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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News Daily Digest (Unofficial)</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-chronotype-research-night-owls-find-more-joy-in-material-purchases/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New chronotype research: Night owls find more joy in material purchases</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 18th 2024, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/mar.22062"><em>Psychology & Marketing</em></a> provides insight into how our internal body clocks, or chronotypes, may influence the happiness we derive from the things we buy. According to the research, individuals who identify as “night owls” tend to find more happiness and satisfaction from material purchases—such as clothing or gadgets—than from experiences like concerts or vacations. In contrast, “morning larks”—people who prefer to wake up early—derive greater happiness from experiential purchases.</p>
<p>Previous research has shown that people generally gain more happiness from experiential purchases, a phenomenon known as the “experiential advantage.” The idea is that experiences, such as vacations or dining out, lead to long-lasting happiness because they foster social connections, contribute to our sense of identity, and often allow us to relive the memories. Material goods, on the other hand, tend to offer only short-term satisfaction.</p>
<p>However, this concept has not held true in every case. Researchers have found that people who are more materialistic or come from lower socioeconomic backgrounds may experience greater happiness from material purchases.</p>
<p>The new study aimed to explore whether the experiential advantage applies equally to all people or whether it depends on individual differences, such as one’s chronotype—the tendency to prefer morning or evening activity. This is particularly important because previous research has shown that evening types, or “night owls,” tend to have lower overall happiness due to lifestyle misalignments with typical work and social schedules.</p>
<p>“I am the quintessential night owl, and this has had varied reactions amongst people. Some have been supportive of me and my schedule, while others made fun of it. So, it motivated me to study more about chronotypes (i.e. larks vs. night owls), and I was fascinated by the findings in biology and psychology,” said study author Pramit Banerjee, an assistant professor at the Craig School of Business at Missouri Western State University.</p>
<p>“Essentially, due to biological, genetic and evolutionary reasons, some people function better at night while others do so in the mornings. Some find it easy to get up early, while others find it easier to stay up late. Of course, the societal cycle does not really take this into account. I also realized that there wasn’t much discourse surrounding this in the marketing literature which made me interested in working on this.”</p>
<p>“At the same time, I was already working on projects related to experiential vs. material purchases and I was familiar with what we know as the experiential advantage which predicts that people in general find greater happiness from their experiential purchases in the long run. My literature review also indicated that night owls were generally less happy than larks. Thus, the question- would night owls derive happiness from experiential purchases like the general populace?”</p>
<p>The researchers conducted a series of five experiments with 1,122 participants in total. The participants were classified into two groups based on their chronotype: morning types and evening types. The participants were asked to recall past purchases, both material and experiential, and to report how happy those purchases made them. The study also measured participants’ sense of how distant those purchases felt in time—a factor that was hypothesized to affect happiness differently for morning and evening types.</p>
<p>In some studies, participants were randomly assigned to either recall a material or an experiential purchase and then rate how much happiness it brought them. In other studies, they were asked to choose between recalling a material or experiential purchase and then indicate which one made them happier overall.</p>
<p>To ensure that the results were not biased by the types of purchases being recalled, the researchers controlled for variables such as the cost of the purchase, the amount of time that had passed since the purchase, and participants’ income levels. In one of the experiments, the product was held constant—participants were asked to focus on a barbecue grill—but half the participants were instructed to think about it in terms of its material qualities (as an object they owned), and the other half were told to think about it in terms of the experiences they had using it.</p>
<p>The researchers also tested whether the perceived distance from the purchase, or how far away in time it felt, might mediate the relationship between chronotype and happiness. The idea was that evening types, who tend to have a different sense of time perception, might feel more distant from their experiential purchases, which could reduce the happiness they derived from them.</p>
<p>The results consistently showed that evening types derived less happiness from their experiential purchases compared to material purchases. Morning types, on the other hand, experienced the expected “experiential advantage”—they were generally happier with experiences than with material possessions. The key difference seemed to be how distant these purchases felt in time.</p>
<p>For evening types, experiential purchases felt more distant, even if the event had occurred recently. This feeling of distance seemed to reduce the emotional impact of the experience, leading to lower levels of happiness. In contrast, material purchases, which can be physically present and used over time, did not evoke the same sense of distance. As a result, evening types found more lasting happiness from material goods.</p>
<p>“The notion of the experiential advantage has seeped into the common consciousness, and there is a tendency to generalize this,” Banerjee told PsyPost. “However, we need to apply this with greater nuance. Night owls do not seem to derive any long-term happiness from their experiential purchases. It is lower than what larks derive. So, if you are a night owl- do not be under the assumption that you will feel happier when you think about your past experiences. Material purchases may provide you relatively higher happiness.”</p>
<p>Interestingly, the researchers found that the happiness derived from experiential purchases by evening types decreased as their sense of subjective distance from the experience increased. This suggests that evening types may have a unique perception of time that affects how they relive or recall past experiences. Because experiences are often fleeting and rely on memory, they may feel less emotionally connected to them over time.</p>
