training session included ten cycles of high intensity and recovery. The low intensity training was designed to be less strenuous. It consisted of a series of gentle movements and stability exercises inspired by yoga, but without the focus on breathing or mindfulness that is often part of yoga practice. The goal was to keep participants’ heart rates below 70% of their maximum during these sessions. Throughout all exercise sessions, participants wore heart rate monitors to ensure they were exercising at the correct intensity.</p>
<p>To measure BDNF levels, the researchers collected blood samples from participants on the first and last days of the exercise period. On each of these days, blood was drawn both before and immediately after the exercise session. These blood samples were carefully processed to measure the amount of BDNF in the serum, which is the liquid part of the blood. Because BDNF is also found in platelets, blood cells that help with clotting, the researchers also measured platelet counts in the participants’ blood and took these counts into account when analyzing the BDNF data, to get a more precise measure of BDNF levels. In addition to these biological measures, participants also completed a questionnaire each day to track their PTSD symptoms.</p>
<p>The study’s findings revealed that high intensity interval training did indeed lead to a short-term increase in BDNF levels. Immediately after a high intensity interval training session, participants in this group showed a significant rise in BDNF in their blood, both on the first and last days of the exercise period. This increase was observed even after accounting for platelet counts. In contrast, the low intensity training group did not experience a similar increase in BDNF levels after their exercise sessions.</p>
<p>However, the researchers also found that neither type of exercise, high intensity or low intensity, resulted in a sustained increase in BDNF levels over the 12-day exercise period. When comparing BDNF levels from the beginning to the end of the study, there was no significant change in either exercise group.</p>
<p>Finally, while the study explored whether the short-term increase in BDNF was related to improvements in PTSD symptoms, no strong link was found. There was a slight suggestion that individuals who experienced a larger increase in BDNF after exercise might also report slightly greater day-to-day improvements in their symptoms, but this trend was not statistically strong.</p>
<p>The researchers concluded that high intensity interval training “might be a beneficial form of exercise for individuals with PTSD regarding serum BDNF levels,” but “further studies are needed to investigate whether transient and long-term BDNF increase contributes to a reduction of PTSD symptoms.”</p>
<p>In particular, future research could build upon these findings by examining larger groups of individuals with PTSD and specifically considering potential gender differences in the response to exercise. Longer-term studies are also needed to investigate whether regular high intensity interval training, or other forms of exercise, can lead to sustained increases in BDNF and, importantly, whether these increases translate into meaningful reductions in PTSD symptoms over time. Understanding how exercise affects BDNF in individuals with PTSD could pave the way for developing more effective and personalized exercise interventions to support their recovery and well-being.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpsychires.2024.11.009" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Effects of high intensity interval training on serum brain-derived neurotrophic factor in individuals with PTSD</a>,” was authored by Annabell Jäger, Anima Pieper, Kathlen Priebe, Rainer Hellweg, Kristina Meyer, Sarah Herrmann, Bernd Wolfarth, Maximilian Grummt, Andreas Ströhle, and Nikola Schoofs.</p></p>
</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:13px; text-align: center; color: #666666; padding:4px; margin-bottom:2px;"></div>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<table style="font:13px Helvetica, sans-serif; border-radius:4px; -moz-border-radius:4px; -webkit-border-radius:4px; background-color:#fff; padding:8px; margin-bottom:6px; border:1px solid #adadad;" width="100%">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/living-at-high-altitudes-may-alter-how-the-brain-processes-emotions/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Living at high altitudes may alter how the brain processes emotions</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 16th 2025, 14:00</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; color:#494949;text-align:justify;font-size:13px;">
<p><p>A new study published in the journal <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroscience.2025.02.024" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Neuroscience</a></em> has found that long-term exposure to high-altitude conditions can slow down the way people recognize faces and change the way their brains process emotions. The research compared young adults living at high altitudes with those living at lower altitudes and found that the high-altitude group not only took longer to recognize emotional faces but also showed distinct changes in their brain activity.</p>
<p>Long-term residence in high-altitude environments has been linked to a greater occurrence of mental health challenges, such as anxiety and depression. Statistics show that depression is significantly more common in high-altitude regions compared to lower areas. Studies focusing on people who migrate to or work in high-altitude places, like those in Tibet or the Himalayas, have consistently shown that the reduced oxygen levels at these elevations can negatively impact emotional well-being. Moving to high altitude regions has been reported to increase the chances of experiencing depression, anxiety, and even suicidal thoughts.</p>
