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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News Daily Digest (Unofficial)</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/how-sexual-expression-influences-long-term-marital-satisfaction-in-older-couples/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">How sexual expression influences long-term marital satisfaction in older couples</a>
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<p><p>A new study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-024-02956-9" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Archives of Sexual Behavior</a> </em>has found that older couples who experience more agreement in their sexual expression, and engage in frequent sexual activity, report better marital quality over time. The research emphasizes the link between sexual behaviors, attitudes, and desires—collectively referred to as “sexual expression”—and their role in shaping both positive and negative aspects of marital quality.</p>
<p>As people age, their sexual activity typically declines, but intimacy and sexual expression can still be important components of marital satisfaction. While previous research has demonstrated a connection between sexual activity and relationship quality in younger couples, there has been less attention given to older adults. With life expectancy increasing, the dynamics of long-term relationships, especially in terms of intimacy, warrant deeper exploration.</p>
<p>“We are interested in researching the sexual expression of older adults because this area remains stigmatized and underexplored despite its importance to the overall well-being of older individuals,” said study author Heidi A. Lyons, an associate professor of sociology at Oakland University.</p>
<p>“Society often overlooks or dismisses the sexual needs and desires of older adults, leading to a lack of adequate support and understanding in this aspect of their lives. By studying this topic, we hope to contribute to a more nuanced and respectful understanding of older adults’ sexual behavior. Such research has the potential to challenge harmful stereotypes and reduce stigma, fostering a more inclusive environment where older individuals can fully embrace their sexuality and experience a more fulfilling life.”</p>
<p>For their study, the researchers used data from the National Social Life, Health, and Aging Project (NSHAP), which includes a large sample of older adults in the United States. Specifically, they focused on 620 heterosexual couples who were interviewed across two different time points, five years apart. The average age of wives in the study was 66, while husbands were slightly older, at around 69 years. Most couples had been married for an average of 39 years. The study captured various aspects of sexual expression at the first time point and measured both positive and negative marital quality at the second.</p>
<p>To assess sexual expression, participants were asked about their sexual behaviors over the past 12 months, including how often they engaged in sexual activities like vaginal intercourse, oral sex, or intimate touching. They also inquired about sexual desires—such as how often participants masturbated or thought about sex—and how satisfied they were with the frequency of their sexual activities. Additionally, participants rated how important sex was to them, offering insight into their motivations for engaging in sexual activity.</p>
<p>The marital quality of each couple was assessed five years later using questions about how often they could rely on their partner for emotional support, how much they felt understood by their partner, and how often their partner got on their nerves or made demands. These responses provided a measure of both the positive and negative dimensions of marital quality.</p>
<p>The study identified four distinct groups, or “latent classes,” of sexual expression among older couples:</p>
<ol>
<li><strong>Traditionalist (28%)</strong> – These couples engaged in sexual activity about once a month, focusing primarily on vaginal intercourse, and exhibited some discrepancies between husbands and wives in terms of sexual desire. Wives tended to be more satisfied with the frequency of sexual activity than husbands.</li>
<li><strong>Versatile (34%)</strong> – This group had the highest frequency of sexual activity, often engaging in vaginal intercourse and intimate touching, with both partners generally satisfied with the frequency and importance of sex in their lives.</li>
<li><strong>Compensatory (8%)</strong> – In this group, husbands reported more frequent sexual activity than their wives, with many compensating for a lack of intercourse through other forms of sexual activity, like oral sex or intimate touching. Both partners were generally dissatisfied with their sexual relationship.</li>
<li><strong>Resigned Inactive (29%)</strong> – These couples rarely engaged in any sexual activity and exhibited low levels of sexual desire, with sex being of little importance to either partner.</li>
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<p>When the researchers examined marital quality five years later, they found that couples who belonged to the “Versatile” group, with higher sexual frequency and mutual satisfaction, had the highest levels of positive marital quality for both husbands and wives. On the other hand, couples in the “Compensatory” group, who exhibited a greater discrepancy in sexual activity between spouses, reported the lowest levels of marital satisfaction.</p>