<p>“While we did theorize that night owls would feel a lower degree of happiness from their experiential (vs. material) purchases due to the subjective distance they felt from their purchase, some might find the results counterintuitive,” Banerjee said. “After all, do we not associate night owls with night time fun and excitement? However, we look more at the retrospective happiness from purchases, and this is where we find that night owls derive lower happiness from experiential (vs. material) purchases.”</p>
<p>But like all research, the study has limitations. One limitation is that it focused primarily on past purchases, asking participants to recall their feelings about items or experiences they had already enjoyed.</p>
<p>“We use the classical paradigm of the experiential advantage in our research — i.e. measuring happiness from past consumption of experiential or material purchases,” Banerjee explained. “However, this does not mean that experiential consumption in the moment would not provide happiness. It is when you reminisce about it that you would feel lower happiness. Moreover, we do not test for anticipatory purchases either.”</p>
<p>Another limitation is that the study measured happiness at a single point in time. It would be interesting to explore whether these findings hold over longer periods, as happiness from purchases can change over time. For example, while an evening type might initially feel satisfied with a material purchase, this feeling could diminish if the item becomes less useful or relevant. Similarly, the happiness from experiential purchases might increase with time as memories become more cherished.</p>
<p>The researchers also noted that the social context in which purchases are made might play a role. For instance, evening types might feel happier with experiences when they are shared with close friends or family members, even if those experiences feel distant in time. Future research could examine whether the social aspects of experiential purchases can mitigate the effects of subjective distance for evening types.</p>
<p>“I am looking at how biases against night owls may manifest in various ways,” Banerjee said. “I hope to add to the literature surrounding this and also hope my work has some social impact too. There needs to be greater awareness about the inequities night owls face and measures to improve their well-being. These inequities arise from what is known as the Social Jetlag (Whitmann et al., 2006) wherein the social clock or work schedule (8am-5pm) is less favorable to night owls, as a result of which they suffer a poorer quality of life and also endure more mental health issues and an overall lower sense of well-being. There needs to be greater discourse surrounding this.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/mar.22062" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Of happy larks and unhappy owls: Why morning versus evening types feel different levels of happiness from experiential versus material purchases</a>,” was authored by Pramit Banerjee and Shashi Minchael.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/breastfeeding-from-1-to-8-months-of-age-is-associated-with-better-cognitive-abilities-at-4-years-of-age-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Breastfeeding from 1 to 8 months of age is associated with better cognitive abilities at 4 years old, study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 18th 2024, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A study of 4- to 5-year-old children in Spain found that participants who were breastfed as infants, for 1 to 8 months, tended to have better cognitive abilities compared to their peers who were not breastfed. These children had higher IQs, better working memory, nonverbal abilities, and cognitive proficiency. The effects persisted even after adjusting for the mother’s IQ and mother-infant attachment difficulties. The research was published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s13158-024-00396-z"><em>International Journal of Early Childhood</em></a><strong>.</strong></p>
<p>Human breast milk is the optimal food for infants, not only because it contains a variety of nutrients, but also because its composition changes and adapts to meet the infant’s growing needs. Typically, human infants are exclusively breastfed for the first six months of life. After this period, they are gradually introduced to solid foods. However, many infants continue breastfeeding along with solid food intake until they are one or two years old, depending on individual preferences and cultural norms.</p>
<p>Some mothers choose to breastfeed for longer periods, while others may stop sooner. Breastfeeding requires significant commitment from the mother, as she must be available whenever the baby is hungry, which can limit her ability to leave the baby in the care of others for extended periods. Some mothers may also face challenges such as insufficient milk production. Breastfeeding can sometimes lead to sore nipples or a painful condition known as mastitis.</p>
<p>For these reasons, and many others, some mothers opt to raise their babies using infant formula. However, numerous studies have linked breastfeeding to various positive outcomes later in life. Individuals who were breastfed as infants have been found to be more intelligent, exhibit better psychomotor development in infancy, and even achieve higher educational attainment, social status, and income in adulthood. However, other studies have not confirmed these associations.</p>
<p>Study author Susana Vargas‑Pérez sought to explore whether there is a link between breastfeeding and the cognitive abilities of children at 4 to 5 years of age. She analyzed data from the ECLIPSES and EPINED studies conducted in the region of Tarragona, Spain. Both studies followed infants from birth to 4-5 years of age, collecting data on breastfeeding practices, cognitive abilities, and other relevant factors.</p>
<p>The data came from 613 children born in 2013 and 2014. Information about breastfeeding was provided by the parents when the children were 4 years old. At this time, the children also completed an assessment of cognitive abilities using the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence – fourth edition. The mothers were assessed for their own intelligence using the Matrix Reasoning subtest of the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale – IV, and mother-infant attachment difficulties were evaluated using the Parent Stress Index – Short Form.</p>
<p>The results showed that children who were breastfed for 1 to 8 months had slightly better scores on several indicators of cognitive abilities compared to those who were not breastfed. These children had higher overall IQ scores, better working memory, nonverbal cognitive abilities, and higher scores on the cognitive proficiency index.</p>
<p>In contrast, children breastfed for more than 8 months showed significant improvements in non-verbal reasoning and overall processing speed but did not outperform the 1 to 8-month group in all areas. This suggests that while longer breastfeeding may offer some benefits, the greatest gains in cognitive development may occur within the first 8 months.</p>
