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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/experiences-of-awe-may-drive-ketamines-antidepressant-benefits/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Experiences of awe may drive ketamine’s antidepressant benefits</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 12th 2025, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study examining the effects of ketamine infusion on depression found that the infusion induces psychological experiences of awe. These experiences may mediate the effects of ketamine on the improvement of depression symptoms. The paper was published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bpsgos.2024.100316"><em>Biological Psychiatry Global Open Science.</em></a></p>
<p>Ketamine is a medication primarily used as an anesthetic in both humans and animals. In this role, it is valued for its rapid onset and safety in maintaining cardiovascular function. It disrupts the activity of the neurotransmitter glutamate in the brain, which accounts for its unique anesthetic effects.</p>
<p>Beyond its use in anesthesia, ketamine has gained attention for its rapid-acting antidepressant effects, particularly in cases of treatment-resistant depression and in individuals contemplating suicide. For mental health applications, it is typically administered intravenously or as a nasal spray in controlled settings. However, ketamine is sometimes abused for its dissociative and hallucinogenic effects, raising concerns about misuse and addiction.</p>
<p>Study author Julia Aepfelbacher and her colleagues sought to explore the role of awe in the antidepressant effects of ketamine. Awe is defined as a constellation of reactions that occur when a person encounters a “vast mystery” or experiences a need for “accommodation” to reorganize their knowledge structures to make sense of what they have encountered. To investigate this, the researchers conducted a randomized controlled trial.</p>
<p>The study included 116 individuals with moderate to severe depression. Participants were randomly divided into two groups in a 2:1 ratio. One group consisted of 77 participants who received a single ketamine infusion (0.5 mg/kg over 40 minutes), while the remaining 39 participants received a saline solution (50 mL of 0.9% sodium chloride) as a placebo. Approximately 40 minutes after receiving their assigned infusion, participants completed assessments of awe (using the AWE scale) and dissociative symptoms (using the Clinician-Administered Dissociative States Scale). They also completed depression symptom assessments (using the Montgomery-Asberg Depression Rating Scale) at multiple points over the following 30 days.</p>
<p>The results showed that participants who received the ketamine infusion tended to score higher on the AWE scale, indicating stronger experiences of awe. These participants also reported more pronounced dissociative symptoms. Individuals who experienced stronger feelings of awe tended to show greater improvement in depression symptoms, particularly 12 days after the infusion. Interestingly, correlations between improvements in depression and the intensity of dissociative symptoms were negligible, suggesting that the experiences of awe might play a central role in ketamine’s antidepressant effects.</p>
<p>“Our study suggests that the experience of awe during ketamine infusion may play a mediating role in both rapid and more sustained antidepressant effects over the course of one month,” the study authors concluded. “These enduring statistical mediation effects were observed even beyond the period when a significant overall impact of ketamine was noted across all ketamine-treated individuals, suggesting that individuals who do not strongly endorse awe-like experiences during the infusion are more likely to experience the rapid return of depression. By contrast, those reporting very strong experiences of awe during the infusion were relatively buffered against depression’s return, for at least one month after a single infusion.</p>
<p>The study sheds light on the mechanisms underlying ketamine’s antidepressant effects. However, it is important to note that the associations between AWE scores and depression do not fully explain ketamine’s effects, indicating that additional factors may contribute to its antidepressant properties.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bpsgos.2024.100316">Experiences of Awe Mediate Ketamine’s Antidepressant Effects: Findings from a Randomized Controlled Trial in Treatment-Resistant Depression,</a>” was authored by Julia Aepfelbacher, Benjamin Panny, and Rebecca B. Price.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-research-reveals-an-alarming-fact-about-copycat-mass-shooters/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New research reveals an alarming fact about copycat mass shooters</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 12th 2025, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>High-profile mass shootings can create lasting ripple effects, inspiring future attackers to mimic the crimes of their predecessors. A new study published in the <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S004723522400165X"><em>Journal of Criminal Justice</em></a> reveals that copycat shooters often share significant similarities with their role models, including demographic traits and the types of locations they target. Troublingly, nearly 80% of copycat attacks occurred more than a year after the original incident, with an average delay of approximately eight years, suggesting that the influence of high-profile mass shooters persists over long periods, making their actions a lingering threat that can inspire violence long after the initial event.</p>