<p>Interestingly, sexual expression appeared to be more strongly associated with positive marital quality than negative marital quality. For example, couples in the “Traditionalist” and “Versatile” groups not only experienced higher marital satisfaction but also lower levels of conflict or tension compared to couples in the other two groups. In contrast, couples in the “Compensatory” group were more likely to report higher levels of negative marital quality, particularly among wives.</p>
<p>The researchers also found that demographic and health-related factors played a role in marital quality. For example, older husbands who had physical limitations reported higher positive marital quality if they were in the “Traditionalist” or “Versatile” groups, suggesting that sexual expression may help compensate for physical challenges.</p>
<p>In contrast, couples where the husband experienced erectile difficulties were more likely to report lower marital satisfaction, particularly in the “Traditionalist” group. Meanwhile, wives’ self-rated mental health had a significant influence on marital quality in both the “Versatile” and “Resigned Inactive” groups, with better mental health linked to higher positive marital quality for both spouses.</p>
<p>“The study highlights that a sizable proportion of older couples actively engage in various types of sexual behavior, highlighting a diverse aspect of their relationships,” Lyons told PsyPost. “Notably, couples who reported more frequent sexual activity and greater alignment in their desires and motivations experienced higher positive marital quality five years later. The findings highlight the importance of addressing sexual health and intimacy in older adults, as these factors are closely linked to enduring positive marital outcomes and continued relational satisfaction.”</p>
<p>While this study provides valuable insights into the role of sexual expression in older adults’ relationships, it does have some caveats to consider. For instance, the sample included couples who were still together five years later, which might indicate a selection bias toward couples who already had relatively stable and healthy relationships. Future studies might benefit from examining couples who experience more instability or health challenges, as well as those who separate or divorce.</p>
<p>“The long-term goals of our research on older adult sexual behavior are to challenge and dismantle the prevailing stigma surrounding sexuality in later life and to provide a comprehensive understanding of how sexual expression remains an important component of many older couples’ relationships,” Lyons said.</p>
<p>“By exploring and documenting the nuances of sexual behavior among older adults, we aim to highlight its significance in overall relationship satisfaction. This research hopes to start to shift societal perceptions, promote open dialogue about aging and sexuality, and ultimately enhance the quality of life for older couples by affirming that sexual expression is a key aspect of their well-being and relational health.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-024-02956-9" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Sexual Expression and Subsequent Marital Quality Among Partnered Older Adults</a>,” was authored by Heidi A. Lyons, David F. Warner, and Terri L. Orbuch.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/perpetrator-likeability-and-tactics-influence-accountability-in-cancel-culture/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Perpetrator likeability and tactics influence accountability in cancel culture</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 15th 2024, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>In a recent study published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-024-01465-2"><em>Sex Roles</em></a>, researchers examined how a perpetrator’s likeability and the type of tactic used in a sexual assault—whether coercion or force—affect public perceptions of blame and accountability.</p>
<p>The #MeToo movement has drawn attention to the issue of sexual violence, particularly by high-profile individuals, but accountability for perpetrators remains inconsistent. Studies have shown that perpetrators’ characteristics, such as likeability, may shield them from full accountability.</p>
<p>Previous research has established that likeable individuals, especially in public or professional settings, are often perceived more positively and are less likely to be blamed for misconduct. Tessa R. Graf and Laurel B. Watson’s study builds on this by testing whether this trend extends to cases of sexual assault and whether the specific tactic (coercion or force) used by the perpetrator also plays a role in shaping these perceptions.</p>
<p>The study involved 278 participants recruited online through Amazon Mechanical Turk and Prolific platforms. Participants were mostly White, cisgender, heterosexual women with a significant proportion having completed at least some college education.</p>
<p>Participants were randomly assigned to read one of six vignettes, each depicting a sexual assault scenario between two acquaintances. The vignettes varied in two key ways: the likeability of the perpetrator (either described as likeable, neutral, or unlikeable) and the tactic used in the assault (either coercion or force).</p>
<p>For example, in the coercion condition, the scenario described the perpetrator pressuring the survivor into performing sexual acts through non-physical means, whereas in the force condition, the perpetrator physically forced the survivor into submission. Participants were asked to imagine the scenario and then completed a series of questions assessing their perceptions of both the perpetrator and the survivor.</p>
