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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News Daily Digest (Unofficial)</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/study-links-bedtime-consistency-to-better-emotional-control-in-children/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Study links bedtime consistency to better emotional control in children</a>
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<p><p>A recent study published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1097/dbp.0000000000001326"><em>Journal of Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics</em></a> sheds light on the importance of consistent bedtime routines for children. The research reveals that six-year-olds who maintained regular sleep schedules demonstrated stronger emotional control and better behavior in social and stressful situations compared to peers with irregular sleep patterns.</p>
<p>The ability to manage emotions and behaviors, known as self-regulation, is a critical skill for children. This capability not only supports healthy relationships but also lays the foundation for academic and social success. Prior research has highlighted the role of sleep in fostering self-regulation.</p>
<p>However, most studies have primarily examined sleep duration or relied on parent-reported behavioral outcomes, which are prone to bias. Gaps remain in understanding how consistent bedtime routines influence observed behavior, as well as the potential long-term benefits of interventions promoting sleep regularity.</p>
<p>The researchers, led by Adwoa “Abi” Dadzie and <a href="https://hhd.psu.edu/bbh/sleep-health-and-society">Orfeu Buxton</a> of Penn State University, sought to address these gaps. They aimed to explore whether maintaining regular sleep timing was linked to better emotional and behavioral outcomes and whether an early parenting intervention might further enhance these effects. The study utilized data from <a href="https://hhd.psu.edu/nutrition/insight-study" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the Intervention Nurses Start Infants Growing on Healthy Trajectories (INSIGHT) project</a>, focusing on objective measures of sleep and behavior in six-year-old children.</p>
<p>“My primary research focus is on sleep with an interest in how parenting influences sleep and how that impacts child development,” said Dadzie, a doctoral student in biobehavioral health. “I am also fascinated by how positive parenting sets children up for better emotional, behavioral and psychological outcomes. Intervening early in children can lead to positive outcomes later in life. Research in these age groups allows us to learn how to implement positive sleep habits that will hopefully persist into adulthood.”</p>
<p>The study included 143 children, all participants in the larger INSIGHT trial, a randomized study designed to evaluate parenting interventions. Researchers gathered detailed data on the children’s sleep and behavior at age six. Families were recruited from a Pennsylvania maternity ward, with inclusion criteria such as first-time motherhood, full-term delivery, and English proficiency. Children were randomly assigned to one of two groups: a responsive parenting intervention group or a control group focused on home safety education.</p>
<p>To objectively assess sleep patterns, the children wore wrist-mounted actigraphy devices for a week. These devices recorded metrics such as the timing of sleep onset, midpoint, and offset, as well as total sleep duration and maintenance efficiency. Variability in these measures across the week was also calculated.</p>
<p>Behavioral outcomes were evaluated through structured tasks during a clinic visit. For instance, in the “transparent box task,” children were given keys to unlock a box containing a toy, though none of the keys worked initially. This task was designed to induce frustration, allowing researchers to measure emotional regulation and impulsivity. Social behavior was assessed through a parent-child activity involving decorating a picture frame together, with trained observers coding prosocial and antisocial behaviors.</p>
<p>The findings showed that the consistency of sleep timing had a stronger relationship with behavior and emotional control than the average duration or quality of sleep. Children with more consistent sleep onset times exhibited better emotional regulation during the frustration task. They used adaptive strategies like self-talk rather than resorting to physical aggression or disruptive behaviors.</p>
<p>“A somewhat surprising finding was that sleep duration and quality was not significantly associated with child behavior despite previous research finding otherwise,” Buxton told PsyPost. “Sleep recommendations generally refer to getting an age-appropriate amount, <em>on a regular basis</em>. I think we’re seeing that the amount can be important, but that the regularity (less variability) is sometimes even more important.”</p>
<p>Greater variability in sleep onset and midpoint was associated with higher levels of impulsivity, such as hitting or throwing objects in response to frustration. Children with regular sleep patterns, on the other hand, demonstrated more prosocial behaviors, such as sharing, cooperation, and empathy, during the parent-child interaction task.</p>
<p>“The key takeaway from this research is that less variable sleep timing is related to child behavioral and emotional outcomes in these 6-year-old children,” Dadzie said. “Bedtimes and bedtime routines should be encouraged.”</p>
