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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News Daily Digest (Unofficial)</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/neuroscientist-show-how-stress-reshapes-fear-memories-via-the-brains-endocannabinoid-system/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Neuroscientist show how stress reshapes fear memories via the brain’s endocannabinoid system</a>
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<p><p>Stress can shape how we form and recall memories, often sharpening our recollection of emotional or threatening events. However, new research published in <a href="https://www.cell.com/cell/abstract/S0092-8674(24)01216-9"><em>Cell</em></a> has shown that acute stress can disrupt this specificity, causing generalized memories that blur the boundaries between safe and dangerous situations. Neuroscientists discovered that stress alters the way memories are encoded in the brain, involving a larger-than-usual group of neurons, and identified a mechanism tied to the brain’s endocannabinoid system that could potentially be targeted for therapeutic interventions.</p>
<p>Our ability to form precise memories allows us to navigate the world safely and efficiently. For instance, animals that narrowly escape a predator in a specific location benefit from remembering the threat and avoiding that location in the future. However, if the memory becomes overly generalized—leading the animal to avoid all areas that remotely resemble the original location—it could hinder necessary behaviors like foraging. Misinterpreting safe environments as threatening is a hallmark of disorders like post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and generalized anxiety disorder.</p>
<p>“My lab has a long-standing interest in how the brain encodes, stores and retrieves memories. We, along with several other groups around the world, have shown that in mice (at least, but we suspect much more broadly across species), memories are stored in the brain in a small population of brain cells (or neurons) known as an engram ensemble,” said study author <a href="https://jflab.ca/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Sheena Josselyn</a>, a senior scientist at the Hospital for Sick Children in Toronto and a professor in psychology and physiology at the University of Toronto.</p>
<p>“These neurons in an engram ensemble are active at the time of the event and reactivated when the memory for that event is retrieved. Each memory has its own specific corresponding engram ensemble, allowing us to remember many different things. Previously, we noted that the size (that is the number of neurons) in an engram ensemble is relatively constant, despite memories having differing strengths and content. It is well-known that stress impacts memory, especially threat memories, but precisely how was unknown.”</p>
<p>The researchers conducted their study by using mice to model the effects of acute stress on memory formation and generalization. They designed experiments to test whether stress disrupts memory specificity and explored the underlying neuronal and molecular mechanisms involved in this process.</p>
<p>To begin, they exposed the mice to a memory training task involving auditory cues. In this task, one sound was paired with a mild foot shock, making it a threatening stimulus, while another sound had no consequence, serving as a safe stimulus. This setup allowed the researchers to measure how well the mice could distinguish between the two sounds. After the training, the mice were tested in a new environment to see if they would respond differently to the threatening and safe stimuli.</p>
<p>Some mice were subjected to acute stress before the memory training. This stress was induced either through restraint—a situation where the mice were confined to a small tube—or by injecting them with corticosterone, a hormone released during stress. Control mice were not exposed to these stressors. This allowed the researchers to compare memory formation and retrieval between stressed and unstressed groups.</p>
<p>The researchers observed a striking difference in behavior. Unstressed mice displayed specific memory recall, reacting defensively (freezing) only to the sound associated with the shock. In contrast, stressed mice showed generalized defensive reactions to both the threatening and safe sounds. This finding indicated that acute stress impaired the ability to form specific memories, leading to overgeneralization.</p>
<p>To delve deeper into the mechanisms, the researchers examined the neurons responsible for encoding memories. Using advanced imaging techniques, the researchers visualized the engram ensembles in the amygdala, a brain region critical for processing fear and emotions.</p>
<p>They found that the engram ensembles formed in stressed mice were larger than those in unstressed mice. Normally, memory formation is a highly selective process, involving a relatively small number of neurons. This sparse encoding allows for precise recall. However, stress disrupted this balance, leading to the inclusion of more neurons in the memory trace. This increase in the size of the engram ensemble corresponded to the generalized memory responses observed in stressed mice.</p>
<p>“We found that stress right before a threatening training event not only changed the quality of the memory for the threatening event, but also changed the size of the engram ensemble supporting this memory,” Josselyn told PsyPost. “Typically, a threat memory is remembered very specifically. We show fearful responses to the exact stimulus and little to other stimuli. However, when mice were stressed right before the threatening training event, the mice showed fearful responses to many, many stimuli. We call this threat generalization and it is a feature of many human disorders, including PTSD. We also found that the size of the engram supporting this memory was much larger than normal.”</p>
<p>To understand why stress caused these larger engram ensembles, the researchers turned their attention to inhibitory neurons in the amygdala, particularly those known as parvalbumin-positive (PV+) neurons. These neurons play a crucial role in maintaining the sparsity of engram ensembles by selectively excluding less active neurons from being part of the memory trace. The researchers discovered that stress impaired the activity of these inhibitory neurons, allowing more excitatory neurons to be recruited into the memory trace.</p>
<p>This disruption was traced to the brain’s endocannabinoid system, which is involved in regulating stress and emotional responses. Stress caused an increase in endocannabinoids, particularly anandamide, in the amygdala. These endocannabinoids acted on cannabinoid receptors located on PV+ neurons, reducing their ability to inhibit the recruitment of neurons into the engram ensemble. This mechanism explained why stress led to larger, less specific memory traces.</p>
<p>The researchers further tested the role of endocannabinoids by manipulating their levels pharmacologically. When stressed mice were treated with drugs that blocked the production or effects of endocannabinoids, their memory specificity was restored. Similarly, administering drugs that inhibited corticosterone, the stress hormone, also prevented the formation of generalized memories. These interventions confirmed the causal role of endocannabinoids and corticosterone in driving stress-induced memory generalization.</p>
<p>In another set of experiments, the researchers explored the implications of these findings for potential therapeutic applications. They used genetically engineered mice to selectively reduce cannabinoid receptor activity on PV+ neurons in the amygdala. This manipulation restored memory specificity in stressed mice, further validating the role of the endocannabinoid system in mediating stress effects on memory.</p>
