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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News Daily Digest (Unofficial)</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/financial-interventions-have-a-ripple-effect-among-adults-with-mental-illness-and-substance-use-disorders/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Financial interventions have a “ripple effect” among adults with mental illness and substance use disorders</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 6th 2024, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent review published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.ps.20230271" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Psychiatric Services</a></em> sheds light on how financial interventions can help improve behavioral health outcomes in adults with mental illnesses and substance use disorders. The study reviewed literature spanning over a century and found that finance-based interventions, such as money management programs and representative payee services, not only help individuals manage their finances but may also reduce substance use and improve overall functioning.</p>
<p>The researchers conducted this study to address a critical gap in the treatment of adults facing mental illness, substance use disorders, or both. Many people with these conditions struggle to manage their finances, which can exacerbate their health problems.</p>
<p>Cognitive challenges that accompany these disorders—such as impulsive spending, difficulty budgeting, or falling prey to scams—can worsen financial instability, which in turn may lead to greater stress and further deterioration of mental health. Financial difficulties can also interfere with treatment adherence and increase the likelihood of hospitalizations.</p>
<p>Previous studies had shown that individuals with severe mental illnesses who receive help with their money management tend to experience better health outcomes, such as improved quality of life and fewer hospitalizations. However, these findings were scattered, and no comprehensive review of the evidence had been conducted until now.</p>
<p>“Money is such an essential part of life and many Americans are hesitant to talk about money,” said study author <a href="https://sph.uth.edu/research/research-labs/?lab=lMBHRQQ0NoHncg7KdYIWEg==" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Jack Tsai</a>, regional dean and professor of public health at the University of Texas Health Science Center at Houston. “A large percentage of Americans also have consumer debt and there is low financial literacy across socioeconomic groups but particularly among adults with low income who have mental illness. I wanted to examine which interventions exist to help adults with mental illness gain financial literacy and better manage their money.”</p>
<p>The study was a systematic review of peer-reviewed literature published between 1900 and 2022. The researchers searched several databases, including PubMed and Google Scholar, for studies involving adults with mental illnesses or substance use disorders who participated in finance-based interventions. Their search yielded over 2,000 articles, which they narrowed down to 18 studies that met specific criteria. The studies selected focused on replicable financial interventions for adults with behavioral health conditions and reported quantitative outcomes related to money management or behavioral health.</p>
<p>“I was surprised that there haven’t been that many interventions developed in this space,” Tsai told PsyPost. “I knew most of the researchers of the studies I had included in the review, and I was hoping to find new interventions that I was not aware of but was surprised to find so little that was new. That suggests this is an area in need of further growth and development.”</p>
<p>These studies included a range of financial interventions. Some were voluntary, such as financial literacy programs designed to teach budgeting and saving skills. Others were more structured, such as representative payee programs, where a third party manages a person’s finances. In some cases, these arrangements were legally binding, with the third party controlling how disability funds or other benefits were distributed.</p>
<p>The researchers found that financial interventions can indeed have a positive impact on behavioral health outcomes. One of the most significant findings was that finance-based interventions could reduce substance use in individuals with mental illnesses and substance use disorders. In particular, the review highlighted the benefits of representative payee programs. These programs were found to help individuals manage their money in ways that led to reduced substance use, especially among people with severe mental illnesses.</p>
<p>In addition to substance use, financial interventions also improved money management skills in several studies. The researchers found that people who participated in structured financial programs, whether through representative payee services or educational programs, reported better control over their finances. These programs not only helped individuals keep track of their spending but also led to improved financial planning and budgeting over time.</p>
<p>Interestingly, the researchers noted that the benefits of financial interventions went beyond just financial stability. Improved money management appeared to have a ripple effect, leading to better mental health and overall functioning.</p>