<p>Interestingly, the early parenting intervention appeared to moderate the relationship between sleep consistency and emotional regulation. Children in the intervention group showed no significant negative effects of inconsistent sleep on emotional regulation, while those in the control group were more adversely affected by irregular sleep patterns.</p>
<p>The findings emphasize the importance of sleep consistency, but some limitations should be noted. First, the sample was relatively homogenous, consisting mainly of White, middle-to-upper-income families in Pennsylvania. Second, sleep data were collected over a single week, which may not fully capture long-term sleep habits, including differences between weekday and weekend schedules. Additionally, the cross-sectional design does not allow for conclusions about causality.</p>
<p>Future research could explore whether these findings persist as children age and whether similar patterns are observed in more diverse populations. Examining the sleep habits of parents could also provide insights into family dynamics influencing children’s sleep and behavior.</p>
<p>“I would like to explore if these associations with sleep and child behavior persist at age 9 in the INSIGHT study,” Dadzie said. “Additionally, if possible, I would like to examine the relationship between sleep and child behavior in a diverse group of children.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://journals.lww.com/jrnldbp/abstract/9900/associations_between_sleep_health_and_child.221.aspx" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Associations Between Sleep Health and Child Behavior at Age 6 Years in the INSIGHT Study</a>,” was authored by Adwoa Dadzie, Lindsay Master, Emily Hohman, Erika Hernandez Acton, Sara Tauriello, Ian Paul, Jennifer Savage, Stephanie Anzman-Frasca, and Orfeu Buxton.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/physical-activity-boosts-iq-in-kids-and-teens/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Physical activity boosts IQ in kids and teens</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 10th 2024, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>Exercise is often celebrated for its role in keeping children physically fit, but what if it could also boost brainpower? A recent meta-analysis published in <em><a href="https://publications.aap.org/pediatrics/article/154/6/e2023064771/199838/Exercise-Interventions-and-Intelligence-in" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Pediatrics</a></em> has demonstrated that structured physical activity programs improve intelligence in young people. The study found a 4-point average increase in IQ scores among participants, highlighting the critical role of exercise in shaping both mind and body during childhood and adolescence.</p>
<p>Previous research has shown that exercise benefits cognitive functions such as memory, attention, and executive functioning. However, the specific relationship between exercise and general intelligence, including IQ, remains underexplored. Past studies have provided limited and sometimes conflicting evidence, often focusing on fluid intelligence or academic performance rather than general intelligence as a whole. This gap in understanding prompted researchers to conduct a comprehensive investigation into whether exercise interventions could influence intelligence more broadly.</p>
<p>Another motivating factor behind the study was the growing recognition of the importance of early interventions for cognitive development. Childhood and adolescence are pivotal periods for brain plasticity, during which experiences can have long-lasting effects on cognitive and neural growth. By identifying whether exercise has a direct impact on intelligence, the researchers aimed to provide insights that could inform educational policies and encourage the incorporation of physical activity into school curriculums.</p>
<p>“Our interest in this topic stems from the growing body of evidence, including previous work by Francisco B. Ortega, Kirk I. Erickson, and Óscar Martínez-de-Quel—co-authors of this study—on the link between physical activity and cognitive development in youth. By exploring the potential of exercise as a tool to enhance intelligence, we aimed to shed light on a practical and accessible strategy to support children’s development,” explained corresponding author Javier S. Morales, a Ramón y Cajal Postdoctoral Researcher at the University of Almería and co-director of <a href="https://fissac.com/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Fissac</a>.</p>
<p>The researchers used a meta-analysis, a research method that combines and statistically analyzes the results of multiple studies to draw broader conclusions. In this case, the researchers aggregated data from 14 randomized controlled trials involving 3,203 participants. Meta-analyses are particularly useful for synthesizing findings from individual studies that may vary in sample size or methodology, providing a more comprehensive understanding of the topic. By pooling results, the researchers assessed the overall impact of exercise interventions on intelligence while accounting for variations across the included studies.</p>
