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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/psilocybin-therapy-offers-relief-from-multiple-psychiatric-symptoms-in-cancer-patients/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Psilocybin therapy offers relief from multiple psychiatric symptoms in cancer patients</a>
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<p><p>New research published in <em><a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s44220-024-00331-0" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nature Mental Health</a></em> indicates that psilocybin-assisted psychotherapy may offer comprehensive mental health benefits for individuals experiencing cancer-related distress. The study found that this treatment not only reduced symptoms of anxiety and depression but also reduced interpersonal sensitivity, hostility, obsession-compulsion, and somatization. These findings suggest that psilocybin could provide an innovative approach to addressing the profound psychological challenges associated with cancer.</p>
<p>Psilocybin-assisted psychotherapy is a relatively new approach that combines the administration of psilocybin, a psychedelic compound derived from certain mushrooms, with guided psychotherapy. Unlike traditional psychiatric medications, which are often taken daily and may take weeks to show effects, research suggests that psilocybin can produce rapid and lasting relief after just one or two carefully supervised sessions.</p>
<p>These sessions typically include preparation with a trained therapist, the psilocybin experience itself in a safe and supportive setting, and follow-up therapy to help process and integrate the experience. This method has shown promise in treating mood and anxiety disorders, particularly for patients facing existential challenges such as life-threatening illnesses.</p>
<p>For cancer patients, the psychological toll can be overwhelming, often manifesting as depression, anxiety, and emotional distress that significantly affect quality of life and clinical outcomes. Standard treatments, including therapy and antidepressant medications, frequently fall short in effectiveness and may be accompanied by delayed onset or undesirable side effects. Psilocybin-assisted psychotherapy offers a potential alternative, with rapid and sustained benefits.</p>
<p>While prior research has demonstrated psilocybin’s ability to reduce anxiety and depression in cancer patients, many individuals with cancer experience additional mental health symptoms, such as interpersonal sensitivity, hostility, somatization, and obsessive-compulsive tendencies. These symptoms exacerbate the emotional burden of cancer, yet their response to psilocybin-assisted psychotherapy had not been systematically investigated.</p>
<p>“As a psychiatrist, I am deeply committed to discovering innovative treatments for complex psychiatric disorders,” said study author Petros D. Petridis, a clinical assistant professor of psychiatry at NYU Grossman School of Medicine and an investigator at the NYU Langone <a href="https://centerforpsychedelicmedicine.org/">Center for Psychedelic Medicine</a>.</p>
<p>“Patients with cancer endure profound psychological challenges alongside their physical illness, yet many find little relief from existing antidepressant medications. By studying psilocybin-assisted therapy for this population, my goal is to offer hope and contribute to the development of novel treatment strategies for those who have lacked effective mental health care.”</p>
<p>The researchers analyzed previously unpublished data from two randomized, placebo-controlled trials conducted at New York University and Johns Hopkins University. These trials included 79 participants who were experiencing clinically significant anxiety and depression related to cancer. The participants ranged in age from their 30s to their 70s, with an average age of 55, and most had advanced or recurrent cancers.</p>
<p>Participants in both studies were randomly assigned to receive either a high dose of psilocybin or a control treatment, followed weeks later by the alternate intervention. The control treatments varied slightly between the trials, including niacin or a very low dose of psilocybin designed to mimic a placebo. Each participant underwent two psilocybin or placebo sessions, with psychotherapy provided before, during, and after each session.</p>
<p>To evaluate the treatment’s impact, the researchers used a well-established psychological assessment tool called the Brief Symptom Inventory. This questionnaire measures nine psychiatric symptom dimensions, including anxiety, depression, hostility, interpersonal sensitivity, somatization, obsession-compulsion, paranoia, phobia, and psychosis. Participants completed the questionnaire at baseline, after their first and second treatment sessions, and six months later.</p>
<p>The results indicated that psilocybin-assisted psychotherapy significantly reduced six psychiatric symptom dimensions: anxiety, depression, interpersonal sensitivity, hostility, obsession-compulsion, and somatization. These improvements were observed within weeks of the first psilocybin session and persisted for up to six months.</p>