<p>The researchers also discovered that the changes induced by stress were specific to threatening memories. The stressed mice’s responses to safe stimuli were generalized, but their overall learning and memory capabilities were not impaired. This specificity suggests that stress selectively affects the mechanisms underlying threat memory formation.</p>
<p>“The key takeaway from this study is that stress can change how our brains encode threat memories,” Josselyn explained. “Adding stress to the mix engages many more systems that can change the quality and specificity of any memory formed. These results may help inform the development of future treatment strategies for disorders such as PTSD.”</p>
<p>Although the findings provide evidence of stress-induced memory generalization and the neural mechanisms involved, the study has some limitations. It focused exclusively on aversive or threatening memories, leaving unanswered questions about whether stress similarly affects non-aversive or rewarding memories. Furthermore, translating these results to humans will require additional research. Mice serve as a useful model because their brains share many structural and functional similarities with human brains, particularly in regions like the amygdala that are involved in memory and emotional processing. Using animal models like mice allows scientists to control variables and explore mechanisms at a level of detail that is not feasible in human studies. However, there are inherent challenges in applying findings from one species to another.</p>
<p>“Our research used mice,” Josselyn said. “We tested a threat memory in mice as a proxy for threat memory generalization in humans. Of course, there can be caveats when going across this species divide. That being said, the only way to develop new effective treatments for a myriad of brain disorders is to study how the brain works. We believe that these types of studies are important in that grand endeavour.”</p>
<p>“Our goal is to understand how memories are encoded, stored and used in the brain. Memory is so important to our everyday lives. Our memories are who we are and help us navigate through the world. Disorders of memory exact a huge toll on both those afflicted, their families, communities and our society overall. Our goal is to help understand the neurobiological basis of memory to help fix memory when this process goes awry.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2024.10.034">Stress disrupts engram ensembles in lateral amygdala to generalize threat memory in mice</a>,” was authored by Sylvie L. Lesuis, Sungmo Park, Annelies Hoorn, Paul W. Frankland, Matthew N. Hill, and Sheena A. Josselyn.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/abortion-access-is-a-powerful-predictor-of-womens-long-term-future-in-the-united-states/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Abortion access is a powerful predictor of women’s long-term future in the United States</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 9th 2025, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>New research published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00031224241292058"><em>American Sociological Review</em></a> has highlighted the significant economic and educational advantages for women who had access to abortion during adolescence. The study found that women who lived in areas with fewer abortion restrictions as teenagers, or who had an abortion rather than a live birth in adolescence, were more likely to graduate from college, earn higher incomes, and experience greater financial stability over a 25-year period. These findings suggest that access to abortion is a critical factor shaping women’s socioeconomic outcomes across their lifetimes.</p>
<p>The researchers aimed to address a longstanding gap in sociological research by exploring how access to abortion impacts women’s economic lives. While much attention has been given to the consequences of childbearing on women’s socioeconomic outcomes, relatively little research has focused on abortion. This is surprising given the widespread nature of abortion in the United States—about one in four women will have an abortion by age 45—and the significant economic challenges posed by early childbearing.</p>
<p>The study was particularly timely in light of the United States Supreme Court’s 2022 Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision, which overturned federal abortion rights established by Roe v. Wade. This legal shift created a fragmented policy landscape in which millions of women now live in states with restricted or banned access to abortion. The researchers sought to understand the potential long-term consequences of such restrictions by examining historical data from a time when abortion was more accessible in many states.</p>
<p>“I was interested in this topic largely because I think most people don’t know how common abortion is; almost 100,000 were done in the United States every month of the past year. In the context of growing restrictions and the repeal of <em>Roe v Wade</em>, understanding the broader consequences of these changes in reproductive health policy is critical. One understudied area is the economic implications of restricted access,” explained study author Bethany Everett, an associate professor at the University of Utah.</p>
<p>The study utilized data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health), a nationally representative dataset that tracks participants from adolescence into adulthood. This dataset includes rich demographic, socioeconomic, and geographic information, making it ideal for examining the long-term impacts of abortion access. The researchers employed two complementary approaches to investigate the relationship between abortion and socioeconomic outcomes.</p>
<p>In the first approach, the researchers examined how the restrictiveness of abortion policies in a woman’s teenage years affected her long-term socioeconomic outcomes. They categorized abortion policy environments using state- and county-level data on laws and provider availability. The restrictiveness of abortion environments was determined using a composite measure that included:</p>
<ol>
<li><strong>State funding policies:</strong> Whether Medicaid funding was available for abortions beyond cases of rape, incest, or life endangerment.</li>
<li><strong>Parental consent or notification laws:</strong> Whether states required parental involvement for minors seeking abortion.</li>
<li><strong>Waiting periods and informed consent:</strong> Whether states mandated a waiting period or additional counseling before an abortion.</li>
<li><strong>Access to abortion providers:</strong> Whether a woman’s county had at least one abortion provider.</li>
</ol>
<p>These factors were aggregated to create a restrictiveness score ranging from less restrictive to highly restrictive. Women who lived in areas with fewer restrictions during their teenage years were compared to those in more restrictive environments.</p>
<p>The researchers linked these policy environments to individual-level data on women’s education, income, and financial stability at two points in adulthood: ages 24–32 and ages 34–43. To account for potential confounders, the analysis controlled for individual characteristics like race, parental education, family income, and community-level factors such as urbanicity and educational spending.</p>
<p>The sample initially included 10,263 female respondents from the 1994 Add Health survey (ages 12–18) but was narrowed to 5,849 women with valid geographic and follow-up data.</p>
<p>The second approach focused on 1,561 women from the Add Health dataset who reported a pregnancy before age 20, excluding cases of miscarriage and incomplete data. Of these, 19.6% had abortions, while 80.4% gave birth.</p>