<p>Depression is known to be closely related to negative patterns in how we think and process information. A strong connection exists between depression and a tendency towards negative thinking, fixating on negative thoughts, and difficulty controlling impulsive behaviors. This relationship has been observed in soldiers stationed in high-altitude areas; those with poorer mental health tend to exhibit stronger negative biases in their thinking. This negative thinking bias can also influence how we perceive facial expressions, which is important for social interactions. For instance, individuals with depression tend to show heightened brain responses to negative facial expressions and take longer to shift their attention away from them. Brain activity patterns, measured through electroencephalography, can even be used to detect depression based on how the brain reacts to emotional stimuli.</p>
<p>Previous research has indicated that high altitude exposure specifically affects the ability to recognize facial expressions. People at high altitudes have been found to struggle with correctly identifying happy expressions and are more likely to incorrectly identify neutral expressions as showing emotion compared to individuals at sea level. However, it has remained unclear how the brain changes caused by reduced oxygen at high altitudes contribute to these difficulties in emotional recognition and potentially lead to mental health issues like depression and anxiety.</p>
<p>It is understood that prolonged exposure to high altitudes can affect the frontal lobe and other areas of the brain, leading to a decline in cognitive abilities. The reduced oxygen levels at high altitudes can disrupt how brain cells use energy and can damage their structure and function, particularly in areas like the frontal, parietal, and temporal lobes. Since processing facial expressions heavily relies on the activity of the frontal lobe and visual cortex, it is plausible that people living at high altitudes might have reduced emotional recognition abilities compared to those at lower altitudes.</p>
<p>The researchers believed that these impairments would likely be reflected in unusual patterns in brainwave components related to facial processing. Specifically, they focused on two brainwave components: P1, which is associated with the early stages of visual perception, and N170, which reflects the brain’s structural encoding of facial features.</p>
<p>To investigate these questions, the researchers compared two groups of college students. One group consisted of 22 students from Tibet University, located at a high altitude of 3,658 meters (approximately 12,000 feet) above sea level. These students had all grown up at lower altitudes and had lived at the high-altitude university for more than two years after reaching adulthood. The second group, serving as a comparison, was made up of 24 students from universities in Beijing, a city at a low altitude of 52 meters (approximately 170 feet) above sea level. These students had never been to a high-altitude region. All participants had normal or corrected vision, were right-handed, had no history of neurological or psychiatric disorders, were not taking any drugs, and maintained regular lifestyles.</p>
<p>The study used a task where participants were shown pictures of faces displaying different emotions: happy, angry, and neutral. These faces were selected from a standardized system of Chinese facial expressions. Participants were asked to quickly and accurately identify the gender of the person in each picture by pressing a button. While participants performed this task, their brain activity was recorded using electroencephalography, a technique that measures electrical activity in the brain through sensors placed on the scalp. This method allowed researchers to track brainwaves associated with different stages of facial processing.</p>
<p>The researchers were particularly interested in two specific brainwave components: P1, occurring around 100 milliseconds after seeing a face, and N170, occurring around 170 milliseconds after seeing a face. These components are known to be related to early visual attention to faces and the structural encoding of facial features, respectively.</p>
<p>The results of the study revealed several key differences between the high-altitude and low-altitude groups. While both groups were equally accurate in identifying the gender of the faces, the high-altitude group was slower in their reaction times compared to the low-altitude group. This suggests that high altitude living slows down the process of recognizing facial features, even if it doesn’t impact accuracy.</p>
<p>The brainwave data provided further insights. The researchers found that the high-altitude group showed reduced amplitudes for both the P1 and N170 brainwave components compared to the low-altitude group. This means that the brain activity associated with both early visual attention to faces (P1) and the structural encoding of facial features (N170) was weaker in the high-altitude group. Furthermore, in the low-altitude group, there was a typical pattern of greater brain activity in the right hemisphere of the brain during the early stages of facial processing (P1 component). This is known as right hemispheric lateralization. However, this right hemisphere dominance was absent in the high-altitude group, suggesting that high altitude living alters the typical brain organization for facial processing.</p>
<p>Interestingly, when examining the N170 component in more detail, the researchers found a difference in how the two groups processed positive emotions. Typically, people show a “positive bias” in their brain activity when processing faces, particularly happy faces. This bias is reflected in a larger N170 response to happy faces compared to neutral faces. The low-altitude group showed this expected positive bias. However, this positive bias was significantly reduced in the high-altitude group. In other words, the brains of individuals at high altitude did not show as strong of a positive response to happy faces compared to neutral faces as those living at low altitude.</p>