<p>“I was surprised by the consistent improvements across multiple psychiatric dimensions and the absence of significant adverse effects, such as paranoia, phobia, or psychosis,” Petridis told PsyPost. “The lasting impact of a <em>single</em> psilocybin session combined with psychotherapy was particularly remarkable.”</p>
<p>For symptoms like somatization, which involves the experience of physical symptoms without clear medical explanations, the improvements were especially noteworthy. Many cancer patients deal with chronic pain or discomfort that conventional treatments fail to address, so these findings suggest psilocybin could offer relief beyond traditional approaches.</p>
<p>The effects were consistent across the two clinical trial sites, adding reliability to the findings. Participants who received psilocybin in their first session showed early improvements, while those who began with the control treatment experienced benefits once they received psilocybin in the second phase of the study.</p>
<p>“Our research suggests that psilocybin-assisted therapy may provide a safe and effective way to improve not only anxiety and depression but also other distressing symptoms, such as interpersonal sensitivity, hostility, somatization, and obsessive-compulsive tendencies in patients with cancer,” Petrides said. “This underscores the potential of psychedelics to serve as a comprehensive mental health treatment for this population.”</p>
<p>Despite these encouraging results, the study had limitations. Most participants were white, well-educated, and financially secure, limiting the applicability of the findings to more diverse populations. Additionally, many participants had previous experience with psychedelics, which could have influenced their expectations and responses. The therapists involved in the trials also frequently guessed whether participants had received psilocybin, introducing potential bias.</p>
<p>“Functional unblinding may have influenced results,” Petrides noted. “Future studies should use more robust active placebos and measure expectancy biases.”</p>
<p>Nonetheless, the study adds to a growing body of evidence supporting psilocybin-assisted psychotherapy as a promising treatment for mental health challenges.</p>
<p>“My long-term goals include validating these findings in larger, more diverse populations and exploring psilocybin’s potential in other palliative care settings,” Petrides explained. “Ultimately, with sufficient research, I hope to integrate these therapies into mainstream care to enhance mental health outcomes.”</p>
<p>“Psilocybin-assisted psychotherapy represents a promising paradigm shift in mental health treatment. It’s essential to approach this therapy with rigorous clinical protocols to ensure safety and efficacy.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s44220-024-00331-0" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Psilocybin-assisted psychotherapy improves psychiatric symptoms across multiple dimensions in patients with cancer</a>,” was authored by Petros D. Petridis, Jack Grinband, Gabrielle Agin-Liebes, Connor J. Kinslow, Richard J. Zeifman, Michael P. Bogenschutz, Roland R. Griffiths, and Stephen Ross.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/political-contamination-can-affect-everyday-choices-in-surprising-ways/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">“Political contamination” can affect everyday choices in surprising ways</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Dec 1st 2024, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>t turns out that your political views might influence more than your vote—they could even change how you feel about chocolate. A new study published in <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/01461672241298390"><em>Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin</em></a> reveals that people rate products less favorably when they are associated with their least-liked political party. The findings highlight how “political contamination” subtly shapes our everyday preferences in surprising ways.</p>
<p>Political polarization, especially “affective polarization,” has been increasing across the globe. This form of polarization refers to the tendency to feel positive toward one’s political in-group while harboring distrust or dislike toward the out-group.</p>
<p>While this dynamic has been well-studied in contexts like voting and media consumption, its effect on neutral, everyday decisions has received less attention. The researchers behind this new study set out to explore how even apolitical products can become contaminated by political associations.</p>
<p>“I have always been interested in moral social cognition, and my interest in political psychology probably began many years ago when I observed a post on social media where two famous Swedish politicians from ideologically distant parties posted a selfie at a soccer game,” said study author Arvid Erlandsson, a senior associate professor at Linköping University and member of <a href="https://jedilab.weebly.com/">the JEDI Lab</a>.</p>