<p>After adjusting for factors such as maternal intelligence and mother-child attachment, the relationship between breastfeeding and improved cognitive outcomes remained strong. This finding suggests that breastfeeding itself plays a crucial role in enhancing cognitive development, beyond the influences of family environment or maternal intelligence.</p>
<p>“Our study emphasizes the numerous advantages of breastfeeding and underscores the importance of infants being breastfed through healthcare and health policies. Advocating breastfeeding for the first six months of life is crucial for enhancing lifelong well-being and cognitive development in children,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study provides insight into the connections between breastfeeding and cognitive abilities. However, it is important to note that the data on breastfeeding included both exclusive breastfeeding and mixed feeding (breastfeeding combined with formula), making it difficult to determine whether exclusive breastfeeding provides a stronger cognitive advantage than mixed feeding.</p>
<p>Another limitation lies in the generalizability of the findings. Although the study controlled for several variables, it was conducted in a specific region of Spain, meaning the results may not apply to all populations. Cultural, economic, and healthcare differences across regions and countries could affect both breastfeeding practices and child development outcomes.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s13158-024-00396-z">Effects of Breastfeeding on Cognitive Abilities at 4 Years Old: Cohort Study,</a>” was authored by Susana Vargas‑Pérez, Carmen Hernández‑Martínez, Núria Voltas, Paula Morales‑Hidalgo, Josefa Canals, and Victoria Arija.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/scientists-discover-sleep-reset-mechanism-in-the-brain-that-prevents-memory-overload/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Scientists discover sleep “reset” mechanism in the brain that prevents memory overload</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 18th 2024, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in <a href="https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.ado5708"><em>Science</em></a> has identified a previously unknown mechanism in the brain that occurs during sleep, helping to reset memory pathways. Researchers found that a burst of neural silence in a specific part of the brain, the hippocampus, allows neurons involved in memory to reset and prepare for new learning the following day. This phenomenon, termed a “barrage of action potentials” or “BARR,” allows neurons to reset, ensuring that our brains can continue storing new information without overwhelming the neural networks responsible for memory.</p>
<p>Despite years of research into sleep and memory, we still have much to learn about how the brain manages memory consolidation during sleep. Scientists have long known that sleep plays a key role in maintaining physical and mental health. For instance, sleep helps restore energy levels, supports immune function, and is vital for emotional regulation.</p>
<p>But it also plays a crucial role in memory formation. When we experience something new, neurons in the hippocampus—an area of the brain responsible for learning and memory—become active and encode that information. During sleep, those same neurons repeat the patterns of activity observed during the day. This process, called memory replay, strengthens the neural connections involved in those experiences, helping to solidify the memory.</p>
<p>However, a major unanswered question has been: how does the brain continue learning and storing new information every day without running out of available neurons? If the same neurons are used repeatedly for new memories, wouldn’t they eventually become “full” or overloaded? This study was designed to explore this very issue, investigating how the brain prevents memory circuits from being overwhelmed by constant learning.</p>
<p>“We expend about a third of our live sleeping, yet, we don’t know which processes are implemented during this time, in our body but also in our brain, that makes this function so fundamental for our health and in extreme cases, for our survival,” said study author Azahara Oliva, an assistant professor of neurobiology and behavior at Cornell University</p>
<p>The research team studied the brain activity of mice to better understand how the hippocampus balances memory storage during sleep. Mice are frequently used in memory studies because their brain structure, particularly the hippocampus, is similar to humans.</p>
<p>The researchers used a combination of advanced techniques, including electrode implants and optogenetics, to monitor and manipulate neuronal activity in the hippocampus. The electrodes allowed the team to track specific brain regions, while optogenetics—a method that uses light to control genetically modified neurons—enabled them to selectively activate or silence particular groups of neurons during sleep.</p>
<p>The hippocampus is divided into three main regions: CA1, CA2, and CA3. CA1 and CA3 are well-known for their roles in processing memories, but the role of CA2 has been less understood. To investigate this, the researchers implanted tiny electrodes in the mice’s hippocampi, specifically targeting the CA1, CA2, and CA3 regions. These electrodes recorded the firing patterns of neurons during both awake and sleep states.</p>
<p>The mice were first exposed to various memory tasks, including an object displacement task, where they had to remember the location of objects, and a social memory task, which involved recognizing other mice. After these tasks, the researchers monitored the brain activity during sleep to see how memories were being consolidated.</p>
<p>A key feature of their experiment was the ability to observe and record sharp-wave ripples (SWRs)—brief bursts of brain activity that occur in the hippocampus during deep sleep. SWRs are thought to be crucial for replaying memories and strengthening neural connections. However, the team also noticed a new type of brain event during sleep in the CA2 region: the BARR. Unlike SWRs, which involve a high level of synchronized firing across many neurons, BARR events were characterized by the silencing of certain neurons, particularly in the CA2 region, which temporarily halted their activity.</p>
<p>By using optogenetic tools, the researchers were able to disrupt these BARR events in real time, allowing them to study how this silencing affected memory consolidation. They could precisely control when to silence or activate neurons and measure the resulting impact on the mice’s memory performance.</p>
<p>The most significant discovery was the identification of the BARR event, which acts as a kind of “reset button” for neurons in the hippocampus. During sleep, when the brain is replaying memories through SWRs, certain neurons in the CA2 region switch off. This period of silence allows the neurons that were heavily used during learning to reset, preparing them for new learning the next day.</p>