<p>The researchers compared the socioeconomic outcomes of those whose pregnancies ended in abortion with those who gave birth as teenagers. They used counterfactual matching techniques, which pair individuals with similar characteristics (e.g., socioeconomic status, family background) to isolate the effect of abortion on later outcomes. By creating matched pairs, the analysis approximated the conditions of a randomized experiment, addressing potential biases related to who chooses abortion versus parenthood.</p>
<p>The researchers found that women who grew up in less restrictive abortion policy environments tended to have better socioeconomic outcomes later in life. These differences were particularly pronounced in education, income, and financial stability.</p>
<ol>
<li><strong>Education:</strong> Women in less restrictive environments were more likely to graduate from college. By their early 40s, these women had significantly higher rates of bachelor’s degree attainment compared to their peers in more restrictive environments.</li>
<li><strong>Income:</strong> Women who lived in less restrictive areas during adolescence reported higher incomes as adults. On average, these women earned between $5,000 and $10,000 more annually than those in more restrictive regions.</li>
<li><strong>Financial Stability:</strong> Indicators of financial distress, such as trouble paying bills, eviction, or being in debt, were less common among women from less restrictive environments. These women also reported greater success in maintaining consistent access to basic needs like utilities and housing.</li>
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<p>“The robustness of the findings was surprising,” Everett told PsyPost. “We found the same results over multiple periods and multiple measures of socioeconomic status.”</p>
<p>The comparison of teenage pregnancy outcomes provided further evidence of the benefits of abortion access.</p>
<ol>
<li><strong>Education:</strong> Among women who experienced a pregnancy as teenagers, those who had an abortion were significantly more likely to graduate from high school and college. Nearly 28% of women who had an abortion completed college by their early 30s, compared to just 9% of those who gave birth as teenagers. By their early 40s, this gap widened, with 41% of women who had abortions holding a college degree compared to 16% of those who gave birth.</li>
<li><strong>Income:</strong> Women who had an abortion as teenagers earned substantially higher incomes in adulthood. The income advantage persisted over time, with those who had abortions earning at least one income category higher (approximately $5,000–$10,000 more annually) compared to their peers who gave birth.</li>
<li><strong>Economic Instability:</strong> Women who had abortions reported fewer experiences of economic instability, such as food insecurity, utility shutoffs, and eviction. They were also less likely to report being in debt if their assets were liquidated.</li>
<li><strong>Employment:</strong> While the study found no significant differences in overall employment rates, it suggested that women who gave birth as teenagers were more likely to be employed in low-wage or unstable jobs. This finding implied that abortion access not only facilitated higher educational attainment but also allowed women to pursue higher-paying and more stable careers.</li>
</ol>
<p>The findings highlight that “the ability to decide when to have a child is a powerful predictor for women’s long-term economic futures, including their education, their ability to pay bills, avoid debt, prevent eviction, and achieve higher incomes,” Everett said. “Alternatively, the results also highlight how poorly the United States supports young mothers; early childbearing should not condemn women to a life of poverty, and many policy changes could be implemented to support young parents and families.”</p>
<p>The researchers controlled for factors like poverty status, parental education, and adolescent aspirations to ensure that differences in outcomes were not simply due to preexisting disparities. However, as with all research, there are limitations to consider. The data reflect conditions from the 1990s and early 2000s, a time when abortion was more accessible in many parts of the United States than it is today. Additionally, the researchers noted that abortion is often underreported due to stigma.</p>
<p>“Abortion is notoriously underreported, so<b> </b>we do know that there are many respondents in the sample who we did not capture who likely had abortions but did not report them on the survey,” Everett said. “We don’t have a reason to fundamentally believe that these women would differ from the ones in our sample meaningfully.”</p>
<p>In <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2019.05.001" target="_blank" rel="noopener">previous research</a>, Everett found that men whose partners had an abortion during adolescence tended to have better socioeconomic outcomes than those who became fathers. These men were more likely to graduate from college and continue their education beyond high school.</p>
<p>“These results are part of a broader ‘Abortion Beneficiaries’ project that I am working on, which has documented the benefits of abortion access for men, as well as preliminary findings on the role of abortion access in marital stability and decreased risk of divorce,” Everett explained. “As I said earlier, given how common abortion is, it’s important to document the wide-ranging consequences of changes in reproductive health policy in the United States.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00031224241292058" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Abortion and Women’s Future Socioeconomic Attainment</a>,” was authored by Bethany G. Everett and Catherine J. Taylor.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/reflective-reasoning-enhances-norm-sensitivity-in-moral-dilemmas/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Reflective reasoning enhances norm sensitivity in moral dilemmas</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 8th 2025, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>A study published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672231180760"><em>Personality & Social Psychology Bulletin</em></a> revealed that thinking about reasons for one’s moral dilemma choices increases sensitivity to moral norms without affecting sensitivity to consequences or preferences for action versus inaction.</p>
<p>Moral psychology has extensively debated the role of cognitive reflection in moral judgment. Early theories have emphasized reflective reasoning (see <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00405847709542675">Lawrence Kohlberg</a>), while more recent models focus on automatic emotional processes (see <a href="https://www.overcominghateportal.org/uploads/5/4/1/5/5415260/the_moral_emotions.pdf">Jonathan Haidt</a>). Integrating these perspectives, the dual-process model posits that utilitarian judgments—those maximizing the greater good—are driven by reflective reasoning, whereas deontological judgments—those adhering to moral norms—stem from automatic emotions (see <a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1062872">Joshua Greene</a>). However, evidence linking cognitive reflection and moral judgments remains mixed.</p>
<p>Nyx L. Ng and colleagues sought to explore how reflecting on reasons influences moral dilemma judgments, focusing on sensitivity to consequences, moral norms, and preferences for action versus inaction.</p>