<p>For instance, several studies found that participants in financial programs had fewer hospitalizations and made better use of outpatient health care services. Improved financial management also seemed to boost participants’ self-efficacy, or their belief in their ability to manage their own lives, which is a key factor in long-term recovery from mental illness or substance use disorders.</p>
<p>“There are several financial-based interventions that exist that can help people with mental illness and addiction better manage their money and improve their functioning,” Tsai explained. “A major notable finding is that money management does not only improve financial status but may improve behavioral health problems. Developing structure and discipline in one area of life (e.g., finances) may help improve other areas of life (e.g., addiction).”</p>
<p>However, the researchers also found some negative outcomes. In particular, they noted that when clinicians acted as both a therapist and a representative payee, the therapeutic relationship could suffer. Clients in these dual-role arrangements often felt coerced, which negatively impacted their overall experience with the intervention. This finding highlights the need to carefully consider who should serve as a financial manager and under what circumstances.</p>
<p>While the review provides important insights, it also has some limitations. One of the main issues is the small number of high-quality studies available on financial interventions for people with behavioral health conditions. Only four of the studies were randomized controlled trials, which are considered the gold standard for determining the effectiveness of interventions. Given the promising findings, the researchers emphasized the need for more rigorous research in this area.</p>
<p>“We need more randomized controlled trials of financial-based interventions,” Tsai said. “The most researched intervention was representative payeeship, but there is also great interest in self-management of income that needs further study.”</p>
<p>“I would like to develop a continuum of several evidence-based financial-based interventions ranging from very structured, professionally-led service models to self-paced education models to serve diverse populations with different financial needs. I’d also really like to study how finances and behavioral health are related in causal ways to determine cause and effect, and how to improve life in both of those areas for Americans. In this country, there is both a crisis of behavioral health and one of consumer debt and financial mismanagement so that motivates me to continue pursuing this area of research.”</p>
<p>“For others interested in this topic, please feel free to reach out if you want to collaborate on financial-based interventions,” Tsai added. “We are also always looking for funders to support our work.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://psychiatryonline.org/doi/10.1176/appi.ps.20230271" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Systematic Review of Financial Interventions for Adults Experiencing Behavioral Health Conditions</a>,” was authored by Jack Tsai, Rebecca L. Kinney, Eric B. Elbogen, and Jeffrey Gluff.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/high-fat-diet-alters-brain-function-and-memory-in-rats-new-study-shows/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">High-fat diet alters brain function and memory in rats, new study shows</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 6th 2024, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>A study on rats raised on a high-fat diet found that these rats gained weight, experienced metabolic changes, and developed reduced insulin sensitivity and glucose tolerance. They also exhibited enhanced odor-aversion memory, which corresponded to increased neurotransmission in specific areas of the amygdala and hippocampus. The findings were published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/jnr.25360"><em>Journal of Neuroscience Research</em></a>.</p>
<p>Since the second half of the 20th century, the world has been facing an obesity pandemic. This increase in obesity is linked to a heightened risk of various health conditions, including metabolic and cardiac diseases, cancer, and mental disorders.</p>
<p>Scientists have identified many factors that contribute to the risk of developing obesity. However, dietary changes, such as the widespread use of industrially processed foods rich in fats and easily digestible carbohydrates (a combination that is rare in nature), and lifestyle changes, such as increased time spent indoors and a more sedentary way of life, are likely the main contributors.</p>
<p>In rodent experiments, researchers have similarly identified a dietary pattern that consistently leads to obesity: a high-fat diet. While a normal rodent diet is rich in carbohydrates, adding large amounts of fat to this diet has long been used to induce obesity in rodents for research purposes. Studies have shown that this high-fat diet disrupts the brain’s food intake control mechanisms, making rodents prone to overeating, which gradually leads to obesity. However, the effects of this diet extend beyond the regulation of food intake.</p>