<p>“The caption read something like, ‘There are many issues where we disagree, but today we are happy to be on the same side.’ About half the comments were positive, but the other half were negative, with some people saying they could never cheer for a team supported by their least-liked politician. This inspired me to systematically investigate whether non-political things can be ‘contaminated’ simply by being liked by one’s political out-group.”</p>
<p>To investigate this, the researchers conducted a series of four experiments involving a total of 3,985 participants.</p>
<p>In the first experiment, participants evaluated clothing items before and after learning that these items were worn by politicians from either their most-liked or least-liked political parties. The researchers used photographs of well-known Swedish politicians dressed in formal attire, alongside non-political individuals in similar outfits as a control.</p>
<p>The findings revealed a clear “negative out-group effect”: clothes worn by politicians from participants’ least-liked parties were rated as less attractive after the political association was revealed. A smaller but significant “positive in-group effect” was also observed, with clothing linked to the participants’ most-liked politicians receiving higher ratings.</p>
<p>The second experiment expanded the investigation to chocolates, a less identity-relevant product. Participants rated a selection of chocolate brands before and after being told that certain chocolates were favored by supporters of their most-liked or least-liked political parties. This experiment also included a condition where chocolates were linked to bipartisan preferences, as well as a control group with no political association.</p>
<p>The results replicated the negative out-group effect: chocolates linked to the least-liked party were rated less favorably after the association was revealed. However, the positive in-group effect was less consistent, suggesting that political associations have a stronger impact when linked to disliked groups than to favored ones.</p>
<p>The third experiment examined real financial decisions. Participants were asked to allocate monetary donations to pairs of well-known Swedish charities. In the experimental conditions, participants were informed that certain charities were more popular among supporters of their most-liked or least-liked political parties.</p>
<p>The researchers found that participants consistently donated less to charities associated with their least-liked party, confirming the negative out-group effect. However, there was no significant increase in donations to charities linked to participants’ most-liked parties, reinforcing the asymmetry observed in the earlier studies.</p>
<p>“Data collection for Studies 2 and 3 coincided with the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which united all Swedish political parties in their condemnation of Russia,” Erlandsson told PsyPost. “The fact that we still observed these effects during this period of cross-partisan friendliness made me even more convinced of the robustness of the findings.”</p>
<p>The final experiment explored the role of public versus private decision-making. Participants were asked to choose between products—including chocolates, fruits, and charities—in scenarios where their choices were either private or observed by in-group members (represented by virtual avatars).</p>
<p>The findings showed that the negative out-group effect was amplified in public settings. Participants were even less likely to choose products associated with their least-liked party when they believed their choices were being observed by others from their political in-group. Interestingly, public observation did not enhance the positive in-group effect, which remained weak or absent in this study.</p>
<p>“Earlier studies on affective political polarization have shown that people distance themselves from the political out-group, such as when dating, evaluating candidates for a job, or attending Thanksgiving dinners,” Erlandsson explained. “Other studies have demonstrated the ‘party-over-policy effect,’ where the same policy is evaluated positively if proposed by the political in-group and negatively if proposed by the out-group. We also know that people sometimes boycott explicitly partisan brands or products, such as Twitter/X under Elon Musk, who openly endorses Donald Trump.”</p>
<p>“Our study extends these findings by showing a new manifestation of political polarization: distancing from neutral and apolitical products. Additionally, we find that this tendency is stronger in public than in private situations, suggesting that people may avoid products linked to their political out-group for reputational reasons.”</p>
<p>Interestingly, while the negative out-group effect was robust across all studies, the positive in-group effect was weaker and less consistent, appearing primarily in the context of aesthetic evaluations (experiment 1) and certain chocolate ratings (experiment 2).</p>
<p>“This was somewhat surprising but aligns with the idea that, unlike other social identities, a negative political identity (opposition to party X) is more prominent than a positive political identity (support for party Y),” Erlandsson said.</p>