<p>The survey included measures of perpetrator and survivor blame, as well as how much accountability the perpetrator should face in their personal, professional, and legal lives. These measures were designed to capture participants’ judgments about the incident, including whether they thought the perpetrator should face legal repercussions or public shaming, and to what extent they believed the survivor was responsible for what happened.</p>
<p>The researchers found that both the likeability of the perpetrator and the tactic used influenced participants’ perceptions of blame and accountability. Perpetrators who were described as likeable received significantly less blame for the assault, while survivors in these scenarios were more likely to be blamed by the participants.</p>
<p>Conversely, unlikeable perpetrators were more heavily blamed for the assault, and participants showed greater support for holding these individuals accountable both personally and professionally. This suggests that likeability acts as a protective factor for perpetrators, even in cases of sexual assault.</p>
<p>The type of tactic used in the assault also influenced participants’ judgments. Perpetrators who used coercion were viewed more leniently than those who used force. Not only were coercive perpetrators assigned less blame, but the survivors in these scenarios were also blamed more compared to survivors in the force scenarios.</p>
<p>No significant interaction was found between likeability and tactic, indicating that these factors operate independently in shaping perceptions of blame and accountability.</p>
<p>These results underscore the complexities of public perceptions regarding sexual assault and reveal how biases related to personality and behavior can diminish calls for justice.</p>
<p>One limitation is the reliance on vignettes to represent complex, real-world scenarios, which may not fully capture the nuances of actual experiences of sexual assault.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-024-01465-2">Who Gets Canceled for Sexual Assault?: The Roles of Likeability and Tactic on Perceived Perpetrator Accountability</a>”, was authored by Tessa R. Graf and Laurel B. Watson.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/the-surprising-connections-between-dating-options-and-mental-health/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">The surprising connections between dating options and mental health</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 15th 2024, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <em><a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/ebs0000359" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Evolutionary Behavioral Sciences</a></em> sheds light on the psychological impacts of perceived sex ratio, or the balance between available men and women, on mental health in young single adults. The research found that the perceived availability of mates influences feelings of anxiety, depression, and general emotional wellbeing, but that this effect depends on how individuals assess their own desirability as a mate. Surprisingly, the findings suggest that both a scarcity and an overabundance of dating options can have negative mental health implications for single adults.</p>
<p>Finding a romantic partner is a significant life goal for many people, and previous research has shown that being in a stable relationship is linked to better mental health and greater life satisfaction. On the flip side, being single or having difficulty finding a partner can be associated with negative emotional states such as loneliness, anxiety, and depression. While much research has explored how relationships themselves affect wellbeing, relatively little is known about how the perceived availability of potential partners influences mental health.</p>
<p>The researchers behind this study wanted to explore whether the perception of mate availability—how easy or difficult it feels to find a romantic partner—could impact mental health in the same way that relationship status does. They also sought to understand how an individual’s self-perceived mate value, or their belief about their desirability as a romantic partner, might affect this relationship.</p>
<p>The study involved 647 young adults, all of whom were single, heterosexual, and aged between 18 and 40. Participants were recruited through an online crowdsourcing platform and from introductory psychology courses. To ensure the sample was as uniform as possible, the researchers excluded anyone who had been married, had children, or was currently in a committed relationship, as these factors could affect perceptions of mate availability and related mental health outcomes.</p>
<p>Participants first completed a screening survey to ensure they met the study’s criteria. Those who qualified were asked a series of questions about their perception of mate availability, their self-assessed mate value, and their mental health.</p>
<p>To measure perceived mate availability, participants were asked whether they believed there were more men, more women, or an equal number of both available in their local dating pool. They were then asked to estimate the number of opposite-sex individuals for every 100 individuals of their own sex.</p>
<p>Mate value was assessed using a four-item scale, where participants rated their own desirability as a partner. This self-perception, which was measured through questions about attractiveness and general appeal, was then used to categorize participants as having low, medium, or high mate value.</p>