<p>Study author Daniel Osorio-Gómez and his colleagues sought to explore how raising rats on a high-fat diet from weaning to adulthood would affect their metabolism, emotional memory, and neurotransmission within the hippocampus and amygdala—two key regions of the brain.</p>
<p>The hippocampus is involved in forming, organizing, and storing memories, especially in converting short-term memories into long-term ones. The amygdala, located near the hippocampus, plays a crucial role in processing emotions, particularly fear and pleasure, and is essential for emotional memory and responses.</p>
<p>The study involved 66 male Wistar rats, 21 days old at the start of the research. Wistar rats, a strain of laboratory albino rats known for their calm temperament, are widely used in research due to their well-documented genetic and physiological traits. The rats were housed in groups of 3–4 per cage with free access to food and water.</p>
<p>The researchers divided the rats into two groups. One group of 33 rats was fed a normal diet consisting of 73% carbohydrates, 8% fat, and 19% protein. The other group had large amounts of fat added to their diet, resulting in a composition of 45% fat, 20% protein, and 35% carbohydrates. The diets were introduced at weaning (when the rats were 21 days old) and continued for 12 weeks, until the rats reached adulthood.</p>
<p>After 10 weeks, the researchers surgically implanted microdialysis cannulas (thin, hollow tubes) into the ventral hippocampus and basolateral amygdala regions of the rats’ brains to collect samples of neurochemical substances from these areas.</p>
<p>The researchers also induced a conditioned aversion to the scent of bananas in some rats by giving them banana-scented water followed by a lithium chloride injection. This injection induces nausea and mild intestinal discomfort, which rats seek to avoid. The banana-scented water and the discomfort were paired to create an association in the rats’ minds. The control group received only a neutral saline injection. The experiment allowed the researchers to compare the emotional responses to the banana scent between rats raised on a normal diet and those on a high-fat diet. Several other analyses were conducted as well.</p>
<p>The results showed that rats raised on the high-fat diet became overweight and exhibited multiple metabolic changes. Their fasting blood glucose levels were higher than those in the other group, and their sensitivity to insulin decreased—similar to what occurs in humans developing type 2 diabetes.</p>
<p>In the banana-scented water experiment, rats on the high-fat diet showed a stronger negative response to the banana scent after associating it with the aversive injection. This finding led the researchers to conclude that emotion-related memories were enhanced in the rats raised on a high-fat diet. Both groups of rats reduced their consumption of the banana-scented water after learning to associate it with the aversive injection, even when they were thirsty.</p>
<p>Finally, an analysis of neurochemicals in the brain regions studied revealed that the concentrations of neurotransmitters—glutamate, norepinephrine (noradrenaline), and dopamine—increased in rats on the high-fat diet during the period when they were learning to associate the aversive injection with the banana scent. Given that overall neurotransmitter levels did not differ between the two groups, this suggested that neuronal activity was heightened in the high-fat diet rats specifically during the aversion learning process.</p>
<p>“In this study, we report elevated noradrenergic and glutamatergic neurotransmission [neurotransmission using neurotransmitters noradrenaline and glutamate] linked to the enhancement of an aversion memory, highlighting intricate connections between obesogenic diets, neurochemistry, and cognition, implying that metabolic dysfunctions due to consumption of hypercaloric diets can induce both detrimental and enhanced plasticity effects which may impact the overall brain health of individuals,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>This research adds to the growing body of knowledge about the effects of obesity on cognition. However, it is important to note that the study was conducted on rats, not humans. Although rats and humans share many physiological similarities, they are distinct species, and the effects observed in rats may not directly apply to humans.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/jnr.25360">Early-life and chronic exposure to high-fat diet alters noradrenergic and glutamatergic neurotransmission in the male rat amygdala and hippocampus under cognitive challenges,</a>” was authored by Daniel Osorio-Gómez, Claudia I. Perez, Pamela Salcedo-Tello, Arturo Hernández-Matias, Susana Hernández-Ramírez, Benjamin Arroyo, Gustavo Pacheco-López, Ranier Gutierrez, Federico Bermúdez-Rattoni, Kioko Guzmán-Ramos, and OBETEEN Consortium.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-research-sheds-light-on-why-women-receive-less-critical-performance-feedback/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New research sheds light on why women receive less critical performance feedback</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 6th 2024, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>A new study published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10869-024-09964-5"><em>Journal of Business and Psychology</em></a> reveals that feedback providers are more likely to inflate performance evaluations when giving feedback to women compared to men. This pattern appears to stem from a social pressure to avoid appearing prejudiced toward women, which can lead to less critical feedback. But this practice, while seemingly protective, could limit women’s opportunities for growth and advancement.</p>