<p>The researchers focused on general intelligence, often measured by IQ, as well as two key subdomains: fluid intelligence and crystallized intelligence. Fluid intelligence refers to the ability to solve novel problems and think logically without relying on prior knowledge or experience. It is closely linked to problem-solving, adaptability, and reasoning skills, making it essential for tackling unfamiliar challenges.</p>
<p>In contrast, crystallized intelligence represents the accumulation of knowledge, skills, and experience over time, often reflected in vocabulary, factual knowledge, and other learned abilities. While fluid intelligence tends to peak in early adulthood, crystallized intelligence continues to improve with age as individuals acquire and refine their knowledge.</p>
<p>The findings revealed a significant positive impact of exercise interventions on intelligence. This effect was observed across various subgroups, including children with normal and low baseline IQ levels, and was consistent regardless of intervention duration. Additionally, the researchers found significant benefits for fluid intelligence. While evidence for improvements in crystallized intelligence was limited, one study did report gains in this domain for children with obesity.</p>
<p>“The key takeaway is that regular exercise not only benefits physical health but also contributes to cognitive development, specifically improvements in intelligence (including both general and fluid intelligence),” Morales told PsyPost. “In concrete terms, exercise programs improve the intelligence quotient of children and adolescents by an average of 4 points—a result comparable to the gains typically achieved through an additional year of education. This means that encouraging children and adolescents to participate in structured physical activities can have lasting positive effects on their intellectual capabilities, as well as other areas of their lives, such as happiness, socioeconomic success, and even future health.”</p>
<p>Importantly, the effects were not influenced by participant age or the duration of the exercise intervention, suggesting that the cognitive benefits of physical activity are broadly applicable across different developmental stages.</p>
<p>“One surprising finding was the consistency of the benefits across different age groups, levels of baseline intelligence, and durations of interventions,” Morales said. “It was particularly noteworthy that children with lower baseline intelligence also experienced significant improvements, indicating that exercise can serve as an inclusive and effective intervention for diverse populations.”</p>
<p>Despite its strengths, the study has some caveats to consider. One significant challenge was the heterogeneity of the exercise programs analyzed. The interventions varied in type, intensity, duration, and frequency, making it difficult to identify specific characteristics that optimize cognitive benefits. For instance, while moderate-to-vigorous activity seemed beneficial, too few studies reported exercise intensity to draw firm conclusions.</p>
<p>“A key limitation is the variability in the types and intensities of exercise programs studied, which makes it difficult to pinpoint the most effective intervention,” Morales noted. “Additionally, while the benefits are clear, more research is needed to understand the underlying mechanisms and to explore long-term outcomes beyond the duration of the interventions.”</p>
<p>To better understand the relationship between exercise and intelligence, future studies could aim to standardize intervention protocols and include more detailed reporting of exercise characteristics.</p>
<p>“Our long-term goals include identifying the optimal characteristics of exercise programs—such as type, duration, frequency, and intensity—for enhancing intelligence and other cognitive domains,” Morales explained. “We also aim to explore how these findings can be translated into practical recommendations for schools and communities to integrate exercise as a core component of children’s education and development.”</p>
<p>“Our findings highlight the importance of making exercise a priority for children and adolescents, not only for physical health but also for cognitive and emotional development. We hope this research inspires policymakers, educators, and parents to create environments that encourage active lifestyles from an early age.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2023-064771" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Exercise Interventions and Intelligence in Children and Adolescents: A Meta-Analysis</a>,” was authored by Javier S. Morales, Pedro L. Valenzuela, Óscar Martínez-de-Quel, Juan Luis Sánchez-Sánchez, Adrià Muntaner-Mas, Kirk I. Erickson, Ana Carbonell-Baeza, Francisco B. Ortega, and David Jiménez-Pavón.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/cognitive-strain-intensifies-reward-sensitivity-study-reveals/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Cognitive strain intensifies reward sensitivity, study reveals</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 9th 2024, 13:00</div>
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<p><p>Periods of stress and mental fatigue are often when people feel least equipped to resist temptation. But why? A new study published in <em><a href="https://academic.oup.com/pnasnexus/article/3/10/pgae432/7828923" target="_blank" rel="noopener">PNAS Nexus</a></em> has discovered that after intense mental effort, not only is self-control depleted, but rewards also feel more satisfying. The study, which examined both rats and humans, provides a clearer picture of why self-regulation often fails under stress and strain.</p>