<p>Mental health was evaluated using well-established measures for anxiety, depression, and general emotional wellbeing. The researchers used the Generalized Anxiety Disorder 7-item Scale to assess anxiety, the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale to measure depressive symptoms, and the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule to gauge participants’ overall emotional state. Life satisfaction was also assessed using a separate scale.</p>
<p>The researchers found that perceived mate availability had a significant impact on several aspects of mental health, but this effect varied based on an individual’s self-assessed mate value.</p>
<p>For individuals who rated their mate value as low, a perception of fewer available opposite-sex individuals (meaning they felt their own sex was oversupplied) was linked to increased anxiety, depression, and negative emotions. In this group, the difficulty of finding a mate in a seemingly competitive dating environment appeared to take a toll on mental wellbeing.</p>
<p>Interestingly, the pattern was reversed for individuals who saw themselves as having high mate value. For these participants, an abundance of potential mates (a perception that there were more available individuals of the opposite sex than their own) was associated with higher levels of anxiety, depression, and negative emotions. One possible explanation for this surprising finding is that an overabundance of dating options can lead to “choice overload,” a phenomenon where too many options can make decision-making difficult and unsatisfying.</p>
<p>In terms of life satisfaction, those who perceived an equal number of available men and women reported higher satisfaction with their lives compared to those who felt there were either too few or too many potential mates. This effect was more pronounced among males, who seemed to be more sensitive to the perceived sex ratio when it came to their overall life satisfaction.</p>
<p>While this study offers important insights into how perceived mate availability and self-assessed mate value influence mental health, it is not without limitations. First, the study relied on self-reported data, which can sometimes be inaccurate or influenced by factors like social desirability.</p>
<p>Another limitation is that the study was correlational, meaning that it cannot determine whether perceived mate availability causes changes in mental health or if individuals with poor mental health are more likely to perceive a scarcity or abundance of potential partners. Longitudinal studies, which follow participants over time, would be useful in determining the direction of this relationship.</p>
<p>The study also touched on an interesting phenomenon—choice overload—that warrants further investigation. Future studies could examine whether having too many options in the dating market causes stress or indecision and how this might be mitigated. For example, online dating platforms could be a useful avenue for studying this concept, as they often present users with an overwhelming number of potential matches.</p>
<p>Despite the limitations, the study adds to the growing body of research on how our romantic lives can influence our mental health in complex and unexpected ways. The findings suggest that the perceived availability of potential romantic partners is related to levels of anxiety, depression, and emotional wellbeing, but that the impact depends on how individuals perceive their own desirability as a mate.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2024-96353-001" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Mate value moderates the influence of perceived sex ratio on mental health outcomes</a>,” was authored by Naomi Rosenbach and Craig A. Johnson.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/brain-implants-to-restore-sight-like-neuralinks-blindsight-face-a-fundamental-problem/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Brain implants to restore sight, like Neuralink’s Blindsight, face a fundamental problem</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 14th 2024, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>Elon Musk <a href="https://x.com/elonmusk/status/1770817187285995939">recently pronounced</a> that the next Neuralink project will be a “Blindsight” cortical implant to restore vision: “Resolution will be low at first, like early Nintendo graphics, but ultimately may exceed normal human vision.”</p>
<p>Unfortunately, this claim rests on the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.visres.2015.04.012">fallacy that neurons in the brain are like pixels on a screen</a>. It’s not surprising that engineers often assume that “more pixels equals better vision.” After all, that is how monitors and phone screens work.</p>
<p>In our newly published research, we created a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-024-65337-1">computational model of human vision</a> to simulate what sort of vision an extremely high-resolution cortical implant might provide. A movie of a cat with a resolution of 45,000 pixels is sharp and clear. A movie generated using a simplified version of a model of 45,000 cortical electrodes, each of which stimulates a single neuron, still has a recognizable cat but most of the details of the scene are lost.</p>