<p>Past research has shown that extensive coverage of mass shooters can glorify their actions and inspire others to follow suit. This is evident in cases where attackers have explicitly named or modeled their actions after previous perpetrators. Despite the clear link between media exposure and copycat behavior, researchers <a href="https://www.adamlankford.com/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Adam Lankford</a> and Jason R. Silva noted that little empirical research has explored the characteristics that make individuals more susceptible to such influence or the extent to which copycat shooters mimic their role models.</p>
<p>“The notion that some people who commit mass shootings are not attacking for their own reasons—they’re copying a role model instead—is incredibly scary,” said Lankford, professor and chair of criminology and criminal justice at the University of Alabama. “It suggests high-profile attackers can have exponential effects on inspiring generations of new attackers. But before we conducted this study, there had been almost no empirical research on who is most susceptible to this type of influence and what behaviors they are likely to copy.”</p>
<p>The researchers compiled data on 205 documented cases of mass shooters who were influenced by prior perpetrators. They compared these copycat attackers to their role models across various characteristics, such as age, sex, race, and location type, and examined patterns in their crimes. To test whether these similarities were statistically significant, the team conducted 2,000 simulated matches, pairing real copycats with random perpetrators from a dataset of 857 public mass shooters and active shooters worldwide.</p>
<p>The study focused on public mass shootings and active shootings that caused at least one casualty between 1966 and 2022, excluding incidents linked to gang or domestic violence. To qualify as a copycat, evidence had to show a clear connection to a role model, such as references in manifestos, social media posts, or investigative findings.</p>
<p>Lankford and Silva found that copycat shooters are substantially more likely to share key demographic traits with the perpetrators they emulate, including age, sex, and race. For example, nearly all copycat attackers in the study (98%) shared the same sex as their role models, and 68% shared the same race. Additionally, 59% of copycats committed their crimes in the same country as their role models, further reinforcing the likelihood of geographic proximity in these connections.</p>
<p>“In the article we present a graph of the age differences between copycat attackers and their role models, and it looks remarkably like a bell curve or normal distribution, with the approximate midpoint and most common age gap being zero (which means the perpetrators were both the same age when they attacked),” Silva, an assistant professor at William Paterson University, told PsyPost. “Although we expected similarities, it was surprising how perfectly the age data fit our expectations.”</p>
<p>The researchers also identified patterns in the types of locations targeted and the outcomes of attacks. Copycats were nearly three times more likely to choose the same type of location—such as schools, places of worship, or commercial establishments—as their role models. Moreover, they were 39% more likely to experience the same outcome, whether that was suicide, lethal confrontation with law enforcement, or arrest. These shared characteristics suggest that copycat shooters often model their attacks on their role models in ways that go beyond mere inspiration, replicating specific aspects of their crimes.</p>
<p>One striking finding was the long temporal gap between attacks by role models and their copycats. On average, copycats struck nearly eight years after their role models, with almost 80% of copycat attacks occurring more than a year after the initial incident. This challenges the assumption that copycat behavior is a short-term phenomenon triggered immediately after high-profile shootings. Instead, it underscores the enduring influence of high-profile attackers, whose notoriety can resonate with potential copycats for many years.</p>
<p>“Many people fear short-term contagion and copycat effects, like the prospect that a mass shooting today will inspire another one tomorrow, and then the next day, and the day after that,” Lankford said. “But we found that approximately 80% of copycat mass shooters attacked more than one year after their role model, and the average delay was nearly 8 years. Anyone who notices their family member, friend, or acquaintance has developed an unhealthy interest in a past mass shooter should consider that a serious warning sign, even if that perpetrator attacked many years ago.”</p>