<p>“In all studies, we tested whether the effects were politically symmetrical—similar for left-leaning and right-leaning participants—or asymmetrical. In three of the four studies, the results were symmetrical, suggesting that the tendency to distance oneself from politically contaminated products exists across partisan lines. In one study, however, rightist participants, but not leftist participants, showed a positive in-group effect, liking clothes worn by in-group politicians.”</p>
<p>While the findings strongly suggest that political polarization influences everyday choices, the study has some limitations. Conducted in Sweden, a country with a multi-party system, the results may differ in two-party systems like the United States. Additionally, the study focused on relatively neutral products; future research could explore whether similar effects occur with identity-relevant choices, such as favorite sports teams or cultural symbols.</p>
<p>“The research reported here was funded by the Swedish Research Council, which also supports several other related projects we are working on,” Erlandsson added. “We are currently studying political discrimination, politically motivated reasoning, openness to opposing views, and reactions to prosocial and antisocial behaviors toward political out-groups.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672241298390" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Politically Contaminated Clothes, Chocolates, and Charities: Distancing From Neutral Products Liked by Out-Group or In-Group Partisans</a>,” was authored by Arvid Erlandsson, Artur Nilsson, Jennifer Rosander, Rebecka Persson, and Leaf Van Boven.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/womens-interest-in-strong-men-adapts-to-environmental-cues-of-potential-threat/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Women’s interest in strong men adapts to environmental cues of potential threat</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 30th 2024, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>Research published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/sjop.13075"><em>Scandinavian Journal of Psychology</em></a> finds that cues to ambient darkness decrease women’s willingness to engage with physically strong men.</p>
<p>Throughout evolutionary history, physical threats have driven humans to develop perceptual systems that identify potential dangers in the environment. When evaluating men, women in particular weigh the risks and benefits of associating with those who exhibit physical strength. Although upper body strength is typically desirable for its implications of protection and genetic fitness, its link to aggression and threat makes it ambivalent in certain situations.</p>
<p>Mitch Brown and colleagues sought to investigate how ambient darkness—a condition associated with heightened perception of threats—affects women’s preference for strong men.</p>
<p>Existing literature suggests that women feel a heightened sense of vulnerability in dark environments, which may alter how they perceive social targets. Darkness is associated with both uncertainty and an increased readiness to detect social threats. Thus, the researchers hypothesized that women might be less willing to engage with strong men in dark settings, given the potential costs associated with formidable men in ambiguous environments.</p>
<p>The research team recruited a sample of 124 women from a Southeastern U.S. sorority, targeting this group based on their heightened relevance to safety concerns in campus settings. Participants (~ average age of 19 years), viewed a single image of a male target in a simulated environment that was either dark or light, with the lighting level manipulated through digital editing.</p>
<p>The male target in the image was modified to appear either physically strong or weak. This was achieved by altering the male target’s upper body strength—using a composite measure of handgrip and chest press strength—while keeping other physical characteristics constant by grafting his head onto different body types. Participants rated their willingness to engage with the man in nine specific scenarios, such as asking him for directions or feeling comfortable if he smiled, on a 5-point scale.</p>
<p>The researchers found that ambient darkness had a significant impact on women’s willingness to engage with physically strong men. When presented in a dark environment, the physically strong target was met with lower willingness to engage from participants, whereas the weak target in the same dark setting was rated as more approachable and comfortable to interact with. This suggests that in darker environments, perceived strength in men may be more strongly associated with potential threat than with protection or attractiveness.</p>
<p>Interestingly, these differences were context-specific. The strong target did not elicit different engagement levels between the light and dark environments, indicating that his attractiveness was relatively stable across conditions and that darkness itself did not make him appear more appealing.</p>
<p>In contrast, the weak man was seen as significantly more approachable in dark conditions than in light, suggesting that in the presence of potential environmental threats, women may favor social interactions that feel less risky.</p>