<p>The researchers believe that without this reset mechanism, the hippocampus would quickly become overwhelmed by repeated use of the same neurons for storing memories. The BARR events give the brain a way to reuse neurons for new tasks without compromising their ability to encode new information.</p>
<p>“The main message in our study is that, while it is known that sleep is necessary for our recent experiences to get incorporated into long term memories, we just discovered that our brain also reset our memories, it prepares the system for new memories to be incorporated the next day, so our neural circuits do not saturate and keep working optimally,” Oliva told PsyPost.</p>
<p>In the study, when the BARR events were disrupted using optogenetics, the mice showed significant impairment in their ability to recall memories from the earlier tasks. This was particularly evident in the object displacement task, where the mice struggled to remember which objects had been moved.</p>
<p>Interestingly, the disruption of BARR events did not seem to affect the overall rate of sharp-wave ripples, suggesting that while SWRs are important for replaying and strengthening memories, BARRs play a separate but equally critical role in preventing memory overload.</p>
<p>Further analysis showed that the neurons most involved in encoding new experiences—those that fired the most during learning—were the same neurons that were silenced during BARR events. This indicates that the brain selectively turns off the most active neurons during sleep to avoid overloading them. The balance between SWR-driven reactivation and BARR-driven silencing appears to be essential for maintaining healthy memory circuits.</p>
<p>“We were very surprised to find that this phenomenon of memory resetting is an active process: if we block memory resetting by silencing the neurons responsible for it, the memory doesn’t get consolidated properly,” Oliva said. “This means that memory is a two-fold process, with neural circuits that enhance the consolidation of a given experience and neural circuits that control that this consolidation doesn’t go over a healthy limit.”</p>
<p>While this study offers new insights into how the brain manages memory during sleep, there are still several unanswered questions. One limitation is that the study was conducted in mice, which have brain structures similar to humans but not identical. Further research will be needed to confirm whether these findings apply directly to human memory consolidation.</p>
<p>Another limitation is that the researchers focused primarily on the hippocampus. Although the hippocampus is crucial for memory, other brain regions, such as the cortex, also play a significant role in storing long-term memories. It remains unclear how the resetting mechanisms in the hippocampus interact with these other brain areas.</p>
<p>Looking ahead, the researchers plan to investigate several key questions: “How the brain knows which neurons are to be consolidated and reset? What is the marker? How much can we boost memory without saturating the brain? And can we use the reset mechanisms to erase unwanted memories? We don’t know this yet,” Oliva explained.</p>
<p>“Our long term goal is to understand what are the physiological markers for the different cognitive processes that benefit from a good sleep and how are they regulated from the neural circuit to the molecular level.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/science.ado5708">A hippocampal circuit mechanism to balance memory reactivation during sleep</a>,” was authored by Lindsay A. Karaba, Heath L. Robinson, Ryan E. Harvey, Weiwei Chen, Antonio Fernandez-Ruiz, and Azahara Oliva.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/researchers-combine-ai-and-fmri-to-predict-the-emotional-relevance-of-spontaneous-thoughts/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Researchers combine AI and fMRI to predict the emotional relevance of spontaneous thoughts</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 17th 2024, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study led by researchers from the Center for Neuroscience Imaging Research in South Korea and Dartmouth College has revealed that brain activity can predict how people emotionally experience their thoughts. Using brain scans and personalized story narratives, the team developed a method that combines brain imaging with machine learning to decode the emotional aspects of thoughts in real time. The research was published in the <em><a href="https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.2401959121" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences</a></em>.</p>
<p>The study addresses a significant challenge in understanding human thought: how do we track and measure the personal and often fleeting emotions that arise during spontaneous thinking? This type of thought can happen at any time, even when we are resting or asleep. Yet, capturing these thoughts without interrupting them has proven difficult, as the very act of focusing on them can change their nature.</p>
<p>The researchers wanted to develop a way to predict the emotional quality of thoughts — whether they are positive or negative and how much they relate to the person’s sense of self — without requiring people to report their thoughts in real time.</p>
<p>To explore this, the researchers used a combination of personalized stories and brain scans. First, each participant underwent an interview to create a set of stories that were personally relevant to them. These stories were based on significant life experiences and emotional memories. The participants then read these stories while their brain activity was recorded using functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI), which measures changes in blood flow to different parts of the brain. This allowed the researchers to see how the brain responded to each moment in the stories.</p>
<p>After the brain scans, the participants read their stories again and rated how emotionally positive or negative they felt at different points in the narrative. They also rated how much they felt the story content was related to themselves. Based on these ratings, the researchers divided the brain data into segments that corresponded to different levels of emotional positivity (or negativity) and self-relevance. They created 25 different combinations of these two dimensions for each participant, representing varying emotional states and levels of personal importance.</p>
<p>With this data in hand, the team used machine learning, a type of artificial intelligence that can find patterns in large datasets, to create predictive models. These models could “read” the participants’ brain activity and determine, based on the fMRI scans, how positive or negative their thoughts were and how relevant those thoughts were to their personal lives.</p>