<p>The researchers sought to explore the link between mental fatigue and self-regulation failures, particularly during periods of stress or cognitive strain. Previous studies had shown that mental exhaustion weakens self-control, but these focused primarily on a reduced ability to resist temptation. Less was known about whether fatigue also intensifies the appeal of rewards themselves. By examining this underexplored mechanism, the researchers aimed to better understand the processes that lead to unhealthy behaviors, such as addiction and overeating, and provide new insights into managing self-regulation.</p>
<p>“I have spent many years doing research on self-control. It’s one of the most important human traits and a major key to success in life, personally, socially, and professionally,” said study author <a href="https://roybaumeister.com/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Roy F. Baumeister</a>, a visiting professor at Harvard University and author of <em><a href="https://amzn.to/3BhLu2l" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Willpower: Rediscovering the Greatest Human Strength</a></em>.</p>
<p>“Many studies have found that self-control is like a muscle. After exercise, it is ‘tired’ – does not perform as well. But this is a major extension. Mental fatigue not only weakens self-control – it intensifies feelings and desires. Thus, there is a ‘doubly whammy’ – people have less ability to resist plus stronger impulses and desires.”</p>
<p>“I met the lead author (<a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=ifOqtgIAAAAJ&hl=en" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Marcello Solinas</a>) by accident at a conference, where he was presenting his research on rats,” Baumeister explained. “I told him we had similar findings with people. We decided to put our data together. To find the same effect with rats and cocaine, and with humans and other desires, is very exciting.”</p>
<p>In the first set of experiments with rats, the researchers manipulated cognitive effort by having the animals engage in a demanding task. Rats in the high-effort group were trained to perform an attentional set-shifting task, requiring them to adapt their responses to changing rules to receive food rewards. This task was cognitively taxing, as it required attention, flexibility, and inhibitory control.</p>
<p>In contrast, rats in the low-effort group performed a simpler version of the task, where food rewards were provided without requiring them to exert significant cognitive effort. After completing their tasks, the rats were allowed to self-administer cocaine or saline. To investigate whether rest altered the effect of cognitive effort, some rats were allowed to rest for a few hours before the cocaine session, while others were given immediate access.</p>
<p>The researchers measured how much cocaine the rats consumed and monitored their locomotor activity, a marker of reward sensitivity. The findings revealed that rats in the high-effort group consumed more cocaine when given immediate access compared to those in the low-effort group. This suggested that cognitive effort heightened the rewarding effect of the drug.</p>
<p>However, this effect diminished when the rats were allowed to rest before accessing cocaine, with high-effort rats consuming less cocaine than even the low-effort group. Furthermore, rats in the high-effort, no-rest group displayed increased locomotor activity after cocaine administration, supporting the idea that cognitive effort intensified reward sensitivity.</p>
<p>The human experiments mirrored these findings in the context of food rewards. In one experiment, participants were assigned to either a high-effort or low-effort cognitive task. The high-effort group was instructed to suppress thoughts of a “white bear” while completing a thought-listing exercise—a well-established method for inducing cognitive strain. Meanwhile, the low-effort group performed a similar task but without any restriction on their thoughts. Afterward, participants were given potato chips under the pretense of evaluating their taste and texture. The researchers measured both the quantity of chips consumed and participants’ reported enjoyment.</p>
<p>The results showed that participants in the high-effort group ate more chips and rated them as more enjoyable compared to those in the low-effort group. Statistical analyses indicated that the increased consumption was driven by heightened enjoyment of the chips, demonstrating that cognitive effort intensified the reward value of the food. A mediation analysis confirmed that this heightened enjoyment accounted for the increased consumption.</p>
<p>In a second experiment with human participants, the researchers sought to determine whether cognitive effort selectively heightened the appeal of rewarding stimuli or broadly amplified all sensory perceptions. Participants completed a writing task that required varying levels of cognitive effort: the high-effort group wrote essays while avoiding common letters (such as “A” and “N”), while the low-effort group avoided uncommon letters (such as “X” and “Z”).</p>