<p>These findings suggest that long-term exposure to the reduced oxygen levels at high altitudes impacts both early and later stages of facial processing. The weaker P1 component indicates that high altitude affects the initial attention and visual processing of faces. The disappearance of right hemisphere lateralization might suggest that the brain adapts to high altitude by recruiting both hemispheres more equally, possibly due to limited cognitive resources under hypoxic conditions. The reduced N170 amplitude suggests that the encoding of facial features is also impaired by high altitude.</p>
<p>Most importantly, the decreased positive bias in the N170 response to happy faces may provide a neural explanation for the increased risk of depression at high altitudes. A reduced positive bias could mean that individuals at high altitude are less sensitive to positive emotional cues, which could contribute to a more negative emotional outlook and potentially increase vulnerability to depression.</p>
<p>However, the researchers acknowledged some limitations to their study. They did not directly measure depression or anxiety levels in the participants, so the direct link between the observed changes in brain activity and depression remains to be more fully established. The study was also cross-sectional, meaning it compared groups at one point in time rather than following individuals over time as they moved to high altitude. Future research should track individuals over time to see how their emotional processing changes after moving to high altitude.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0306452225001381">Long-term high altitude exposure reduces positive bias of facial recognition: Evidence from event-related potential</a>,” was authored by Yudian Cai, Xin An, Shan Dai, Hailin Ma, and Yan Wang.</p></p>
</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:13px; text-align: center; color: #666666; padding:4px; margin-bottom:2px;"></div>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<table style="font:13px Helvetica, sans-serif; border-radius:4px; -moz-border-radius:4px; -webkit-border-radius:4px; background-color:#fff; padding:8px; margin-bottom:6px; border:1px solid #adadad;" width="100%">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-study-challenges-common-belief-that-testosterone-drives-sexual-desire-in-men/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New study challenges common belief that testosterone drives sexual desire in men</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 16th 2025, 12:00</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; color:#494949;text-align:justify;font-size:13px;">
<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://royalsocietypublishing.org/doi/10.1098/rspb.2024.1508" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Proceedings of the Royal Society B</a></em> challenges the widely held belief that fluctuations in testosterone levels directly influence changes in men’s sexual desire. Researchers who tracked the daily hormone levels and self-reported desires of men for a month discovered no connection between the two. However, the study did uncover a potential link between testosterone and efforts to attract romantic partners, particularly on days when single men interacted with potential love interests. This suggests that testosterone in men might be more closely related to pursuing romantic opportunities than simply fueling sexual desire on a day-to-day basis.</p>
<p>Testosterone is a hormone, a type of chemical messenger in the body, that plays a key role in male sexual development and reproduction. While often thought of as a “male” hormone, both men and women produce testosterone, though men have much higher levels. In men, it’s important for things like muscle mass, bone density, and sex drive.</p>
<p>Testosterone is often assumed to be the driving force behind sexual desire in both men and women. This belief is so pervasive that testosterone is frequently prescribed to men experiencing low sexual desire, even when their testosterone levels fall within the normal range. Despite these assumptions, scientific evidence linking natural fluctuations in testosterone to shifts in sexual desire remains limited, particularly in men.</p>
<p>While past studies have found that men with extremely low testosterone levels—such as those with medical conditions affecting hormone production—often report decreased sexual desire, the question of whether normal, day-to-day changes in testosterone impact desire has been largely unexplored. Most previous research has relied on comparisons between individuals rather than tracking changes within the same person over time.</p>
<p>“We are interested in mapping the evolved functions of hormones like testosterone, and the role of natural testosterone fluctuations in the regulation of men’s desire was not previously examined in detail at the daily time-scale. As such, we were interested in collecting data that could help fill this gap in the existing literature,” explained study author James R. Roney, a professor of psychological and brain sciences at the University of California, Santa Barbara.</p>
<p>For their study, the researchers recruited 41 adult men aged 18 to 26. For 31 days, these men provided daily saliva samples to measure their testosterone levels and completed daily online surveys about their sexual desire and courtship efforts. To minimize the effect of daily hormone cycles, saliva samples were ideally collected in the early afternoon on weekdays at a research lab. On weekends, participants collected samples at home and stored them until they could be brought to the lab.</p>
<p>The men completed online surveys each morning, answering questions about their experiences from the previous day. Sexual desire was measured using a combination of three questions asking about the amount of sexual thoughts, sexual fantasies, and sexual desire experienced the previous day. Participants rated these items on a scale from “Not at all” to “A lot,” and their responses were combined into a single score representing their daily sexual desire. To assess courtship efforts, the survey included a question asking, “How much effort did you put into attracting a possible romantic and/or sexual partner yesterday?” also rated on the same scale.</p>