<p>In recent years, discussions around workplace equality and fairness have intensified, especially following movements like #MeToo. Employers and managers are increasingly aware of the need to treat women fairly in professional settings. However, this heightened awareness may be leading some feedback providers to overcorrect, offering women more positive feedback than is warranted by their actual performance.</p>
<p>Prior research has suggested that women may receive less critical and more positive feedback than men, but the reasons for this discrepancy were unclear. The researchers aimed to explore whether this pattern was linked to social pressures and the desire to avoid appearing biased or prejudiced.</p>
<p>“The project essentially arose out of a realization that emerged when I was collecting data for my dissertation that women might not get accurate performance feedback,” explained Leah D. Sheppard, an associate dean for equity & inclusion and associate professor of management at Washington State University.</p>
<p>“Specifically, I had found that people who criticized women’s work performance were perceived by others as more prejudiced (this data appears as a supplemental study in the paper). This idea was set aside for some time while I focused on other projects, but then it was picked back up, with a focus on determining whether women received inflated performance feedback and, if so, why.”</p>
<p>To investigate this, the researchers conducted two separate studies, in addition to the supplementary study.</p>
<p>In the first study, the researchers analyzed performance feedback from a large dataset of music reviews published by critics at Rolling Stone magazine. They gathered 315 album reviews, with 65% of those reviews focused on male musicians and 35% on female musicians. The feedback provided by the critics was analyzed by two independent coders who counted the proportion of words in each review that emphasized positive or negative aspects of the album. Additionally, the researchers documented the numerical rating (out of five stars) that accompanied each review.</p>
<p>By comparing the feedback given to male and female musicians, the researchers sought to determine if the positive feedback was inflated for women beyond what their album rating would suggest. The results revealed that female musicians received a higher proportion of positive feedback (10% more) than male musicians, even after controlling for the overall star rating of their albums. This finding supported the hypothesis that women tend to receive more inflated positive feedback compared to men, suggesting that bias may play a role in how feedback is delivered based on gender.</p>
<p>To better assess the reasons behind this inflation and to test for causality, the researchers conducted a second study using an experimental design. Participants were recruited online, with a final sample of 486 participants. These participants were from a diverse demographic background in terms of age, gender, and ethnicity, with 44% of them being women, 53% men, and the remaining identifying as non-binary.</p>
<p>The participants were asked to complete a two-part task. In the first part, they were presented with a description of a hypothetical employee’s work performance, which was identical across participants and contained no reference to the employee’s gender. They were then asked to select the most honest feedback from six options, ranging from very negative (the most honest) to very positive (the least honest). In addition to gathering feedback preferences, the researchers also measured participants’ internal and external motivations to avoid showing prejudice towards women.</p>
<p>A week later, the participants returned for the second part of the study. This time, they were randomly assigned to deliver feedback to either a male or female employee. The description of the employee’s work performance remained the same, but the employee’s gender was indicated by either a male or female name. Participants again selected a feedback option from the same set of six. The key measure in this phase was the difference between the feedback provided in the gender-neutral context of Part 1 and the gender-specific context of Part 2.</p>
<p>The results showed that participants were more likely to inflate their feedback when evaluating a female employee compared to a male employee, even though the performance description was the same. Furthermore, those who were more externally motivated to avoid showing prejudice were also more likely to express protective feelings towards female employees, which led them to provide inflated, less critical feedback. These findings suggest that social pressure to avoid appearing prejudiced can cause feedback providers to overcompensate, resulting in overly positive feedback for women, which could ultimately limit their development.</p>