<p>Afterward, participants tasted a piece of chocolate and rated its appeal, then evaluated neutral items like pens and sticky notes. The results showed that participants in the high-effort group found the chocolate more enjoyable and expressed a greater desire for more. However, their evaluations of neutral objects were unaffected, suggesting that cognitive effort specifically heightened the appeal of rewards rather than broadly altering sensory perceptions.</p>
<p>“The convergence between the human and rat data is surprising to a scientist, though there are many similarities between human and rat brains,” Baumeister told PsyPost. “(But also huge differences, of course.) It means that the pattern of feeling things more strongly when fatigued is common across multiple species. It is not just human beings.”</p>
<p>While the study provides compelling evidence of the link between mental fatigue and heightened reward sensitivity, it has some limitations. For instance, the rat experiments involved only male subjects, which limits the generalizability of the findings to female rats. Additionally, the cognitive tasks used for rats and humans differed, making direct comparisons challenging. The researchers also noted that while cocaine served as a clear reward stimulus in rats, ethical considerations prevented its use in human participants, necessitating reliance on food rewards for the human studies.</p>
<p>“One should always be careful, and future research might change the picture, though usually not completely,” Baumeister said. “But we do have more studies with the same finding.”</p>
<p>Future research could explore how these effects vary across sexes, age groups, and different types of rewards. Investigating the neural mechanisms underlying this phenomenon could also clarify how fatigue alters brain activity in reward-related regions, such as the prefrontal cortex and nucleus accumbens. Understanding these processes may inform interventions for addiction and other behaviors associated with self-control failures.</p>
<p>“Understanding self-control is a key to success in life, also a key to understanding the self,” Baumeister added. “For me, the big picture is to understand the human self. My understanding after almost a half a century of research is covered in my 2022 book, <a href="https://amzn.to/4glW8nr"><em>The Self Explained: How And Why We Become Who We Are</em></a>.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/pnasnexus/pgae432" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Cognitive effort increases the intensity of rewards</a>,” was authored by Mejda Wahab, Nicole L Mead, Stevenson Desmercieres, Virginie Lardeux, Emilie Dugast, Roy F Baumeister, and Marcello Solinas.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/loneliness-and-isolation-rates-among-older-americans-return-to-pre-pandemic-levels-but-still-remain-high/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Loneliness and isolation rates among older Americans return to pre-pandemic levels, but still remain high</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 9th 2024, 11:00</div>
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<p><p>Loneliness and social isolation among Americans aged 50 to 80 have largely reverted to the levels observed before the pandemic, according to a recent study published in <a href="https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/fullarticle/10.1001/jama.2024.23213?guestAccessKey=6cc10a4c-125a-45c4-aef8-6869c2776dd6&utm_source=For_The_Media&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=ftm_links&utm_content=tfl&utm_term=120924"><em>JAMA</em></a>. However, over one-third of older adults still experience loneliness, and nearly as many report feeling socially isolated. The research highlights significant disparities, with individuals facing mental or physical health challenges experiencing much higher rates of both loneliness and isolation.</p>
<p>Loneliness and social isolation are distinct yet interconnected experiences that can profoundly impact individuals, especially older adults. Loneliness is the subjective feeling of being alone or lacking companionship, while social isolation refers to the objective state of having limited connections to family, friends, or a broader community. Although these experiences are not synonymous, both can lead to serious physical and mental health consequences.</p>
<p>Chronic loneliness has been linked to depression, anxiety, and cognitive decline, while social isolation is associated with increased risks of cardiovascular disease, weakened immune function, and reduced life expectancy. These issues are particularly concerning for older adults, who may face life transitions such as retirement, the loss of loved ones, or health challenges that reduce opportunities for social interaction.</p>
<p>The COVID-19 pandemic brought these concerns into sharper focus. Social distancing measures disrupted social connections and heightened feelings of loneliness and isolation. Older adults, a group already vulnerable to these experiences, were disproportionately affected as they were encouraged to avoid in-person interactions to protect their health. This sudden and widespread shift underscored the need to understand how these experiences evolve over time and how specific groups are affected differently.</p>
<p>A research team at the University of Michigan began investigating loneliness and isolation in 2018 as part of their <a href="https://www.healthyagingpoll.org/">National Poll on Healthy Aging</a>, a nationally representative survey focusing on health issues among older Americans. Recognizing the unique challenges posed by the pandemic, the researchers continued to assess loneliness and isolation, aiming to understand how these experiences evolved and persisted.</p>