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<p>The reason why the movie generated by electrodes is so blurry is because neurons in the human visual cortex do not represent tiny dots or pixels. Instead, each neuron has a particular <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.4249/scholarpedia.5393">receptive field</a>, which is the location and pattern a visual stimulus must have in order to make that neuron fire. Electrically stimulating a single neuron produces a blob whose appearance is determined by that neuron’s receptive field. The tiniest electrode – one that stimulates a single neuron – will produce a blob that is roughly the size of your pinkie’s width held at arm’s length.</p>
<p>Consider what happens when you look at a single star in the night sky. Each point in space is represented by many thousands of neurons with overlapping receptive fields. A tiny spot of light, such as a star, results in a complex pattern of firing across all these neurons.</p>
<p>To generate the visual experience of seeing a single star with cortical stimulation, you would need to reproduce a pattern of neural responses that is similar to the pattern that would be produced by natural vision.</p>
<p>In order to do this, you would obviously need thousands of electrodes. But you would also need to replicate the correct pattern of neuronal responses, which requires knowing every neuron’s receptive field. Our simulations show that knowing the location of each neuron’s receptive field in space is not enough – if you don’t also know the orientation and size of each receptive field, then the star becomes a fuzzy mess.</p>
<p>So, even a single star – a single, bright pixel – generates an immensely complex neural response in the visual cortex. Imagine the even more complex pattern of cortical stimulation needed to accurately reproduce natural vision.</p>
<p>Some scientists have suggested that by stimulating exactly the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1523/JNEUROSCI.1091-22.2023">right combination of electrodes</a>, it would be possible to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1207035109">produce natural vision</a>. Unfortunately, no one has yet suggested a sensible way to determine the receptive field of each individual neuron in a specific blind patient. Without that information, there is no way to see the stars. Vision from cortical implants will remain grainy and imperfect, regardless of the number of electrodes.</p>
<p>Sight restoration is not simply an engineering problem. Predicting what kind of vision a device will provide requires knowing how the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2014.0208">technology interfaces with the complexities of the human brain</a>.</p>
<h2>How we created our virtual patients</h2>
<p>In our work as <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=WtPLYRIAAAAJ&hl=en">computational</a> <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=S2QLKmkAAAAJ&hl=en">neuroscientists</a>, we develop simulations that predict the perceptual experience of patients seeking to restore their sight.</p>
<p>We have previously created a model to predict the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-019-45416-4">perceptual experience of patients with a retinal implant</a>. To create a virtual patient to predict what cortical implant patients would see, we simulated the neurophysiological architecture of the area of the brain involved in the <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.4249/scholarpedia.12105">first stage of visual processing</a>. Our model approximates how receptive fields increase in size from central to peripheral vision and the fact that every neuron has a unique receptive field.</p>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-024-65337-1">Our model successfully predicted</a> data describing the perceptual experience of participants across a wide range of studies on cortical stimulation in people. Having confirmed that our model could predict existing data, we used it to make predictions about the quality of vision that possible future cortical implants might produce.</p>
<p>Models like ours are an example of <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/dsi.2019.137">virtual prototyping</a>, which involves using computer systems to improve product design. These models can facilitate new technology development and evaluate device performance. Our study shows they can also offer more realistic expectations about what kind of vision bionic eyes might provide.</p>
<h2>First do no harm</h2>
<p>In our almost 20 years researching bionic eyes, we’ve seen the complexity of the human brain defeat company after company. <a href="https://spectrum.ieee.org/bionic-eye-obsolete">Patients pay the cost</a> when these devices fail, left stranded with orphaned technologies in their eye or brain.</p>
<p>The Food and Drug Administration could mandate that sight recovery tech companies must develop <a href="https://spectrum.ieee.org/bionic-eye-obsolete">failure plans that minimize harm</a> to patients when technologies stop working. Possibilities include requiring companies implanting neuroelectronic devices into patients to participate in <a href="https://www.nextgov.com/ideas/2020/10/why-government-should-get-comfortable-technology-escrow-classified-ip/169043/">technology escrow agreements</a> and carry insurance to ensure continuing <a href="https://spectrum.ieee.org/bionic-eye-obsolete">medical care</a> and <a href="https://spectrum.ieee.org/bionic-right-to-repair">technology support</a> if they go bankrupt.</p>
<p>If cortical implants can achieve anything close to the resolution of our simulations, that would still be an accomplishment worth celebrating. Grainy and imperfect vision would be life-changing for many thousands of people who currently suffer from incurable blindness. But this is a moment for cautious rather than blind optimism.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/235627/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