<p>Lastly, in the supplementary study, the researchers explored the social perception of feedback in a scenario where a manager delivered critical feedback to an employee. The study used a sample of participants who were presented with identical feedback scenarios, but the gender of both the feedback provider and the recipient was manipulated. After reading the scenario, participants were asked to explain why they believed the manager gave the critical feedback. The researchers then categorized the explanations to see whether participants attributed the feedback to the employee’s poor performance or to the manager’s personal prejudice.</p>
<p>The results showed that participants were more likely to attribute critical feedback to personal prejudice when the recipient was a woman. Furthermore, managers delivering critical feedback to a female employee were perceived as less communal—less warm and supportive—than those giving similar feedback to a male employee. This perception highlights the social pressures that feedback providers face when delivering negative feedback to women. These pressures likely contribute to the tendency to inflate feedback, as managers may fear being seen as biased or prejudiced.</p>
<p>“The key takeaway is that when individuals feel pressure to avoid prejudiced behavior, they might overcorrect and exhibit attitudes and behavior that (appears to) unduly favor the individual towards whom they fear expressing prejudice,” Sheppard told PsyPost. “In the performance feedback context, however, unduly favoring someone is, paradoxically, likely to harm them in the long term. That is, women who receive inflated performance feedback might find their career advancement stalled because they don’t have accurate information about what they need to improve.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10869-024-09964-5" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Paternalism in the Performance Context: Evaluators Who Feel Social Pressure to Avoid Exhibiting Prejudice Deliver More Inflated Performance Feedback to Women</a>,” was authored by Leah D. Sheppard, Tiffany M. Trzebiatowski, and Joshua J. Prasad.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/people-who-pledge-10-of-their-income-to-charity-are-more-morally-expansive-and-open-minded/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">People who pledge 10% of their income to charity are more morally expansive and open-minded</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 5th 2024, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>According to a new study, people who have taken the Giving What We Can (GWWC) pledge to donate at least 10% of their income to charity display distinct cognitive and personality traits. This research was published in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jopy.12842"><em>Journal of Personality</em></a>.</p>
<p>Altruism has been a central focus of social science research, particularly the study of individuals whose moral concern for others far exceeds that of the typical population. These extraordinary altruists, who often make significant personal sacrifices to help others, challenge traditional evolutionary theories of altruism, which suggest that helping behaviors are motivated by potential <a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-study-explores-the-psychological-dynamics-of-helping-strangers/">future benefits</a> or kin relationships. In this context, understanding the motivations and characteristics of those who pledge to donate a substantial portion of their income to charity provides valuable insights into the nature of altruistic behavior.</p>
<p>GWWC is an organization that encourages individuals to commit to donating at least <a href="https://www.givingwhatwecan.org/pledge">10% of their income</a> to charity throughout their lives. Matti Wilks and colleagues sought to identify the cognitive and personality traits that distinguish these extraordinary altruists from the general population.</p>
<p>This research involved 536 participants from the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Germany, and the Netherlands, divided into two groups: 294 GWWC pledgers and 240 individuals from a country-matched control group. The researchers recruited 536 participants, including 294 GWWC pledgers and 240 individuals from a country-matched control group.</p>
<p>The control group was carefully selected to match the demographics of the GWWC pledgers, ensuring comparable groups in terms of country of residence. Participants completed a survey designed to measure a variety of cognitive and personality traits, including tasks to assess emotion recognition, specifically focusing on the ability to identify fearful facial expressions using images from the Radboud Faces Database.</p>
<p>Participants completed self-report questionnaires to measure moral expansiveness (the extent to which individuals extend moral concern to a broad range of entities), empathy and compassion levels, social dominance orientation (preference for hierarchical social structures), and maximizing tendencies (the pursuit of optimal outcomes). The survey also assessed actively open-minded thinking (willingness to revise beliefs based on new evidence), need for cognition (preference for engaging in complex thinking), and utilitarianism (the extent to which participants endorse principles that prioritize the greater good).</p>
<p>The study revealed several key differences between individuals who have taken the GWWC pledge and those in the control group. GWWC pledgers were significantly better at recognizing fearful facial expressions, a trait linked to heightened sensitivity to others’ emotional states and prosocial behavior. They also scored higher in moral expansiveness, indicating a broader scope of moral concern that extends beyond immediate social circles to include animals, plants, and the environment.</p>