<p>“Our team initially asked about loneliness and social isolation in 2018, since these are important but often overlooked health issues for older adults,” said study author <a href="https://president.umich.edu/leadership-team/advisors/preeti-malani/">Preeti Malani</a>, a professor of medicine. “In early 2020, we decided to revisit these issues (asking the same questions to similarly aged national samples of older adults age 50-80) because the pandemic was uniquely difficult in terms of social interactions. We have continued to track this number since that time, presenting 6 years’ worth of results in the current study.”</p>
<p>Each survey involved between 2,051 and 2,576 respondents aged 50 to 80. The researchers asked participants how often they felt a lack of companionship or felt isolated from others over the past year. Response options ranged from “hardly ever” to “some of the time” and “often.”</p>
<p>The surveys were conducted online in collaboration with different panels to ensure national representation. In 2018 and 2020-2021, data were collected through Ipsos KnowledgePanel, while the NORC AmeriSpeak panel was used from 2022 onward. Respondents also provided information on their physical and mental health, household income, living arrangements, and employment status. Using survey weights, the researchers analyzed the data to reflect population-level estimates for adults aged 50 to 80 across the United States.</p>
<p>The findings reveal a mixed picture. Rates of loneliness and social isolation in 2024 closely mirrored pre-pandemic levels but remained troublingly high.</p>
<p>In 2024, 33% of older adults reported feeling a lack of companionship at least some of the time, a figure comparable to 34% in 2018. Similarly, 29% reported feeling isolated in 2024, slightly above the 27% recorded in 2018. During the pandemic’s early months in 2020, these rates had spiked to 41% for loneliness and 56% for social isolation, highlighting the impact of lockdown measures.</p>
<p>Certain groups consistently experienced higher rates of loneliness and isolation:</p>
<ul>
<li><strong>Mental and physical health</strong>: Older adults with fair or poor mental health reported strikingly high levels of loneliness (75%) and social isolation (77%) in 2024. Similarly, those with fair or poor physical health had elevated rates of loneliness (53%) and isolation (52%).</li>
<li><strong>Employment status</strong>: Those not working or receiving disability income had loneliness rates of 52% and isolation rates of 50%, up from 38% and 36% in 2018.</li>
<li><strong>Living alone</strong>: Individuals living alone were more likely to report loneliness and isolation, though rates for this group improved in 2024 compared to earlier years.</li>
</ul>
<p>“These trends make it clear: clinicians should see loneliness and isolation as a key factor in their patients’ lives, especially those with serious physical or mental health conditions,” said poll director <a href="https://ihpi.umich.edu/our-experts/jkullgre">Jeffrey Kullgren</a>, an associate professor of internal medicine and primary care clinician at the VA Ann Arbor Healthcare System.</p>
<p>Interestingly, relatively younger adults within the study population (aged 50-64) were more likely to experience loneliness and isolation than those aged 65-80. Additionally, individuals with household incomes below $60,000 reported higher rates of these experiences compared to those with higher incomes.</p>
<p>“Loneliness and isolation are common among older adults,” Malani told PsyPost. “About one third of people age 50 to 80 feel lonely, and nearly as many feel isolated. And some older adults, especially those dealing with major physical health or mental health issues, report much higher rates of loneliness and isolation than others.”</p>
<p>“One of the reasons this is an important topic of study is that loneliness and social isolation can be addressed—often in low-cost ways that benefit everyone. Clinicians should screen older adults for loneliness and social isolation the same way they might ask about diet and exercise—and offer resources to help address these concerns. Family members and community members should think about these issues—be intentional about calling, visiting, and including older adults in your day to day lives.”</p>
<p>“We can all pick up the phone or walk across the street,” Malani continued. “Policy makers should also think about these issues as major population health concerns—offering transportation or community centers may help many people and families. Just like the reasons for loneliness and social isolation vary, so do the solutions. Different people can benefit from different resources. We can all be part of the solution.”</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/fullarticle/10.1001/jama.2024.23213?guestAccessKey=6cc10a4c-125a-45c4-aef8-6869c2776dd6&utm_source=For_The_Media&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=ftm_links&utm_content=tfl&utm_term=120924">Loneliness and Social Isolation Among US Older Adults</a>,” was authored by Preeti N. Malani, Erica Solway, Matthias Kirch, Dianne C. Singer, J. Scott Roberts, and Jeffrey T. Kullgren.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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