<p>The researchers found that certain brain networks played key roles in these emotional predictions. For instance, the anterior insula and midcingulate cortex were particularly involved in predicting how much a thought was related to the person’s sense of self.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, regions like the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex and the left temporoparietal junction helped predict whether a thought was positive or negative. These brain regions belong to broader networks that are responsible for attention, emotion regulation, and self-reflection, showing how interconnected these processes are during spontaneous thought.</p>
<p>Remarkably, the researchers also tested their models on another group of 199 people who were not reading stories but simply resting and thinking freely inside the brain scanner. Even when participants were not focused on any particular task, the models were able to predict their emotional state and how personally relevant their thoughts were. This suggests that these brain patterns are consistent across different types of thinking, from structured tasks like reading to more spontaneous daydreaming.</p>
<p>These findings are significant because they show that it is possible to decode aspects of our internal emotional world using brain imaging. Choong-Wan Woo, the study’s lead researcher, noted that while many companies are focused on decoding words or images from brain activity, few are exploring the emotions underlying these thoughts. By focusing on emotions rather than just the content of thoughts, this research could lead to new ways of understanding and addressing mental health conditions, such as anxiety or depression, where negative emotions and rumination play a central role.</p>
<p>“Several tech companies and research teams are currently endeavoring to decode words or images directly from brain activity, but there are limited initiatives aimed at decoding intimate emotions underlying these thoughts,” stated Choong-Wan Woo, an associate director of the Institute for Basic Science, who led the study. “Our research is centered on human emotions, with the aim of decoding emotions within the natural flow of thoughts to obtain information that can benefit people’s mental health.”</p>
<p>Hongji Kim, a doctoral candidate and the first author of this study, emphasized, “This study holds significance as we decoded the emotional state associated with general thoughts, rather than targeting emotions limited to specific tasks,” adding, “These findings advance our understanding of the internal states and contexts influencing subjective experiences, potentially shedding light on individual differences in thoughts and emotions, and aiding in the evaluation of mental well-being.”</p>
<p>The study offers a promising new approach, but it also has some limitations. One challenge is that the predictions, while significant, were not highly accurate, particularly when applied to spontaneous thinking during rest. The researchers acknowledged that predicting such complex and personal experiences using brain data is difficult and likely requires more sophisticated methods.</p>
<p>They also noted that the personal stories used in the study may have elicited different levels of attention from participants, which could have affected the results. In future research, they plan to refine their models by using a broader range of stories and examining other emotional dimensions of thought.</p>
<p>Moreover, while the study successfully identified patterns that could predict self-relevance and emotional positivity, it remains unclear how well these predictions would apply in real-world settings, where thoughts and emotions are even more dynamic and complex. Future studies will need to test these models in more naturalistic environments to determine their broader applicability.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2401959121">Brain decoding of spontaneous thought: Predictive modeling of self-relevance and valence using personal narratives</a>,” was authored by Hong Ji Kim, Byeol Kim Lux, Eunjin Lee, Emily S. Finn, and Choong-Wan Woo.</p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/youtubes-most-popular-anorexia-videos-are-not-always-the-most-reliable-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">YouTube’s most popular anorexia videos are not always the most reliable, study finds</a>
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<p><p>A recent study published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.7759/cureus.48095"><em>Cureus</em></a> has shed light on the varied nature of the reliability and reach of YouTube videos related to anorexia nervosa. While videos uploaded by doctors and healthcare organizations are generally seen as trustworthy, the study found that content created by news outlets and patients often garners higher engagement. This finding highlights the need for ensuring that accurate and reliable information is readily available on social media platforms like YouTube.</p>
<p>Anorexia nervosa is a serious eating disorder that involves an intense fear of gaining weight, a distorted body image, and self-imposed starvation. It predominantly affects females, but males can also suffer from the condition. The health consequences of anorexia nervosa are severe, including cardiovascular complications, menstrual irregularities, and other potentially life-threatening issues like electrolyte imbalances and organ damage. Despite its seriousness, many individuals turn to the internet, especially social media, for information on this disorder, often before consulting a healthcare professional.</p>
<p>As social media has grown in influence, platforms like YouTube have become a major source of health information for the general public. While this makes information more accessible, it also opens the door for the spread of misinformation or promotional content from commercial interests. In light of these risks, a group of researchers set out to evaluate the quality, authenticity, and reliability of anorexia-related content on YouTube.</p>
<p>Led by Ananthakrishnan Suresh from the Calicut Government Medical College, researchers from various medical institutions across India, Barbados, and Nepal conducted a cross-sectional study to evaluate the type, quality, and reliability of information about anorexia nervosa available on YouTube.</p>
<p>To conduct the study, the researchers performed a cross-sectional analysis of 59 YouTube videos, identified using keywords related to anorexia nervosa such as “Anorexia nervosa,” “Anorexia nervosa treatment,” and “Anorexia nervosa care plan.” They analyzed the content of each video and rated its quality using tools like the Global Quality Scale (GQS) and the DISCERN Instrument, both of which are designed to evaluate the quality and reliability of health information.</p>
<p>In total, the 59 videos had garnered more than 12.6 million views, with 256,602 likes, 5,644 dislikes, and 17,761 comments. Most of the videos—81.36%—focused on treatment options for anorexia nervosa, while 79.66% described the symptoms of the disorder. However, the reliability of these videos varied based on who uploaded them.</p>