<p>The researchers conducted three experiments to explore the effects of reflecting on reasons in moral dilemma judgments. Across all studies, participants completed a 48-item moral dilemma battery, which included scenarios varying in costs, benefits, and types of moral norms (prescriptive; encouraging action, e.g., “help those in need” or proscriptive; discouraging action, e.g., “do not lie”). Participants judged the acceptability of actions described in each dilemma.</p>
<p>The studies employed the CNI model to separately quantify participants’ sensitivity to consequences (C), moral norms (N), and general action preferences (I). Demographic data such as age, gender, and ethnicity were also collected.</p>
<p>Participants were randomly assigned to different conditions. In the “think-about-reasons” condition, participants were instructed to reflect on reasons justifying their responses, while in the “rely-on-intuitions” condition, participants were prompted to rely on their spontaneous, intuitive reactions. Experiment 3 introduced a third condition, “think-about-intuitions,” where participants reflected specifically on their intuitive reactions before making judgments.</p>
<p>Experiment 1 was conducted online with participants recruited from MTurk (final sample: 165 participants), Experiment 2 was lab-based with undergraduate students (final sample: 249 participants), and Experiment 3 was online with Prolific participants (final sample: 503 participants).</p>
<p>Across the three experiments, participants in the “think-about-reasons” condition consistently demonstrated greater sensitivity to moral norms compared to those in the “rely-on-intuitions” condition. This finding, replicated in all three studies, indicated that reflecting on reasons increased participants’ likelihood of opposing actions that caused harm and supporting actions that prevented harm. Experiment 3 further revealed that this effect was specific to reflecting on reasons, as participants in the “think-about-intuitions” condition did not show a similar increase in norm sensitivity.</p>
<p>Sensitivity to consequences produced variable results. In Experiment 2, participants in the “think-about-reasons” condition displayed higher sensitivity to cost-benefit analyses compared to the “rely-on-intuitions” condition. However, this effect was absent in Experiments 1 and 3, indicating some inconsistency in how reflection influenced consequentialist reasoning.</p>
<p>Similarly, preferences for action versus inaction varied. In Experiment 1, participants in the “think-about-reasons” condition showed a greater preference for action, whereas in Experiment 2, they showed a stronger preference for inaction. No significant differences emerged in Experiment 3.</p>
<p>Importantly, the increase in sensitivity to moral norms among the “think-about-reasons” condition was independent of the time spent deliberating. Although response times were slightly longer in some cases, these differences did not consistently account for the observed effects, confirming that the content of reflection, rather than the cognitive effort involved, drove the results.</p>
<p>Overall, this research highlights that reflecting on reasons enhances sensitivity to moral norms in moral dilemmas, challenging assumptions that deontological judgments solely stem from automatic processes.</p>
<p>The authors noted that while participants were instructed to reflect on reasons, the specific content of these reasons was not controlled, making it unclear whether the results were driven by particular kinds of reasoning (e.g., norm-based or consequence-based).</p>
<p>The research, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672231180760">Thinking About Reasons for One’s Choices Increases Sensitivity to Moral Norms in Moral-Dilemma Judgments</a>,” was authored by Nyx L. Ng, Dillon M. Luke, and Bertram Gawronski.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-research-identifies-key-predictors-of-science-success-in-young-students/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New research identifies key predictors of science success in young students</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 8th 2025, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in <em><a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1041608024001705" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Learning and Individual Differences</a></em> has shed light on how motivation impacts science achievement and career aspirations among students aged 11 to 14. Researchers found that the most successful and ambitious students tended to have a motivational profile marked by high expectations of success, a genuine interest in science, and a belief in its importance and utility. Additionally, these students perceived the “cost” of studying science—such as the effort involved—as low.</p>
<p>The researchers behind the new study aimed to address a critical issue: the declining interest in science during adolescence and its implications for educational and career choices. With a growing demand for workers skilled in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics, understanding what drives students to pursue science is essential. Previous studies have highlighted the importance of motivation, but few have considered how multiple facets of motivation—such as the expectation of success, interest in science, and perceived costs—interact to influence achievement and aspirations.</p>
<p>“This is partly as I have an interest in the psychology of learning and what makes some young people thrive at school whereas others struggle. It is also partly inspired by my colleague Andrea Mallaburn who is a science educator and the importance of understanding why some young people continue to study science whereas others do not,” said study author David Putwain, a professor of education at Liverpool John Moores University and author of <em><a href="https://amzn.to/3W9g71a" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Understanding and Helping to Overcome Exam Anxiety</a></em>.</p>
<p>The research involved 1,240 students aged 11 to 14 from six secondary schools in northwest England. The sample included a diverse range of students in terms of gender, ethnicity, and socioeconomic background. Data collection occurred in two phases. In the first phase, students completed an online survey assessing their motivation to study science. This survey measured three key aspects: (1) their expectation of success in science tasks, (2) the value they placed on science (intrinsic enjoyment, importance, and utility), and (3) the perceived costs of studying science, including effort, opportunity costs, and social or emotional consequences.</p>
<p>Two weeks later, students participated in a 30-minute science test designed to assess their achievement. They also answered questions about their aspirations to pursue science-related careers. Using these data, researchers conducted a statistical analysis known as latent profile analysis to group students into distinct motivational profiles based on their responses.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed four distinct motivational profiles among the students:</p>
<ol>
<li><strong>High Value/Low Cost (Motivationally Adaptive):</strong> Students in this profile had the highest expectations of success, intrinsic enjoyment, and recognition of science’s importance and utility. They also perceived the costs of studying science as minimal. This group demonstrated the highest science achievement and career aspirations.</li>
<li><strong>High Value/High Cost (Struggling Ambitious):</strong> These students valued science highly but also reported significant barriers, such as high effort and emotional costs. Their achievements and aspirations were moderately high but not as strong as those in the adaptive profile.</li>