<p>GWWC pledgers exhibited higher levels of actively open-minded thinking, demonstrating a greater willingness to consider different perspectives and revise their beliefs in light of new evidence. They also showed a stronger need for cognition, reflecting a preference for engaging in complex and thoughtful decision-making processes.</p>
<p>Contrary to the researchers’ expectations, GWWC pledgers scored lower on maximizing tendencies, suggesting that their altruistic behavior may be driven more by adherence to principles rather than a constant pursuit of optimal personal outcomes.</p>
<p>Overall, the results highlight that GWWC pledgers are characterized by a unique combination of cognitive traits that emphasize rational decision-making and a broad moral concern for others.</p>
<p>One limitation is that the study did not include measures of income or socioeconomic status, which may also play a role in explaining the differences observed.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jopy.12842">Who gives? Characteristics of those who have taken the Giving What We Can pledg</a>e”, was authored by Matti Wilks, Jessica McCurdy, and Paul Bloom.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/audhd-what-you-need-to-know-about-the-overlap-of-autism-and-adhd/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">AuDHD: What you need to know about the overlap of autism and ADHD</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 5th 2024, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>You may have seen some new ways to describe when someone is autistic and also has attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). The terms “AuDHD” or sometimes “AutiADHD” are being used on <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@speechdude/video/7374893933077335339?is_from_webapp=1&sender_device=pc&web_id=7384693687676749320">social media</a>, with people describing what they experience or have seen as clinicians.</p>
<p>It might seem surprising these two conditions can co-occur, as some traits appear to be almost opposite. For example, autistic folks usually have fixed routines and prefer things to stay the same, whereas people with ADHD usually get bored with routines and like spontaneity and novelty.</p>
<p>But these two conditions <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1750946721000349">frequently overlap</a> and the combination of diagnoses can result in some unique needs. Here are five important things to know about AuDHD.</p>
<h2>1. Having both wasn’t possible a decade ago</h2>
<p>Only in the past decade have autism and ADHD been able to be diagnosed together. Until 2013, the <a href="https://www.psychiatry.org/psychiatrists/practice/dsm">Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders</a> (DSM) – the reference used by health workers around the world for definitions of psychological diagnoses – did not allow for ADHD to be diagnosed in an autistic person.</p>
<p>The manual’s fifth edition was the first to allow for both diagnoses in the same person. So, folks diagnosed and treated prior to 2013, as well as much of the research, usually did not consider AuDHD. Instead, children and adults may have been “assigned” to whichever condition seemed most prominent or to be having the greater impact on everyday life.</p>
<h2>2. AuDHD is more common than you might think</h2>
<p>Around <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/aur.2696">1%</a> to <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/32124539/">4%</a> of the population are autistic.</p>
<p>They can find it difficult to navigate social situations and relationships, prefer consistent routines, find changes overwhelming and repetition soothing. They may have particular sensory sensitivities.</p>
<p>ADHD occurs in around <a href="https://adhdguideline.aadpa.com.au/about/about-adhd/">5–8% of children and adolescents and 2–6% of adults</a>. Characteristics can include difficulties with focusing attention in a flexible way, resulting in procrastination, distraction and disorganisation. People with ADHD can have high levels of activity and impulsivity.</p>
<p>Studies suggest around <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1750946721000349">40%</a> of those with ADHD also meet diagnostic criteria for autism and vice versa. The co-occurrence of <a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/buy/2014-12889-001">having features or traits</a> of one condition (but not meeting the full diagnostic criteria) when you have the other, is even more common and may be closer to around <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s00787-019-01384-8">80%</a>. So a substantial proportion of those with autism or ADHD who don’t meet full criteria for the other condition, will likely have some traits.</p>
<h2>3. Opposing traits can be distressing</h2>
<p>Autistic people generally prefer order, while ADHDers often struggle to keep things organised. Autistic people usually prefer to do one thing at a time; people with ADHD are often multitasking and have many things on the go. When someone has both conditions, the conflicting traits can result in an internal struggle.</p>