<p>Overall, these findings point to a nuanced social adaptation in women’s preferences, where environmental cues, like darkness, heighten the perceived costs associated with strength in men, encouraging preference for those who appear less physically formidable in darker settings.</p>
<p>The study’s reliance on edited images to simulate ambient darkness is a potential limitation. Future research could explore real-world interactions under actual light conditions to enhance ecological validity.</p>
<p>The research, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/sjop.13075">The Effects of Cues to Ambient Darkness on Women’s Willingness to Engage With Physically Strong Men</a>,” was authored by Mitch Brown, Katherine Wolfe, and Bridget A. O’Neil.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/groundbreaking-hate-universe-study-reveals-links-to-billions-in-mainstream-communities/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Groundbreaking “hate universe” study reveals links to billions in mainstream communities</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Nov 30th 2024, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>Online hate communities are not confined to isolated corners of the internet. In a new study published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s44260-024-00018-8"><em>npj Complexity</em></a> shows how these groups are increasingly intersecting with mainstream online spaces. Using advanced tools to map the online “hate universe,” researchers found that around 50 million accounts in hate communities grew closer not only to each other but also to a broad mainstream audience of billions in the weeks surrounding the 2020 United States presidential election.</p>
<p>The rapid evolution of online hate speech has created a pressing need for a deeper understanding of how it spreads, adapts, and impacts broader online communities. While previous research has examined the relationship between real-world events and the proliferation of hate speech, much of it treated hate groups as isolated entities or focused on single platforms.</p>
<p>This fragmented approach left a gap in understanding how hate networks function across multiple platforms and how they interact with mainstream communities. The new study addressed this gap by mapping the “hate universe” at an unprecedented scale and resolution.</p>
<p>“We hear a lot about online hate, particularly around the U.S. political system,” said study author Neil Johnson, a professor of Physics at the George Washington University and head of <a href="https://donlab.columbian.gwu.edu/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the Dynamic Online Networks Lab</a>. “There is a common perception that such hate is caused by some extreme people scattered across the Internet. We set out to test if this is true. We found the opposite.”</p>
<p>The research team began with a list of hate communities identified through public resources, such as the Anti-Defamation League’s Hate Symbols Database and reports from the Southern Poverty Law Center. They used cross-posting links—instances where content from one community appeared in another—to expand their dataset. By tracing these connections, the researchers uncovered a web of interconnected hate communities. Each community was reviewed by subject matter experts to confirm its status as part of the hate network.</p>
<p>The result was a comprehensive map of the hate universe that accounted for billions of individual user accounts. These were not limited to members of hate communities but also included users in mainstream online spaces connected to the hate universe through cross-posting links.</p>
<p>The study focused on changes in the hate universe during the 2020 U.S. presidential election and its aftermath, particularly around key events like election day (November 3) and the Capitol attack (January 6, 2021). The researchers analyzed shifts in the network’s structure, including its interconnectedness and clustering, and examined the types of hate speech that surged during this period.</p>
<p>“Before our study, nobody had ever looked at this at scale — which is like going to a doctor and the doctor only diagnosing you based on what they literally see with their eyes,” Johnson told <em>PsyPost</em>.</p>
<p>“The good thing is that understanding it — and specifically having a map of it, like a ‘Google map’ of where hate lives and how it evolves — is the first step to managing it since it tells you where to intervene, like an X-ray tells a doctor where you need treatment.”</p>
<p>The researchers found that the 2020 election served as a catalyst for the growth and consolidation of the hate universe. The number of links between hate communities surged on election day, with a 41.6% increase compared to November 1. This spike intensified on November 7, the day Joe Biden was declared president-elect, with a 68% increase in new connections. The largest spike occurred around January 6, during the Capitol attack.</p>
<p>These new connections led to a “hardening” of the hate universe’s structure, as measured by standard network metrics. The clustering coefficient, which measures the tendency of nodes to form tightly connected groups, rose by 164.8% after January 6. This indicated that previously isolated hate communities were forming dense clusters, making the network more cohesive and resilient.</p>