<p>Additionally, participants were asked whether they had a direct social interaction with someone they found attractive as a potential romantic or sexual partner on the previous day. The saliva samples were analyzed to determine the concentration of testosterone. To account for natural daily fluctuations in hormone levels, the researchers statistically adjusted the testosterone measurements based on the time elapsed since each participant woke up.</p>
<p>The study’s primary finding was that there was no significant positive relationship between daily changes in testosterone levels and daily changes in sexual desire in men. This lack of connection was consistent across all the men in the study, and it held true when looking at both same-day relationships and potential delayed effects.</p>
<p>“Our data suggest that men’s sexual desire does not track day-to-day fluctuations in testosterone,” Roney told PsyPost. “In other words, when a man experiences a day with higher than usual testosterone, there is no evidence that he also tends to have higher than usual sexual desire. This appears to be contrary to common beliefs and suggests that testosterone supplementation may not increase desire among men who have testosterone concentrations within the normal range.”</p>
<p>In fact, the researchers found a small, unexpected negative relationship: slightly higher testosterone on one day was associated with slightly lower sexual desire on the following day. This unexpected finding, although small, further contradicts the idea that daily increases in testosterone boost sexual desire.</p>
<p>“In a time series analysis, there was a tendency for higher testosterone on one day to predict slightly lower sexual desire the next day,” Roney said. “This was unexpected, but we would want to see that pattern replicated in another study before being confident that it is a robust effect.”</p>
<p>However, when the researchers looked at courtship efforts, a different picture emerged, particularly for single men. While there was no overall link between daily testosterone and general courtship efforts, a more specific analysis revealed a connection on days when single men had interacted with potential romantic partners. On these days of social interaction, single men with higher testosterone levels reported putting more effort into attracting a partner. This suggests that while daily testosterone fluctuations may not be driving overall sexual desire, they might play a role in motivating men to actively pursue romantic opportunities.</p>
<p>“Our study also provided preliminary evidence that men may engage in greater efforts to attract romantic partners on days when their testosterone is higher, suggesting that testosterone may have evolved functions that are more closely tied to courtship efforts than to sexual desire,” Roney said.</p>
<p>The researchers acknowledged some limitations to their study. The participants were all young men from a university setting in the United States, so it is not clear whether these findings would apply to men of different ages or from different cultural backgrounds.</p>
<p>“The findings relating testosterone to mate attraction efforts should be replicated in an independent sample to ensure that this is a robust pattern,” Roney noted. “Our participants were college students in an industrialized country and so there are questions as to whether the findings would generalize to men in other age groups or settings.”</p>
<p>“Overall, we are trying to build models of the evolved functions of testosterone by mapping what causes it to increase or decrease, and what output effects follow in response to changes in its production. The variables examined here add evidence regarding the possible output effects of natural fluctuations in testosterone.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2024.1508" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Day-to-day associations between testosterone, sexual desire and courtship efforts in young men</a>,” was authored by Tikal Catena, Blair T. Crewther, Adar B. Eisenbruch, Rachel L. Grillot, Dario Maestripieri, and James R. Roney.</p></p>
</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:13px; text-align: center; color: #666666; padding:4px; margin-bottom:2px;"></div>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<table style="font:13px Helvetica, sans-serif; border-radius:4px; -moz-border-radius:4px; -webkit-border-radius:4px; background-color:#fff; padding:8px; margin-bottom:6px; border:1px solid #adadad;" width="100%">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/people-maltreated-as-children-tend-to-have-more-severe-sleep-problems-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">People maltreated as children tend to have more severe sleep problems, study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Feb 16th 2025, 10:00</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; color:#494949;text-align:justify;font-size:13px;">
<p><p data-start="0" data-end="455">A study of Chinese youths found that individuals who suffered maltreatment in childhood tended to have more sleep problems, possibly due to impaired emotion regulation processes. Participants who experienced high levels of physical and emotional maltreatment used fewer cognitive reappraisal strategies, while those who experienced high levels of sexual abuse used more expressive suppression. The paper was published in <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/development-and-psychopathology/article/patterns-of-childhood-maltreatment-influence-sleep-quality-the-role-of-emotion-regulation/0DA52EBC2E4203C1DCF1A20E92660AB8"><em data-start="421" data-end="454">Development and Psychopathology</em></a>.</p>