<p>The study revealed that 42.4% of the videos were uploaded by unverified sources, such as individuals or groups without clear medical credentials. Only a small portion of the content came from doctors (18.6%) or healthcare organizations (11.9%). Videos from these two groups scored highly in terms of reliability and quality, with a median score of 4 out of 5 on the GQS scale. This suggests that content from healthcare professionals tends to be more reliable than other sources.</p>
<p>However, videos uploaded by news outlets (15.3%) and patients (11.9%) achieved significantly higher user engagement, as measured by the Video Power Index (VPI). VPI is a metric that combines factors such as the number of views, likes, dislikes, and comments to measure how much a video resonates with its audience. The VPI for videos uploaded by news channels was 314.06, while patient-uploaded videos had a VPI of 252.31. In comparison, videos uploaded by doctors had a much lower VPI of 3.69, and those from hospitals or healthcare organizations had a VPI of 13.21.</p>
<p>The findings point to an important dilemma: while videos created by healthcare professionals are generally more reliable, they do not always reach as wide an audience as videos from other sources. This raises concerns about the potential for misinformation to spread more quickly and widely than accurate medical content.</p>
<p>In their conclusion, the authors of the study emphasized the need for social media platforms to promote more content from qualified medical professionals. They stated, “information uploaded on social media needs to be verified by properly qualified people such as doctors and/or healthcare organizations. This information should be easy to understand, with a high discernment and [reliability and quality] enabling the general population to comprehend the medical condition. These videos should also contain information on how one can receive a diagnosis and treatment from a doctor rather than utilizing the knowledge to self-diagnose.”</p>
<p>The study’s authors also pointed out several limitations. One significant limitation was the exclusion of videos longer than 20 minutes, which means that some high-quality, in-depth videos may not have been included in the analysis. The study also did not account for geographic variations in the information presented in the videos, which could affect how viewers in different regions interpret the content. Additionally, the evaluation of video quality and reliability was somewhat subjective, as it relied on the judgment of the researchers using established grading tools.</p>
<p>Despite these limitations, the study provides important insights into the landscape of anorexia-related content on YouTube. It underscores the fact that, while many people turn to the platform for health information, not all of it is accurate or reliable. Given the popularity of videos from non-experts, there is a pressing need for better regulation and promotion of high-quality health information on social media.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.7759/cureus.48095">Exploring YouTube Videos About Anorexia Nervosa on the Basis of Reliability, Popularity, and Contributions of Healthcare Professionals: A Cross-Sectional Study</a>”, was authored by Ananthakrishnan Suresh, Lalitha Lalithya Pallempati, Palak Saxena, Ayesha Ansari, Radhika Bassi, and Ajita Bhandari.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/switzerland-and-the-u-s-have-similar-gun-ownership-rates-heres-why-only-the-u-s-has-a-gun-violence-epidemic/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Switzerland and the U.S. have similar gun ownership rates — Here’s why only the U.S. has a gun violence epidemic</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 17th 2024, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>Switzerland is often cited in discussions about gun violence in the United States, with proponents of gun rights pointing out that the Swiss have relatively high gun ownership but very low rates of homicide and virtually no mass shootings. This comparison is sometimes used to argue that widespread access to firearms does not necessarily lead to high rates of gun-related violence.</p>
<p>However, a recent analysis by Wolfgang Stroebe and his colleagues, published in the journal <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1359178924000776"><em>Aggression and Violent Behavior</em></a>, challenges this line of reasoning. The researchers argue that Switzerland’s unique gun culture, legal framework, and societal conditions play critical roles in keeping gun violence low, and that these factors are markedly different from those in the United States.</p>
<p>The motivation behind Wolfgang Stroebe and his colleagues’ research review stems from the frequent argument that Switzerland’s low homicide and mass shooting rates, despite high levels of gun ownership, serve as evidence that widespread firearm availability is not a primary driver of gun violence. Given that the U.S. experiences significantly higher rates of homicides and mass shootings, Stroebe and his team sought to investigate why Switzerland appears to be an exception to the rule that more guns lead to more gun violence.</p>
<p>“I have always been puzzled by the fact that people want to own a gun for self-defense, given that gun ownership increases the risk to gun-related suicides and homicides. Thus, rather than protecting them against being killed, guns increase the likelihood of this happening. Are people not aware of this or do they think that it does not apply to them? In both cases, informing people of the dangers of gun ownership is important,” said Stroebe, professor emeritus at the University of Utrecht and a visiting professor at the University of Groningen who is affiliated with the <a href="https://gunpsychology.org/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Center for Psychological Gun Research</a>.</p>
<p>Stroebe and his colleagues point out that Switzerland’s gun laws are much more restrictive than those in the U.S., despite its reputation for high gun ownership. In Switzerland, most men are required to serve in the military and may keep their service rifles at home, but the conditions are strict: firearms must be kept unloaded, and ammunition is stored separately.</p>
<p>Civilians who wish to purchase firearms must go through a rigorous process, including obtaining a permit, passing a background check, and proving they have no criminal history or risk factors for violence. Public carrying of firearms requires a separate permit, and even then, the gun must be unloaded unless there is a clear, legitimate need to carry it for work, such as for security personnel.</p>
<p>By contrast, Stroebe points out that U.S. gun laws are far more permissive. Gun ownership is enshrined as a constitutional right, and while background checks are required for some purchases, there are significant loopholes, such as private sales and gun shows, where no background checks are necessary.</p>
<p>Furthermore, many U.S. states allow individuals to carry firearms in public with little or no training, and in some states, no permit is required to carry a concealed weapon. This easy access to guns, combined with lax regulations, increases the likelihood that firearms will be used in violent crimes or accidents.</p>