<p>Similarly, the assortativity of the network, which reflects the tendency of similar nodes to connect, increased by 27%, suggesting that communities with similar characteristics were bonding more closely.</p>
<p>At the same time, the number of hate communities decreased by nearly 20%, while the size of the largest community grew by over 16%. This consolidation suggested that smaller groups were merging into larger, more dominant ones, creating a more unified and robust hate network.</p>
<figure aria-describedby="caption-attachment-225340" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img fetchpriority="high" decoding="async" class="size-large wp-image-225340" src="https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/hate-networks-1024x683.png" alt="" width="1024" height="683" srcset="https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/hate-networks-1024x683.png 1024w, https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/hate-networks-300x200.png 300w, https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/hate-networks-768x512.png 768w, https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/hate-networks-750x500.png 750w, https://www.psypost.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/hate-networks.png 1080w" sizes="(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px"><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">Demonstrating how online hate networks strengthen around U.S. elections, this Figure shows a subset of Telegram-connected networks before and after election day, showing its key role as a binding agent. (Credit: Neil Johnson/George Washington University)</figcaption></figure>
<p>“Hate increases significantly after the election, but not just in its volume—also in its organization,” Johnson said. “The hate networks link more to each other and become stronger. Elections help hate organize and strengthen.”</p>
<p>The researchers employed natural language processing models to analyze the content shared within these communities. These models were trained to classify hate speech into seven categories: race, gender, religion, antisemitism, gender identity or sexual orientation, immigration, and ethnic nationalism. The models demonstrated high accuracy, which was further validated by human reviewers.</p>
<p>The content shared within the hate universe changed significantly during the election period. For instance, anti-immigration rhetoric saw a dramatic surge of 269.5% in the days following November 7. Similarly, ethnically based hate and antisemitic content rose by 98.7% and 117.57%, respectively. Another wave of anti-immigration sentiment occurred around January 6, with a 108.69% increase compared to the days leading up to the Capitol attack.</p>
<p>One of the study’s most concerning findings was the increased interaction between hate communities and mainstream social media groups. During the election period, the hate universe expanded its reach into mainstream communities, creating new pathways for hate speech to flow into broader online spaces.</p>
<p>The researchers identified a significant uptick in cross-posting behaviors, where content from hate groups was shared in mainstream groups or communities. These connections blurred the boundaries between extremist networks and mainstream online spaces, effectively creating a bridge that allowed hate speech to penetrate wider audiences.</p>
<p>“Hate is ‘cooking’ in communities on the many smaller platforms, in communities that are strongly linked to each other (i.e., sharing content and opinions all the time), and they are linked directly into about 1 billion of the rest of us,” Johnson told <em>PsyPost</em>.</p>
<p>“So you may be part of a community of parents or pizza lovers on Facebook, but the comments and replies you see are coming straight from the large number of people across smaller platforms who have linked into your community without anyone knowing.”</p>
<p>This phenomenon highlights the challenge of addressing online hate. Efforts to moderate or disrupt hate networks may inadvertently push their rhetoric into mainstream communities, where it can evade detection or appear less overtly extremist.</p>
<p>So-called “fringe” content often “does not live at the fringe of the Internet,” Johnson said. “It is right next door to all of us — and we are probably all seeing it in the replies and comments to things in our everyday communities online.”</p>
<p>The findings have practical implications. The researchers argue that policies targeting only widely used platforms or particular communities are unlikely to effectively address hate and other online harms. “Policymakers have it wrong when they only pull the CEOs of the major companies in front of them to deal with online hate,” Johnson said.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s44260-024-00018-8">How U.S. Presidential elections strengthen global hate networks</a>,” was authored by Akshay Verma, Richard Sear, and Neil Johnson.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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