<p>Despite these similarities, the researchers found that copycat shooters tend to inflict less harm than their role models. On average, copycats killed ten fewer victims and injured 15 fewer individuals. This disparity could stem from various factors, including differences in planning, skill, or external circumstances, or it might reflect a phenomenon known as “generation loss,” where the replication of an original act loses its intensity or effectiveness over time. Regardless of the cause, the lower severity of copycat attacks provides a small but notable silver lining within an otherwise troubling trend.</p>
<p>“As society changes, mass shooting threats can change as well,” Lankford noted. “For example, there was a recent school shooting by a female perpetrator in Wisconsin who appears to have been inspired by male mass shooters. Our findings suggest role models and copycats usually have the same gender, so this was surprising. But it will be interesting to see whether she becomes a role model for future attackers, and if so, will they often be female copycats (as our study might suggest) or male copycats?”</p>
<p>The findings highlight the importance of addressing the role of media in perpetuating the cycle of mass shootings. When mass shooters receive extensive coverage, they are effectively rewarded with fame, which can inspire others who identify with their characteristics or grievances. Efforts to reduce this effect could include withholding the names and images of perpetrators from media reports, a practice already recommended by several organizations and campaigns.</p>
<p>“Scholars and public campaigns like ‘No Notoriety’ have suggested it is important to avoid glorifying mass shooters while still disseminating necessary news information,” Silva said. “Our findings directly support these efforts. Copycat mass shooters appear almost entirely dependent on the media coverage of high-profile perpetrators, along with social media, for the information that drives their obsession and imitation.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2024.102316">Similarities between copycat mass shooters and their role models: An empirical analysis with implications for threat assessment and violence prevention</a>,” was published November 2024.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/brain-training-games-what-the-evidence-really-says-about-their-benefits/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Brain-training games: What the evidence really says about their benefits</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 11th 2025, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>Some 2.3 million of U.S. adults over 65 – more than 4% – have a <a href="https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nhsr/nhsr203.pdf">diagnosis of dementia</a>. But even without a diagnosis, a certain amount of cognitive decline is normal as age sets in.</p>
<p>And whether it’s due to fear of cognitive decline or noticing lapses in cognition when we are stressed, many of us have had moments when we thought we could use an extra cognitive boost.</p>
<p>The good news is research has shown that people can make changes throughout adulthood that can <a href="http://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(24)01296-0">help prevent or delay cognitive decline</a> and even reduce their risk of dementia. These include <a href="http://doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(20)30367-6">quitting smoking</a> and properly managing blood pressure.</p>
<p>In addition to these lifestyle changes, many people are turning to brain-training games, which claim to optimize your brain’s efficiency and capacity at any age. The makers of brain-training apps and games claim their products can do everything from staving off cognitive decline to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0801268105">improving your IQ</a>.</p>
<p>But so far these <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1529100616661983">claims have been met with mixed evidence</a>.</p>
<p>We are <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=FwZVLMUAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">cognitive neuroscientists</a> who <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=6y-zGfsAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">focus on brain health</a> across the adult lifespan. We study how the brain informs cognition and the ways we can use brain imaging to understand cognitive and brain-training interventions. We aim to understand how our brains change naturally over time as well as what we can do about it.</p>
<p>Ongoing research shows what actually happens to the brain when it is engaged in new learning, offering a window into how people can sustain their brain health and how brain-training games can play a role. We believe these studies offer some strategies to train your brain the right way.</p>
<h2>Brain training fact vs. fiction</h2>
<p><a href="http://doi.org/10.1007/s41465-017-0040-5">Brain training</a> is a set of tasks, often computerized, based on well-known tests to measure a type of cognition, but in a gamified manner.</p>
<p>Most brain-training games were designed to help participants master one or more specific skills. One example is a game that shows you a letter and number combination, where sometimes you must quickly identify whether the letter is even or odd, while other times you must switch to deciding whether the letter is a consonant or vowel. The game may increase in difficulty by requiring you to accomplish the task within a set time limit.</p>