<li><strong>High Value/Medium Cost:</strong> This group showed high interest and recognition of science’s value but had lower expectations of success and higher perceived barriers. Their performance and aspirations were lower than the first two profiles but higher than the least motivated group.</li>
<li><strong>Low Value/High Cost (Motivationally Disadvantaged):</strong> Students in this profile had low expectations of success, little intrinsic interest in science, and high perceived costs. They achieved the lowest test scores and expressed the weakest science-related aspirations.</li>
</ol>
<p>“It was not necessarily the case that students who judged the importance of science to be high also judged the drawbacks of studying science to be low (and vice versa),” Putwain told PsyPost. “Some students judged the importance science <em>and</em> drawbacks of studying science to be high.”</p>
<p>The researchers also found that socioeconomic background and gender influenced motivational profiles. For example, students from economically disadvantaged backgrounds were less likely to belong to the adaptive profile and more likely to be in the disadvantaged or struggling profiles. Similarly, girls were overrepresented in the struggling profiles, which were characterized by high perceived costs, suggesting that societal pressures and expectations might play a role in shaping their experiences.</p>
<p>“Students’ beliefs about their ability, the importance of science, and the drawbacks associated with studying science (e.g., that requires a lot of effort) are critical in determining achievement and aspirations in early adolescence,” Putwain said. “In addition, girls and students and economically disadvantaged backgrounds tended to believe there were higher drawbacks in studying science, but did not judge their ability or the importance of science any differently to those from other backgrounds.”</p>
<p>While the study provides valuable insights, it has some limitations. The short timeframe between the measurement of motivation and the assessment of achievement limits the ability to draw long-term conclusions about how motivational profiles evolve and influence educational choices over time. Additionally, the study’s reliance on self-reported data for motivation introduces the possibility of bias, as students might overestimate or underestimate their feelings and perceptions.</p>
<p>Future research could address these limitations by tracking students over several years to understand how motivational factors interact with other influences, such as teacher support and peer relationships. Investigating how interventions tailored to different motivational profiles impact long-term outcomes would also be valuable. Finally, expanding the study to include more diverse educational settings could help determine whether the findings generalize beyond the specific context of secondary schools in England.</p>
<p>“We must bear in mind that the unique features of educational systems are likely to impact on the way science is perceived at school,” Putwain noted. “For instance, in this study, we focused on the first three years of secondary school where all students in English must study science before students can choose whether to study a specific science subject at a higher level in upper secondary education. Features of educational systems in different countries may impact students in different ways, but this does not reduce the importance of students beliefs in driving their achievement and aspirations.”</p>
<p>The long-term goal of this research is “to gain a more thorough understanding of the psychological drivers and barriers to student success in compulsory education,” Putwain explained. “This understanding is essential for teachers and school leaders to be efficient and effective in supporting student learning and achievement. There are also important messages for policy makers too. My goal is to assist policy makers, teachers, school leaders, and not least students themselves, to achieve their potential.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lindif.2024.102577" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Science motivation, academic achievement, career aspirations in early adolescents</a>,” was authored by David W. Putwain, Andrea Mallaburn, and Tanja Held.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/im-a-neuroscientist-who-taught-rats-to-drive-%E2%88%92-their-joy-suggests-how-anticipating-fun-can-enrich-human-life/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">I’m a neuroscientist who taught rats to drive − their joy suggests how anticipating fun can enrich human life</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 8th 2025, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>We crafted our first rodent car from a plastic cereal container. After trial and error, my colleagues and I found that rats could learn to drive forward by grasping a small wire that acted like a gas pedal. Before long, they were steering with surprising precision to reach a Froot Loop treat.</p>
<p>As expected, rats housed in enriched environments – complete with toys, space and companions – learned to drive faster than those in standard cages. This finding supported the idea that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bbr.2019.112309">complex environments enhance neuroplasticity</a>: the brain’s ability to change across the lifespan in response to environmental demands.</p>
<p>After we published our research, the story of driving rats <a href="https://www.netflix.com/title/81318943">went viral</a> <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/documentaries/the-nature-of-things/why-rats-can-teach-us-a-lot-about-relieving-stress-1.6711679">in the media</a>. The project continues in my lab with new, improved rat-operated vehicles, or ROVs, designed by robotics professor <a href="https://www.rmc.edu/profile/john-w-mcmanus/">John McManus</a> and his students. These upgraded electrical ROVs – featuring rat-proof wiring, indestructible tires and ergonomic driving levers – are akin to a rodent version of Tesla’s Cybertruck.</p>
<p><a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=elVzfF0AAAAJ&hl=en">As a neuroscientist</a> <a href="https://www.kellylambertlab.com/">who advocates for</a> housing and testing laboratory animals in natural habitats, I’ve found it amusing to see how far we’ve strayed from my lab practices with this project. Rats typically prefer dirt, sticks and rocks over plastic objects. Now, we had them driving cars.</p>
<p>But humans didn’t evolve to drive either. Although our ancient ancestors didn’t have cars, <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1126/science.aad7445">they had flexible brains</a> that enabled them to acquire new skills – fire, language, stone tools and agriculture. And some time after the invention of the wheel, humans made cars.</p>
<p>Although cars made for rats are far from anything they would encounter in the wild, we believed that driving represented an interesting way to study how rodents acquire new skills. Unexpectedly, we found that the rats had an intense motivation for their driving training, often jumping into the car and revving the “lever engine” before their vehicle hit the road. Why was that?</p>
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<h2>The new destination of joy</h2>
<p>Concepts from introductory psychology textbooks took on a new, hands-on dimension in our rodent driving laboratory. Building on foundational learning approaches such as <a href="https://openstax.org/books/psychology-2e/pages/6-3-operant-conditioning">operant conditioning</a>, which reinforces targeted behavior through strategic incentives, we trained the rats step-by-step in their driver’s ed programs.</p>
<p>Initially, they learned basic movements, such as climbing into the car and pressing a lever. But with practice, these simple actions evolved into more complex behaviors, such as steering the car toward a specific destination.</p>