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<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/brain-implants-to-restore-sight-like-neuralinks-blindsight-face-a-fundamental-problem-more-pixels-dont-ensure-better-vision-235627">original article</a>.</em></p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/children-in-polyamorous-families-report-positive-experiences-with-parents-partners/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Children in polyamorous families report positive experiences with parents’ partners</a>
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<p><p>A new study provides a rare glimpse into the experiences of children growing up with polyamorous parents. The research, published in the <em><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/02654075241268545" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Journal of Social and Personal Relationships</a></em>, found that many of these children feel positively toward their parents’ romantic partners, viewing them as important adults in their lives.</p>
<p>Consensual non-monogamy, a relationship style in which individuals form romantic or sexual connections with multiple partners, is becoming more visible in mainstream culture. However, much of the existing research has focused on the perspectives of adults involved in these relationships. Little is known about how children in these families feel about their parents’ romantic partners, despite the fact that many polyamorous individuals have children. The researchers wanted to address this gap in knowledge.</p>
<p>“Studies show that about one in five people, both in Canada and the United States, have been involved in a polyamorous or open relationship in their lifetime, a proportion that is even higher among young adults today,” said study author <a href="https://inrs.ca/la-recherche/professeurs/milaine-alarie/">Milaine Alarie</a>, an affiliate professor at the Centre Urbanisation-Culture-Société at the Institut National de la Recherche Scientifique.</p>
<p>“While we know that many of polyamorous people have children, little research has focused on the experiences of children growing up in polyfamilies. Considering the stigma attached to polyamory as well as the lack of legal recognition and protection for multi-partner unions and multi-parent families, investigating these children’s experiences and perspectives is key to adjust social programs and policies, so that they represent and protect all families, in all their diversity.”</p>
<p>The study involved interviews with 18 children between the ages of 5 and 16, all of whom lived in Quebec, Canada, and had one or both parents involved in a polyamorous relationship. The researchers used a qualitative approach, employing semi-structured interviews and tools such as a three-field map to capture how children perceived their family and the various adults within it.</p>
<p>Each child was invited to place important people in their lives on the map, which was divided into three categories: “My family,” “My friends,” and “Other people.” The children could place individuals in different circles of closeness, such as “I like a lot,” “I like,” or “I like a little.”</p>
<p>The interviews were conducted via video calls, with no parents present to ensure children felt comfortable speaking openly. The researchers were particularly interested in the children’s emotional closeness to their parents’ romantic partners and what roles these adults played in their lives.</p>
<p>The study found that children generally held positive views of their parents’ romantic partners. Most children placed these adults in the “I like a lot” or “I like” circles, indicating varying degrees of emotional closeness. Younger children and pre-teens were more likely to feel closely attached to these partners than teenagers. The length of time the partner had been in the child’s life and the frequency of contact also seemed to influence how strongly the children felt about them.</p>
<p>The children described their parents’ romantic partners in several ways:</p>
<ol>
<li><strong>Fun Adults</strong>: Many younger children emphasized the fun they had with their parents’ partners, whether through playing games or engaging in enjoyable activities. This theme was common across various ages, with some children highlighting that their parents’ partners taught them new skills or shared hobbies with them.</li>
<li><strong>Material Contributors</strong>: Some children noted that these adults contributed to their material well-being. For example, a few children mentioned gifts, access to cool amenities like swimming pools, or even pets that they enjoyed spending time with.</li>
<li><strong>Caregivers</strong>: Many children viewed their parents’ partners as supportive figures who took care of them emotionally. Some children confided in their parents’ partners and appreciated having an extra adult they could rely on during difficult times.</li>
<li><strong>Social Expanders</strong>: Children who had regular contact with their parents’ partners’ children often described these kids as new friends, highlighting how polyamorous relationships expanded their social circles. Birthday party invitations and playdates with these children were mentioned fondly.</li>
</ol>
<p>For some older children, particularly teenagers, the emotional closeness with their parents’ partners was less pronounced. They tended to see these adults as more central to their parents’ happiness than to their own lives.</p>