<p>Such games are designed to require a high level of attention, fast processing speed and a flexible mind to alternate between the rules, known as <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/articles/executive-function">executive functioning</a>.</p>
<p>But it turns out that the specific skills learned in these games often do not translate to more general, real-world applications. Whether brain games meet their end goal of lasting cognitive improvement across a number of areas is still <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000204">highly debated among psychologists</a>. To make such claims requires rigorous evidence that playing a specific game improves cognitive or brain performance.</p>
<p>In 2016, in fact, the Federal Trade Commission <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2016/01/lumosity-pay-2-million-settle-ftc-deceptive-advertising-charges-its-brain-training-program">issued a US$50 million penalty</a> to one of the most popular brain-training games at the time, Lumosity, for misleading consumers into thinking that they could achieve higher levels of mental performance at work or at school and prevent or delay cognitive decline by using its product.</p>
<p>If improving on a brain game helps the player get better only at that or highly similar games, maybe game developers need a different approach.</p>
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<h2>Put some challenge into it</h2>
<p>In a study dubbed the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797613499592">Synapse Project</a>, in which one of us, Ian McDonough, helped assess the final outcomes, one group of participants were tasked with engaging in a new activity with which they had little experience. They were assigned to either digital photography or quilting. Though these activities were not games, they were meant to be engaging, challenging and done in a social environment.</p>
<p>Another group was assigned activities that involved little active learning, such as engaging in themed activities related to travel or cooking, or more solitary activities such as solving crossword puzzles, listening to music or watching classic movies. These groups met for 15 hours a week over 14 weeks. All participants were tested at the beginning and end of the study on various cognitive abilities.</p>
<p>Those assigned to the new, challenging activities showed significant gains in their memory, processing speed and reasoning abilities relative to those assigned to the less challenging activities. None of the participants were directly trained on these cognitive tests, which means that the challenging activities enhanced skills that transferred to new situations, such as remembering a list of words or solving abstract problems.</p>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.3233/RNN-150533">Brain scans of participants</a> showed that over the course of the study, those engaged in the more challenging activities increased their <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2009.04.001">neural efficiency</a>. In other words, their brains didn’t have to work as hard to solve problems or recall information.</p>
<p>The study also showed that the more time participants spent on their projects, <a href="https://doi.org/10.3233/RNN-150533">the bigger their brain gains</a> and the better their memory was at the end of the 14 weeks.</p>
<p>One difference between the types of activities engaged in the Synapse Project and traditional brain training is whether activities are done in a group or alone. Although <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-best-exercises-to-boost-your-brain-health-after-60-237162">other studies</a> have found a benefit to social interaction, the Synapse Project found no difference between the social and solitary activities in the low-challenge group. So, challenge rather than the social components seems to be the driver of maintaining cognitive and brain health.</p>
<h2>What you can do to maintain a healthy brain</h2>
<p>You might be thinking it’s time to take up digital photography or quilting. But in the end, it’s not about those specific tasks. What matters most is that you challenge yourself, which often comes naturally when doing something new.</p>
<p>The new learning that often is accompanied by a sense of effort – and sometimes frustration – requires accessing the resources in the <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/body/24501-frontal-lobe">frontal lobe</a>, which manages thinking and judgment, and the <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/body/24628-parietal-lobe">parietal lobe</a>, which processes attention and combines different sensory inputs. These regions constantly talk to each other to keep the mind adaptable in all kinds of situations and prevent the brain from going into “habit mode.”</p>
<p>Where does this leave us? Well, on the one hand, games touted as “training your brain” may not be the best solution compared with other routes to improving cognition.</p>