<p>The rats also taught me something profound one morning during the pandemic.</p>
<p>It was the summer of 2020, a period marked by emotional isolation for almost everyone on the planet, even laboratory rats. When I walked into the lab, I noticed something unusual: The three driving-trained rats eagerly ran to the side of the cage, jumping up like my dog does when asked if he wants to take a walk.</p>
<p>Had the rats always done this and I just hadn’t noticed? Were they just eager for a Froot Loop, or anticipating the drive itself? Whatever the case, they appeared to be feeling something positive – perhaps excitement and anticipation.</p>
<p>Behaviors associated with positive experiences are associated with joy in humans, but what about rats? Was I seeing something akin to joy in a rat? Maybe so, considering that neuroscience research is increasingly suggesting that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/brv.12965">joy and positive emotions</a> play a critical role in the health of both human and nonhuman animals.</p>
<p>With that, my team and I shifted focus from topics such as how chronic stress influences brains to how positive events – and anticipation for these events – shape neural functions.</p>
<p>Working with postdoctoral fellow <a href="https://neuroscience.richmond.edu/faculty/stryon/">Kitty Hartvigsen</a>, I designed a new protocol that used waiting periods to ramp up anticipation before a positive event. Bringing <a href="https://theconversation.com/hes-pavlov-and-were-the-dogs-how-associative-learning-really-works-in-human-psychology-86191">Pavlovian conditioning</a> into the mix, rats had to wait 15 minutes after a Lego block was placed in their cage before they received a Froot Loop. They also had to wait in their transport cage for a few minutes before entering Rat Park, their play area. We also added challenges, such as making them shell sunflower seeds before eating.</p>
<p>This became our <a href="https://www.abstractsonline.com/pp8/#!/20433/presentation/21386">Wait For It</a> research program. We dubbed this new line of study UPERs – unpredictable positive experience responses – where rats were trained to wait for rewards. In contrast, control rats received their rewards immediately. After about a month of training, we expose the rats to different tests to determine how waiting for positive experiences affects how they learn and behave. We’re currently peering into their brains to map the neural footprint of extended positive experiences.</p>
<p>Preliminary results suggest that rats required to wait for their rewards show signs of shifting from a pessimistic cognitive style to an optimistic one in a test designed to measure rodent optimism. They performed better on cognitive tasks and were bolder in their problem-solving strategies. We linked this program to our lab’s broader interest in <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gOJL3gjc8ak">behaviorceuticals</a>, a term I coined to suggest that experiences can alter brain chemistry similarly to pharmaceuticals.</p>
<p>This research provides further support of how anticipation can reinforce behavior. Previous work with lab rats has shown that rats pressing a bar for cocaine – a stimulant that increases dopamine activation – <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/422573a">already experience a surge of dopamine</a> as they anticipate a dose of cocaine.</p>
<h2>The tale of rat tails</h2>
<p>It wasn’t just the effects of anticipation on rat behavior that caught our attention. One day, a student noticed something strange: One of the rats in the group trained to expect positive experiences had its tail straight up with a crook at the end, resembling the handle of an old-fashioned umbrella.</p>
<p>I had never seen this in my decades of working with rats. Reviewing the video footage, we found that the rats trained to anticipate positive experiences were more likely to hold their tails high than untrained rats. But what, exactly, did this mean?</p>
<p>Curious, I posted a picture of the behavior on social media. Fellow neuroscientists identified this as a gentler form of what’s called <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111%2Fj.1476-5381.1960.tb00277.x">Straub tail</a>, typically seen in rats given the opioid morphine. This S-shaped curl is also <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/0306-3623(93)90022-p">linked to dopamine</a>. When dopamine is blocked, the Straub tail behavior subsides.</p>
<p>Natural forms of opiates and dopamine – key players in brain pathways that diminish pain and enhance reward – seem to be telltale ingredients of the elevated tails in our anticipation training program. Observing tail posture in rats adds a new layer to our understanding of rat emotional expression, reminding us that emotions are expressed throughout the entire body.</p>
<p>While we can’t directly ask rats whether they like to drive, we devised a behavioral test to assess their motivation to drive. This time, instead of only giving rats the option of driving to the Froot Loop Tree, they could also make a shorter journey on foot – or paw, in this case.</p>
<p>Surprisingly, two of the three rats chose to take the less efficient path of turning away from the reward and running to the car to drive to their Froot Loop destination. This response suggests that the rats enjoy both the journey and the rewarding destination.</p>
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<h2>Rat lessons on enjoying the journey</h2>
<p>We’re not the only team investigating positive emotions in animals.</p>
<p>Neuroscientist <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=8BYBejUAAAAJ&hl=en">Jaak Panksepp</a> famously <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/s0031-9384(03)00159-8">tickled rats</a>, demonstrating their <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/brv.12965">capacity for joy</a>.</p>
<p>Research has also shown that desirable low-stress rat environments <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038%2Fnn2061">retune their brains’ reward circuits</a>, such as the nucleus accumbens. When animals are housed in their favored environments, the area of the nucleus accumbens that responds to appetitive experiences expands. Alternatively, when rats are housed in stressful contexts, the fear-generating zones of their nucleus accumbens expand. It is as if the brain is a piano the environment can tune.</p>
<p>Neuroscientist Curt Richter also made the case for <a href="https://doi.org/10.1097/00006842-195705000-00004">rats having hope</a>. In a study that wouldn’t be permitted today, rats swam in glass cylinders filled with water, eventually drowning from exhaustion if they weren’t rescued. Lab rats frequently handled by humans swam for hours to days. Wild rats gave up after just a few minutes. If the wild rats were briefly rescued, however, their survival time extended dramatically, sometimes by days. It seemed that being rescued gave the rats hope and spurred them on.</p>
<p>The driving rats project has opened new and unexpected doors in my behavioral neuroscience research lab. While it’s vital to study negative emotions such as fear and stress, positive experiences also shape the brain in significant ways.</p>
<p>As animals – human or otherwise – navigate the unpredictability of life, anticipating positive experiences helps drive a persistence to keep searching for life’s rewards. In a world of immediate gratification, these rats offer insights into the neural principles guiding everyday behavior. Rather than pushing buttons for instant rewards, they remind us that planning, anticipating and enjoying the ride may be key to a healthy brain. That’s a lesson my lab rats <a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/306554/the-lab-rat-chronicles-by-kelly-lambert/">have taught me well</a>.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/239029/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