<p>None of the children in the study expressed hostility toward their parents’ romantic partners or reported any conflict with them. However, one participant, a 16-year-old named Laura, initially felt upset and apprehensive when her mother revealed she was polyamorous. Over time, though, she came to terms with it, realizing that her protests wouldn’t change her mother’s decision. She emphasized that children need time to adapt to such changes.</p>
<p>“This study shows that children living in a polyamorous household usually think of their parents’ romantic partners as resource persons who care for them and support them, emotionally and materially,” Alarie told PsyPost. “This research echoes studies carried out with polyamorous parents who described their extra-dyadic romantic partners as helpful, loving and supportive not only for themselves but also for their children. In fact, there is well-documented evidence that access to quality social support from the extended family and loved ones has a direct positive impact on the parent-child relationship. As the old adage goes, it takes a village to raise a child.</p>
<p>“Parallels can be drawn between these children’s experiences and those of children living in other types of family configurations where more than two adults coexist in their family universe, like stepfamilies or multi-generational households. That said, we do know from research on stepfamilies that emotional closeness between children and their parents’ romantic partners is not automatic, and that some children may have difficulty adjusting to the presence of their parent’s new partner. As highlighted by some of the children in our study, when introducing a new romantic partner or planning to move-in with a romantic partner, polyamorous parents should take the time to discuss it with their children and give them time to adapt, to ensure a smooth transition.”</p>
<p>The researchers also observed that some children in the study had difficulty finding the right words to describe their family relationships and often used terms from stepfamily structures, like “stepdad,” to explain their family dynamics in ways others could understand. Some children felt uncomfortable using conventional terms that didn’t fully capture their polyamorous family structure, struggling to accurately express their family reality. Surprisingly, despite these language challenges, few children mentioned experiencing stigma related to their polyamorous families, a theme commonly raised by polyamorous parents.</p>
<p>“Having previously conducted research on the experiences of polyamorous parents, I knew that parents believed that their children received more attention, love, and support from adults they can trust, which they described as having a positive impact on the social, emotional and intellectual development of their children,” Alarie said. “I was curious to see if the children would be as enthusiastic about their parents’ romantic partners as the parents themselves described them to be. Our study confirms the children growing up in a polyamorous household often develop positive, meaningful relationships with their parents’ romantic partners.”</p>
<p>“We were surprised, however, that very few children talked about the stigma attached to poly-families, as this theme was common among polyamorous parents. Indeed, many parents fear that their children could be teased or ostracized because of their non-traditional relationship structure. More research is definitely needed to understand how children navigate societal mononormative expectations of appropriate family structures, when interacting with their peers, schoolteachers and other significant people in their lives.”</p>
<p>While this study provides important insights, it does have some limitations. One challenge is that the sample size was small, with only 18 children participating, and the majority of them were girls. Another limitation was the potential influence of social desirability bias. Children might have painted an overly positive picture of their family life, possibly due to concerns about how others might view their non-traditional family structure.</p>
<p>“As with any investigation, one cannot exclude the possibility of self-selection and social desirability biases,” Alarie noted. “It is possible that parents in well-functioning polyfamilies were more inclined to approach us about the study, or that some children tried to paint an overly positive image of their family, to protect their family from criticism.”</p>
<p>“The sample comprised mostly of White children, which may affect the transferability of our findings. Considering the way that racism affects cultural representations of morally acceptable sexuality and family structures, future research should explore, with a larger sample, the experiences of children of color growing up with polyamorous parents.”</p>
<p>Given these limitations, future research could focus on larger and more diverse samples, including families from different racial and ethnic backgrounds. Additionally, it would be interesting to compare the experiences of children in polyamorous families with those in other multi-parent households, such as stepfamilies or families created through adoption or surrogacy. These comparisons could help researchers better understand the unique and shared experiences faced by children in non-traditional family structures.</p>