<p>“Unless you are a hunter, you are safer (and live longer) by not owning a gun,” Stroebe advised. “If you do own a gun anyway, take lessons in gun safety and also lock up your gun safely at home.”</p>
<p>Stroebe and his colleagues also highlight the stark differences in gun culture between Switzerland and the U.S. In Switzerland, firearms are primarily viewed as tools for national defense and sport shooting, not for personal protection. The Swiss have a strong culture of responsibility regarding gun ownership, reinforced by mandatory military service and annual shooting practice in regulated environments like gun clubs. Stroebe notes that hunting and sport shooting are respected traditions in Switzerland, but the idea of using guns for self-defense is rare.</p>
<p>In contrast, the U.S. has developed what Stroebe describes as a “self-defense-centered gun culture.” Many Americans view gun ownership as a necessity for personal protection, a belief rooted in the country’s history of individualism and the perception that citizens must take personal responsibility for their safety.</p>
<p>Stroebe and his colleagues explain that this culture revolves around the idea that guns are essential for defending oneself from potential threats. Guns are marketed and perceived as tools for maintaining personal safety and security, even though research shows that owning a gun actually increases the risk of gun-related deaths, including suicide and accidents, rather than providing protection from crime.</p>
<p>“I think the main differences between the Swiss and the Americans are in the reasons for owning a gun and their attitudes towards guns,” Stroebe told PsyPost. “The Swiss do not own guns for self-defense and they take guns seriously (e.g., it would be totally unthinkable for a Swiss to say that he/she owns an AR-15 type gun because it is fun to shoot). Swiss gun owners own their guns for hunting or target shooting. They undergo gun safety training and they make sure that their guns are stored safely at home (e.g,, out of reach of children. Ammunition is always stored separately.)”</p>
<p>Another important distinction, according to the analysis, lies in the societal conditions of the two countries. Switzerland enjoys relatively stable social and economic conditions, which contribute to its low rates of violence. The country has a high standard of living, low levels of poverty, and minimal income inequality. These factors reduce the kinds of frustrations and economic pressures that can lead to violence.</p>
<p>Moreover, Switzerland is a racially and ethnically homogeneous country, with 95% of the population identifying as white. While there are linguistic and cultural differences within the country, Stroebe and his colleagues note that these divisions are generally well-managed, and Switzerland benefits from a strong sense of national unity.</p>
<p>In contrast, the U.S. experiences much higher levels of economic inequality and social disorganization, both of which are known to correlate with higher rates of violent crime, including gun homicides. Stroebe points out that areas with concentrated poverty and social instability tend to have higher crime rates.</p>
<p>The U.S. also has much greater racial and ethnic diversity, which can sometimes exacerbate social tensions, particularly in communities where economic disparities are more pronounced. Research shows that racial and ethnic heterogeneity, combined with poverty, is associated with higher levels of violent crime. Stroebe argues that in such environments, guns often become tools for asserting power and control.</p>
<p>Stroebe and his colleagues also explore the psychological factors that contribute to the different outcomes in gun violence between Switzerland and the U.S. In the U.S., many gun owners exhibit what researchers call the “dangerous world belief”—the notion that the world is inherently dangerous and that individuals must be prepared to defend themselves against constant threats.</p>
<p>This mindset leads to heightened vigilance and a lower threshold for using guns in response to perceived danger. Stroebe and his colleagues argue that this belief is a key driver of gun ownership in the U.S., particularly for handguns, which are often purchased for self-defense.</p>
<p>In Switzerland, by contrast, the majority of citizens feel safe in their communities and trust law enforcement to protect them. Stroebe and his team suggest that this sense of security reduces the perceived need for firearms as a form of personal protection. The Swiss are more likely to view guns as tools for specific purposes—such as military service, hunting, or sport shooting—rather than as essential for daily safety.</p>
<p>Stroebe and his colleagues conclude that Switzerland’s experience with guns cannot be used as evidence that firearm availability is not a cause of gun violence in the United States. They argue that while widespread gun ownership is a necessary condition for gun violence, it is not sufficient on its own.</p>
<p>While Switzerland’s low homicide and mass shooting rates might suggest that high levels of gun ownership do not necessarily lead to more violence, the context in which guns are owned and used in Switzerland is fundamentally different from that of the United States. In countries like the U.S., where there are lax gun laws, significant social inequalities, and a cultural emphasis on self-defense, the high availability of firearms contributes directly to higher rates of homicide and mass shootings.</p>
<p>According to Stroebe’s team, reducing gun violence in the U.S. will require addressing not only the availability of firearms but also the cultural and societal factors that contribute to the high rates of gun-related deaths. The researchers suggest that stricter gun control measures, such as mandatory background checks for all gun sales and limits on magazine capacity, could help reduce the number of gun deaths. However, they also emphasize the importance of addressing the underlying social issues that drive gun violence, such as poverty and social disorganization.</p>
<p>Stroebe hopes the analysis will help to highlight “the risk people run by owning guns,” particularly in countries like the United States.</p>
<p>The article, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2024.101987">Gun ownership and gun violence: A comparison of the United States and Switzerland</a>,” was authored by Wolfgang Stroebe, N. Pontus Leander, and Arie W. Kruglanski.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/study-finds-chatgpt-eases-students-cognitive-load-but-at-the-expense-of-critical-thinking/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Study finds ChatGPT eases students’ cognitive load, but at the expense of critical thinking</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 17th 2024, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A study conducted with German university students found that while using ChatGPT to search for information on a scientific topic made their work easier, it also led to more superficial results. Students using ChatGPT reported lower mental effort, or cognitive load, compared to those using Google search. However, their reasoning and the quality of their arguments were less thorough. These findings, published in <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0747563224002541"><em>Computers in Human Behavior</em></a>, shed light on the potential trade-offs between convenience and depth when relying on artificial intelligence for research tasks.</p>