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<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/im-a-neuroscientist-who-taught-rats-to-drive-their-joy-suggests-how-anticipating-fun-can-enrich-human-life-239029">original article</a>.</em></p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-study-reveals-key-psychological-traits-linked-to-generativity-in-older-adults/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New study reveals key psychological traits linked to generativity in older adults</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 8th 2025, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>Older adults who exhibit concern for guiding and contributing to future generations, a quality known as generativity, are more likely to enjoy psychological well-being and lead fulfilling lives, according to a recent study published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/geronb/gbae204" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Journals of Gerontology: Series B</a></em>. The study identified several predictors of generativity, with traits like social potency, openness to new experiences, social integration, personal growth, and achievement orientation emerging as the strongest contributors.</p>
<p>“What I like about generativity is that it not only enhances the well-being of those who practice it, but also positively impacts the lives of others,” said study author <a href="https://mohsenjoshanloo.weebly.com/">Mohsen Joshanloo</a>, an associate professor at Keimyung University and honorary principal fellow at the University of Melbourne.</p>
<p>“Despite its many benefits, ageist stereotypes can undermine older adults’ capacity to fully express their generativity. Through this line of research, I aim to challenge these stereotypes and highlight the value of generative mindsets and behaviors as a catalyst for an active and fulfilling life in old age.”</p>
<p>“Contrary to popular perceptions of old age as a period of decline and inactivity, a growing body of empirical research and the lived experiences of many people reveal a different reality. Old age can be a time of fulfillment, productivity, and meaningful social contribution, with generativity playing a critical role in promoting active and successful aging.”</p>
<p>Joshanloo conducted this study using data from the third wave of the Midlife in the United States project, a comprehensive dataset designed to explore various aspects of aging in American adults. The dataset included responses from 2,830 participants aged 39 to 93, with a mean age of approximately 64. This sample was nationally representative and balanced across genders. Joshanloo’s aim was to identify the most important predictors of generativity—a concern for guiding and nurturing future generations—by analyzing a broad set of variables spanning personality, social, health, and psychological domains.</p>
<p>To measure generativity, the study used the contributions domain of the Loyola Generativity Scale, which captures behaviors and attitudes that reflect generative concerns (e.g., “I try to pass along the knowledge I have gained through my experiences” and “I have a responsibility to improve the neighborhood in which I live”).</p>
<p>The initial dataset included over 70 variables, but not all were retained for analysis. These included personality traits, indicators of mental and emotional well-being, measures of social integration, and other psychosocial factors. The number of predictors was reduced to 34 using methods that detect redundant variables and eliminate those that add little to the prediction.</p>
<p>Joshanloo applied machine learning techniques, specifically random forest regression, to analyze the data. This approach is particularly well-suited to exploring complex relationships among variables because it can handle non-linear interactions and high-dimensional data. The random forest model also incorporates internal cross-validation to ensure robust and reliable predictions. By running multiple decision trees and averaging their results, the method identifies which variables are most predictive of generativity.</p>
<p>“Comprehensive empirical investigations of predictors of generativity remain scarce,” Joshanloo explained. “To address this gap, I applied machine learning techniques to analyze a large dataset and explore a wide range of potential predictors. The overarching goal of the study was to gain a deeper understanding of the predictors of generativity and to provide data-driven insights to inform the development of new interventions and theoretical frameworks for generativity.”</p>
<p>The findings revealed that social potency—a trait encompassing assertiveness, persuasiveness, and leadership abilities—was the strongest predictor of generativity. This suggests that generativity is deeply social in nature, relying on the capacity to engage with and influence others. Openness to new experiences was the second most important predictor, indicating that curiosity and a willingness to embrace diversity are crucial for generative behaviors. Social integration, or the extent to which individuals feel connected to their communities, also emerged as a significant factor, underscoring the importance of social relationships in fostering generativity.</p>
<p>Personal growth and achievement orientation were other key predictors. These traits reflect a focus on self-improvement and industriousness, which may motivate individuals to contribute meaningfully to the lives of others. Psychological factors such as purpose in life, self-acceptance, and daily spiritual experiences also played an important role, highlighting the connection between generativity and a sense of meaning and fulfillment.</p>
<p>“The findings of this study portray generativity as a dynamic process of development and contribution rather than a static trait,” Joshanloo told PsyPost. “It is less about merely settling into routines or being passively benevolent, and more about active pursuit and exploration. Generativity involves taking the initiative to shape one’s social environment and build meaningful connections with others. This proactive approach challenges negative perceptions of aging that often portray later life as a period of stagnation or decline. By engaging in generative behaviors, older adulthood can become a vibrant and dynamic phase marked by activity, growth, and impact on others.”</p>
<p>Variables tied to hedonic well-being, such as life satisfaction, and homeostasis-oriented traits, such as emotional stability, were less predictive of generativity. This suggests that generativity is more influenced by dynamic and growth-driven psychological processes than by a pursuit of emotional comfort or stability.</p>
<p>“The results provide another significant insight worth highlighting,” Joshanloo said. “Pursuing a generative lifestyle is not without its challenges. Generativity can require individuals to venture out of their comfort zones, change, and take intentional action. This transformative process transcends conventional pursuits of happiness and comfort, prioritizing instead social engagement and personal growth. It demands a willingness to explore, experiment, take risks, and develop social skills. Consequently, generativity necessitates continued and sustained effort, requiring a long- term commitment to personal and communal growth.”</p>
<p>Interestingly, demographic variables like income and gender, as well as health-related factors such as chronic conditions, were much less predictive. In other words, generativity appears to be influenced more by psychological and social characteristics than by external or physical conditions.</p>