<p>Ironically, you might already be training your brain by playing effortful games that are not marketed as “brain training.” For example, <a href="http://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0055518">games such as Tetris</a> or <a href="http://doi.org/10.1037/a0013494">real-time strategy games</a> such as Rise of Nations have shown improvements in players’ cognition. Research has even shown that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0187779">playing Super Mario 64</a> can result in increases in brain volume in regions such as the <a href="https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/body/hippocampus">hippocampus</a>, the memory center of the brain.</p>
<p>While little evidence suggests that any brain-training game or program globally improves cognition, some may improve specific aspects of it. As with other activities, challenge is key.</p>
<p>If you’re a word person, try a numbers-based game. If you love math, consider a word game or puzzle. Choosing a task that makes you feel uncomfortable gives you the best shot at maintaining and even improving your cognition. Once you start feeling a sense of ease and familiarity, that’s a sign that it’s time to switch tasks, change the game or at least add some challenge by advancing to a new level of difficulty that feels just beyond your reach.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/240499/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
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<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/brain-training-games-remain-unproven-but-research-shows-what-sorts-of-activities-do-benefit-cognitive-functioning-240499">original article</a>.</em></p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/study-finds-alcohol-and-relationship-context-skew-perceptions-of-sexual-consent/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Study finds alcohol and relationship context skew perceptions of sexual consent</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 11th 2025, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-024-01549-z"><em>Sex Roles</em></a> found that perceptions of sexual consent among college students vary significantly depending on contextual factors like alcohol consumption, relationship type, and evaluator gender.</p>
<p>There is a high prevalence of sexual violence among college-aged individuals. Research highlights that alcohol consumption is frequently present in these encounters, complicating the interpretation of consent. Many campuses advocate for affirmative consent policies, which emphasize clear, verbal, and sober agreements.</p>
<p>Prior research has shown discrepancies between ideal and practical applications of consent communication. In real-world settings, people often rely on nonverbal and ambiguous cues, which can lead to misinterpretation.</p>
<p>Laura A. Pazos and colleagues conducted this study to understand how varying levels of alcohol consumption, relationship dynamics, and participant gender influence perceptions of consent.</p>
<p>The study recruited 111 undergraduate students from two southern universities, aged 21.7 on average. Participants read 36 vignettes in randomized order. These depicted a man initiating sexual activity with a woman, with context varying in terms of consent type (explicitly granted, explicitly denied, or ambiguous), alcohol consumption level (sober, tipsy, or intoxicated), and relationship type (dating or strangers). The gender of evaluators was also collected. Participants rated each vignette on perceived consent, the likelihood of sexual assault, and the target’s willingness to engage on a 6-point Likert scale.</p>
<p>Participants were consistent in distinguishing clearly consensual encounters from nonconsensual ones, with explicitly consensual scenarios receiving the highest ratings for consent and nonconsensual scenarios viewed as indicative of assault. However, ambiguity in consent communication introduced notable variability in perceptions. Scenarios involving women described as tipsy (after one or two drinks) were often interpreted as more consensual and less indicative of assault than those involving sober or intoxicated women. This trend suggests a reliance on moderate alcohol consumption as a misleading indicator of willingness.</p>
<p>Gender differences were also evident in participants’ interpretations. Male respondents were more likely than females to perceive all encounters as consensual, especially those involving intoxicated women, even in cases where consent was ambiguous or explicitly denied. Additionally, the type of relationship between the individuals in the vignette influenced perceptions. Scenarios involving dating partners were less likely to be viewed as indicative of assault compared to those involving strangers, even when consent was ambiguously communicated.</p>
<p>Overall, these findings underscore the complexity of interpreting consent when explicit communication is absent. It also highlights the need for educational efforts to promote safer interactions.</p>
<p>Of note is that the use of vignettes may not fully capture the intricacies of real-world interactions.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-024-01549-z">Perceptions of Sexual Consent: The Role of Situational Factors and Participant Gender Among College Students</a>,” was authored by Laura A. Pazos, Daniella K. Cash, Deah S. Quinlivan, and Tiffany D. Russell.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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