<p>In recent decades, the internet has dramatically changed how we access information, making vast amounts of data easily available at our fingertips. This information comes in many forms—from news articles to blogs, academic papers, and personal opinions—and from countless sources, both credible and questionable. While this abundance is a tremendous resource, it also presents challenges. The ease of access means we are increasingly responsible for evaluating the quality of the information we find, determining what is relevant, and distinguishing reliable sources from those that are inaccurate or misleading.</p>
<p>Recently, large language models (LLMs) like ChatGPT have added a new layer to how people gather information. ChatGPT is an artificial intelligence chatbot designed to respond to user queries in natural, human-like language across a wide range of topics. Unlike traditional search engines, which direct users to websites that might contain relevant information, ChatGPT aims to answer questions directly, drawing on its vast database and language processing capabilities.</p>
<p>Study author Matthias Stadler and his colleagues wanted to explore how using ChatGPT compares to traditional web searches when it comes to cognitive load and the quality of arguments that students produce. Cognitive load refers to the mental effort required to process information. They hypothesized that students using ChatGPT would experience lower cognitive load than those using Google, but that this reduction in effort might come at the cost of producing less rigorous conclusions.</p>
<p>The researchers also expected that the recommendations produced by students using ChatGPT would be more uniform compared to those using traditional web search, as ChatGPT tends to provide structured, direct responses rather than exposing users to diverse sources of information.</p>
<p>The study involved 91 university students, with an average age of 22 years, most of whom were female. These students were randomly assigned to one of two groups: one group used ChatGPT to complete their research task, while the other group used the Google search engine.</p>
<p>The research task was designed to reflect a real-world decision-making scenario. Students were asked to help a fictional friend named Paul decide whether he should use sunscreen containing mineral nanoparticles, such as zinc oxide and titanium dioxide. Paul expressed concerns about the potential health risks associated with these nanoparticles, though he was aware of their benefits, such as offering high sun protection and not using chemical agents that could cause allergic reactions. The students had 20 minutes to research the topic and then provide a written recommendation to Paul, complete with justifications for their conclusions.</p>
<p>In addition to completing the research task, students filled out a questionnaire measuring their cognitive load during the exercise. The questionnaire assessed three types of cognitive load: extraneous (how much mental effort was spent filtering out unnecessary information), intrinsic (the inherent complexity of the material), and germane (the mental effort devoted to understanding and processing the material). Students’ prior knowledge of nanotechnology was also measured using a standardized test.</p>
<p>The researchers evaluated the students’ recommendations for Paul, looking at both the number and quality of arguments used to justify their conclusions. They were particularly interested in whether the students considered both the benefits and potential risks of nanoparticles in sunscreen.</p>
<p>The results confirmed the researchers’ expectations in several areas. Students using ChatGPT experienced significantly lower cognitive load compared to those using Google. This indicates that ChatGPT made the research process easier, likely because it provides direct answers rather than requiring students to sift through and evaluate multiple sources of information. In particular, ChatGPT’s ability to summarize complex topics in plain language seemed to reduce the amount of mental effort needed to navigate through the task.</p>
<p>However, this ease of use came at a cost. The quality of the justifications provided by the ChatGPT group was lower than that of the students who used Google. Those in the traditional search group produced more detailed arguments and cited more relevant pieces of information in their recommendations. This suggests that while ChatGPT can simplify the process of finding answers, it might not encourage the same depth of engagement that comes with searching through a range of diverse sources and critically evaluating them.</p>
<p>One surprising finding was that students using ChatGPT did not show less variation in their final recommendations. The researchers had predicted that because ChatGPT provides more structured and directed responses, students would produce more uniform conclusions. However, this was not the case—students in both the ChatGPT and Google groups offered a wide range of recommendations, reflecting a variety of perspectives on whether Paul should use nanoparticles in his sunscreen.</p>
<p>“While LLMs like ChatGPT offer an efficient way to reduce intrinsic and extraneous cognitive load, they may not always facilitate the deep learning necessary for complex decision-making tasks. Traditional search engines, by necessitating more active engagement, may promote a higher quality of learning, underscoring the need for educational practices that encourage critical engagement with diverse information sources.” study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study provides an intriguing insight into the difference in cognitive processes when using large language models and when using traditional web search. However, the study involved a relatively small number of participants, they were all students and studied their behavior on a very short task. Results might not be the same on other demographic groups and if the task was more complex.</p>
<p>Another limitation is that the study focused on a relatively short, 20-minute research task. It’s possible that in longer or more complex tasks, the differences between using ChatGPT and traditional search engines might become even more pronounced. Future research should explore how these tools perform in more extended learning situations and with tasks that require a deeper understanding of the material.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2024.108386">Cognitive Ease at a Cost: LLMs Reduce Mental Effort but Compromise Depth in Student Scientific Inquiry,</a>” was authored by Matthias Stadler, Maria Bannert, and Michael Sailer.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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