<p>“This suggests that generativity can be cultivated, even in challenging circumstances,” Joshanloo said. “It serves as a reminder that our capacity to make a positive impact is not solely shaped by external circumstances or demographic factors; rather, our inner resources and determination play a crucial role.”</p>
<p>The study highlights the psychological and social factors associated with generativity in older adults. However, the cross-sectional design means that causal relationships cannot be established; it remains unclear whether the identified traits lead to generativity or if generative individuals develop these traits over time. Additionally, the analysis relied on the variables available in the MIDUS dataset, which, although extensive, may not capture all relevant factors. For example, cultural or environmental influences on generativity were not directly assessed.</p>
<p>Future research could address these gaps by incorporating longitudinal designs to explore how generativity evolves over time and across different life stages. Expanding the range of variables to include cultural, environmental, and systemic factors could also provide a more holistic understanding of what drives generativity.</p>
<p>“Identifying the factors that predict and potentially contribute to generativity can provide a solid foundation for creating targeted interventions that empower older adults to realize their potential for generativity,” Joshanloo explained. “This vision calls for further research to design, implement, and evaluate such interventions, along with psychoeducational programs that promote generativity. These initiatives can help older adults challenge the myth that aging inevitably leads to passivity, decline, and disengagement. I believe this study offers novel insights to guide the development of generativity-focused interventions and hope it inspires more research in this area.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://academic.oup.com/psychsocgerontology/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/geronb/gbae204/7930260" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Key Predictors of Generativity in Adulthood: A Machine Learning Analysis</a>,” was published December 12, 2024.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/mediterranean-and-dash-diets-linked-to-slower-cognitive-decline-in-older-adults/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Mediterranean and DASH diets linked to slower cognitive decline in older adults</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Jan 8th 2025, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>An analysis of data from the Health and Retirement Study found that individuals adhering to the Mediterranean diet and the Dietary Approaches to Stop Hypertension (DASH) diet experience slower cognitive decline. A dietary pattern combining these two diets, designed to promote brain health, was associated with better cognitive functioning at the start of the study but not with slower cognitive decline. The paper was published in the <a href="https://www.jandonline.org/article/S2212-2672(24)00870-0/abstract"><em>Journal of the Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics</em></a>.</p>
<p>Diet plays a critical role in overall health, including mental health. While scientists have long known that insufficient intake of certain nutrients or their complete absence can cause serious diseases and adverse health conditions, recent studies have also started exploring the effects of complex dietary patterns on health. These studies have identified that certain dietary patterns—such as those based on foods high in easily digestible sugar and fats or on ultra-processed foods—can produce adverse health consequences (e.g., obesity) or increase the risk of various diseases.</p>
<p>Conversely, researchers have identified dietary patterns associated with reduced disease risk or other health benefits. For example, dietary patterns rich in lean proteins, fruits, and vegetables and low in ultra-processed foods have been described as neuroprotective and potentially able to slow cognitive decline in old age. Similarly, beneficial effects have been ascribed to the Mediterranean diet. The Mediterranean diet, inspired by traditional diets of countries bordering the Mediterranean Sea, emphasizes the intake of fruits, vegetables, whole grains, nuts, olive oil, fish, and moderate wine consumption while limiting red meat and processed foods.</p>
<p>Study author Elayna R. Seago and her colleagues sought to examine the association between the Mediterranean diet, the Dietary Approaches to Stop Hypertension (DASH) diet, and the Mediterranean-DASH Intervention for Neurodegenerative Delay (MIND) diet and global cognition over six years.</p>
<p>The DASH diet is designed to lower blood pressure and emphasizes fruits, vegetables, whole grains, lean proteins, and low-fat dairy while reducing sodium, saturated fats, and added sugars. The MIND diet, a hybrid of the DASH and Mediterranean diets, is tailored to support brain health and reduce the risk of Alzheimer’s disease by focusing on specific foods such as leafy greens, berries, nuts, and olive oil.</p>
<p>The researchers analyzed data from the Health and Retirement Study, a nationally representative longitudinal study of older adults in the United States. This study, sponsored by the National Institute on Aging and conducted by the University of Michigan, collected data between 2014 and 2020, including information on participants’ food intake.</p>
<p>The analysis excluded individuals with very high or very low caloric intake, participants with diagnoses of dementia, Alzheimer’s disease, or stroke in 2014, and individuals younger than 50 years of age when they completed their dietary assessment in 2013–2014. In total, data from 6,154 participants were analyzed.</p>
<p>The researchers used participants’ responses to the Harvard Food Frequency Questionnaire to calculate scores indicating adherence to the three dietary patterns: the Mediterranean diet, the DASH diet, and the MIND diet. They also created a composite measure of cognitive functioning based on various cognitive tests completed by study participants.</p>
<p>The results showed that adherence to each of the three dietary patterns was associated with better cognitive functioning at the start of the study. Additionally, adherence to the Mediterranean and DASH diets was associated with slower cognitive decline over the six-year study period, while adherence to the MIND diet was not associated with the pace of cognitive decline.</p>
<p>“There is accumulating evidence that certain neuroprotective diets are associated with more intact cognitive function in older adults. This study provides complementary evidence with these findings by showing that the Mediterranean, DASH, and MIND diets are associated with better cognition at baseline, and also demonstrates that the Mediterranean and DASH diet patterns were also associated with reduced rate of cognitive decline over 6 subsequent years,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study sheds light on the links between diet and cognitive functioning in old age. However, it should be noted that data on dietary patterns were self-reported, leaving room for reporting bias. Additionally, the study’s design does not allow for causal inferences to be drawn from the results.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jand.2024.09.012">Neuroprotective Dietary Patterns and Longitudinal Changes in Cognitive Function in Older Adults,</a>” was authored by Elayna R. Seago, Brenda M. Davy, Kevin P. Davy, and Ben Katz.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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