<p>“Studying the experiences of children growing up with polyamorous parents is crucial to understand the reality of different types of families, and to create programs and social policies that serve the diverse needs of such families,” Alarie said. “Ultimately, I hope my research helps debunk some of the myths regarding polyfamilies and contributes to creating a social climate that is more accepting of family diversity.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/02654075241268545" target="_blank" rel="noopener">‘It’s someone who means a lot to me, and who means even more to mom’: Children’s views on the romantic partners of their polyamorous parents</a>,” was authored by Milaine Alarie, Morag Bosom, and Isabel Côté.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/loneliness-follows-a-u-shaped-path-across-adulthood-study-finds/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Loneliness follows a U-shaped path across adulthood, study finds</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 14th 2024, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/09567976241242037"><em>Psychological Science</em></a> reveals that loneliness tends to follow a U-shaped curve across adulthood, decreasing from young adulthood to midlife and increasing in older adulthood.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.psypost.org/massive-meta-analysis-finds-loneliness-has-increased-in-emerging-adults-in-the-last-43-years/">Loneliness</a>, defined as a subjective feeling of lacking meaningful social connections, is a widespread phenomenon that adversely impacts <a href="https://www.psypost.org/loneliness-linked-to-cognitive-decline-in-older-adults-study-finds/">mental and physical health</a>. Some research has suggested a U-shaped trajectory, with higher levels of loneliness in adolescence and older adulthood compared to midlife. However, findings have been inconsistent, partly due to methodological limitations like the reliance on cross-sectional data and varying measurements of loneliness across studies.</p>
<p>Eileen K. Graham and colleagues set out to address these gaps by conducting a coordinated data analysis (CDA) involving over 128,000 participants from more than 20 countries, ranging in age from 13 to 103. This approach allowed the researchers to harmonize data across multiple studies, providing a more comprehensive picture of how loneliness changes over the adult lifespan.</p>
<p>The study utilized data from nine longitudinal studies: the English Longitudinal Study of Aging (ELSA), the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP), the Health and Retirement Study (HRS), the Household, Income, and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA), Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences (LISS), the Origins of Variance in the Oldest-Old: Octogenarian Twins (Octo-Twin), the Swedish Adoption/Twin Study of Aging (SATSA), the Survey of Health, Aging, and Retirement in Europe (SHARE), and the Swiss Household Panel (SHP).</p>
<p>Loneliness was assessed using different scales, including the UCLA Loneliness Scale, the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D), and a Rasch-Type Loneliness Scale. Data harmonization was a key aspect of the study, ensuring that loneliness scores were comparable across different scales and studies. The researchers also examined various baseline factors such as sex, marital status, physical function, and education to assess their impact on loneliness trajectories over time.</p>
<p>The analysis revealed a U-shaped trajectory of loneliness across adulthood, with loneliness decreasing from young adulthood to midlife and increasing in older adulthood. This pattern was consistent across the nine longitudinal studies, despite variations in study design and population. The findings suggest that loneliness tends to be lower during middle adulthood, potentially due to more stable social roles and networks, but rises again in older age, possibly due to factors like loss of social connections and declining health.</p>
<p>Several baseline factors, including social isolation, being female, lower education, and greater physical limitations, were linked to higher levels of loneliness. However, most baseline factors did not significantly affect how loneliness changed over time, except for baseline age, which showed that younger individuals at the study’s start experienced a decline in loneliness until midlife, followed by an increase in older adulthood.</p>
<p>Most baseline factors did not significantly moderate the trajectory of loneliness across adulthood. This means that while certain factors, such as social isolation, education, and physical function, were associated with baseline levels of loneliness, they did not necessarily influence how loneliness changed over the lifespan. However, there was one notable exception: individuals who were younger at baseline were more likely to experience a decrease in loneliness until around midlife, followed by an increase in older adulthood.</p>
<p>The study underscores the need for targeted interventions to address loneliness, particularly in older adults who are at higher risk of increasing loneliness as they age.</p>
<p>A notable limitation of the study is the variability in loneliness measures across the nine studies. Although efforts were made to harmonize the data, differences in measurement tools and study designs may still have influenced the results.</p>
<p>The research, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/09567976241242037">Do We Become More Lonely With Age? A Coordinated Data Analysis of Nine Longitudinal Studies</a>”, was authored by Eileen K. Graham, Emorie D. Beck, Kathryn Jackson, Tomiko Yoneda, Chloe McGhee, Lily Pieramici, Olivia E. Atherton, Jing Luo, Emily C. Willroth, Andrew Steptoe, Daniel K. Mroczek, and Anthony D. Ong.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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