<p data-start="457" data-end="994">Childhood maltreatment refers to harmful experiences endured by a child through abuse, neglect, or exploitation by caregivers or others responsible for their well-being. It can take several forms, including physical abuse, which involves intentional harm or injury; emotional abuse, characterized by verbal attacks, humiliation, or rejection; sexual abuse, involving inappropriate sexual contact or exploitation; and neglect, which occurs when a child’s basic needs—such as food, shelter, medical care, and emotional support—are not met.</p>
<p data-start="996" data-end="1400">Childhood maltreatment can have long-term impacts on a child’s development, leading to emotional difficulties, anxiety, depression, and problems in forming secure relationships. It can also affect physical health, cognitive development, and academic performance. Many children who experience maltreatment exhibit internalizing symptoms, such as withdrawal, or externalizing behaviors, such as aggression.</p>
<p data-start="1402" data-end="1907">Study author Sihan Liu and his colleagues aimed to explore how different forms of childhood maltreatment co-occur in Chinese young people and how these experiences might affect later sleep problems. They hypothesized that childhood maltreatment adversely impacts the development of emotion regulation mechanisms in maltreated youth, leading to sleep problems. Specifically, they proposed that participants who experienced multiple types of childhood maltreatment would have the most severe sleep problems.</p>
<p data-start="1909" data-end="2672">The researchers expected that these sleep problems would be linked to emotion regulation strategies, namely cognitive reappraisal and expressive suppression. Cognitive reappraisal is an emotion regulation strategy that involves reframing a situation in a more positive or neutral light to alter its emotional impact, thereby helping individuals manage stress and negative emotions. A better ability to use this strategy allows a person to have greater control over their emotions. In contrast, expressive suppression is a response-focused strategy in which individuals inhibit or hide outward emotional expressions without changing their internal emotional experience. While this strategy can reduce social conflict, it may lead to long-term psychological stress.</p>
<p data-start="2674" data-end="3052">The study participants were youths involved in a longitudinal Youths’ Well-Being Project in mainland China from 2019 to 2020. This analysis was based on data from 1,929 participants, who were between 16 and 22 years old, with an average age of around 18–19 years. Sixty-three percent of the participants were women, 55% resided in rural areas, and 85% came from intact families.</p>
<p data-start="3054" data-end="3384">Among other assessments, participants completed measures of childhood maltreatment (using the 28-item Childhood Trauma Questionnaire – Short Form), emotion regulation strategies (using the Emotion Regulation Questionnaire), and sleep quality (using the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index). They also provided various demographic data.</p>
<p data-start="3386" data-end="3677">Results showed that 18% of participants experienced sexual abuse, 7% experienced physical abuse, and 15% experienced emotional abuse during childhood. All types of childhood maltreatment were associated with increased sleep problems, with the association being strongest for emotional abuse.</p>
<p data-start="3679" data-end="3875">The patterns of childhood maltreatment reported by participants could be grouped into three categories: low childhood maltreatment, high physical and emotional maltreatment, and high sexual abuse.</p>
<p data-start="3877" data-end="4284">The authors tested a model proposing that high physical and emotional maltreatment led to a lower use of cognitive reappraisal strategies, while high sexual abuse made individuals more prone to using expressive suppression (compared to youths who were not maltreated). In turn, these factors contributed to more sleep problems. The results indicated that such relationships among these factors are possible.</p>
<p>“This study reveals new insights into the patterns of childhood maltreatment in Chinese youths and implies that individuals exposed to sexual abuse or a combination of physical and emotional maltreatment experience sleep problems through the impairment of differential emotion regulation processes. It also highlights the necessity of setting differential targets on emotion regulation strategies for distinct groups of maltreatment and considering the co-occurrence of physical and emotional maltreatment,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p data-start="4812" data-end="5218">The study sheds light on the links between childhood maltreatment, emotion regulation, and sleep quality. However, it should be noted that the study’s design does not allow for definitive causal inferences. The statistical models tested show only that the proposed relationships among the studied factors are possible, not that all alternative explanations for the observed associations have been excluded.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S0954579423000597">Patterns of childhood maltreatment influence sleep quality: The role of emotion regulation,</a>” was authored by Sihan Liu, Nigela Ahemaitijiang, Jianjie Xu, Yang Liu, Lu Chen, and Zhuo Rachel Han.</p></p>
</div>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:13px; text-align: center; color: #666666; padding:4px; margin-bottom:2px;"></div>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
<p><strong>This information is taken from free public RSS feeds published by each organization for the purpose of public distribution. Readers are linked back to the article content on each organization's website. This email is an unaffiliated unofficial redistribution of this freely provided content from the publishers. </strong></p>
<p> </p>
<p><s><small><a href="#" style="color:#ffffff;"><a href="https://blogtrottr.com/unsubscribe/565/DY9DKf">unsubscribe from this feed</a></a></small></s></p>