<p>For example, it can be upsetting when you need your things organised in a particular way but ADHD traits result in difficulty consistently doing this. There can be periods of being organised (when autistic traits lead) followed by periods of disorganisation (when ADHD traits dominate) and feelings of distress at not being able to maintain organisation.</p>
<p>There can be eventual boredom with the same routines or activities, but upset and anxiety when attempting to transition to something new.</p>
<p>Autistic special interests (which are often all-consuming, longstanding and prioritised over social contact), may not last as long in AuDHD, or be more like those seen in ADHD (an intense deep dive into a new interest that can quickly burn out).</p>
<p>Autism can result in quickly being overstimulated by sensory input from the environment such as noises, lighting and smells. ADHD is linked with an understimulated brain, where intense pressure, novelty and excitement can be needed to function optimally.</p>
<p>For some people the conflicting traits may result in a balance where people can find a middle ground (for example, their house appears tidy but the cupboards are a little bit messy).</p>
<p>There isn’t much research yet into the lived experience of this “trait conflict” in AuDHD, but there are <a href="https://www.additudemag.com/audhd-autism-adhd-experience/">clinical observations</a>.</p>
<h2>4. Mental health and other difficulties are more frequent</h2>
<p>Our research on mental health in children with autism, ADHD or AuDHD shows children with AuDHD have <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36345845/">higher levels of mental health difficulites</a> than autism or ADHD alone.</p>
<p>This is a consistent finding with studies showing higher mental health difficulties such as <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10803-022-05803-9">depression and anxiety in AuDHD</a>. There are also more difficulties with <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10803-014-2352-y">day-to-day functioning</a> in AuDHD than either condition alone.</p>
<p>So there is an additive effect in AuDHD of having the <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23673307/">executive foundation difficulties</a> found in both autism and ADHD. These difficulties relate to how we plan and organise, pay attention and control impulses. When we struggle with these it can greatly impact daily life.</p>
<h2>5. Getting the right treatment is important</h2>
<p>ADHD medication treatments are <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lanpsy/article/PIIS2215-0366(18)30269-4/fulltext">evidence-based and effective</a>. Studies suggest <a href="https://acamh.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/jcpp.13305">medication treatment for ADHD in autistic people</a> similarly helps improve ADHD symptoms. But ADHD medications <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1365-2214.2006.00631.x">won’t reduce autistic traits</a> and other support may be needed.</p>
<p>Non-pharmacological treatments such as psychological or occupational therapy are less researched in AuDHD but likely to be helpful. <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s12916-020-01585-y">Evidence-based treatments</a> include psychoeducation and psychological therapy. This might include understanding one’s strengths, how traits can impact the person, and learning what support and adjustments are needed to help them function at their best. Parents and carers also need support.</p>
<p>The combination and order of support will likely depend on the person’s current functioning and particular needs.</p>
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<h2>Do you relate?</h2>
<p>Studies suggest people may still <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/aur.3146">not be identified with both conditions</a> when they co-occur. A person in that situation might feel misunderstood or that they can’t fully relate to others with a singular autism and ADHD diagnosis and something else is going on for them.</p>
<p>It is important if you have autism or ADHD that the other is considered, so the right support can be provided.</p>
<p>If only one piece of the puzzle is known, the person will likely have unexplained difficulties despite treatment. If you have autism or ADHD and are unsure if you might have AuDHD consider discussing this with your health professional.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/233095/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
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<p><em>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-is-audhd-5-important-things-to-know-when-someone-has-both-autism-and-adhd-233095">original article</a>.</em></p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/narcissism-and-psychopathy-are-both-weakly-related-to-makeup-habits-among-women/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Narcissism and psychopathy are both (weakly) related to makeup habits among women</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Sep 5th 2024, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>A recent study published in the <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-024-02974-7" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Archives of Sexual Behavior</a></em> sheds new light on the link between makeup use and personality traits among women. The research found that women who use more makeup tend to score higher in traits such as narcissism and extraversion, while women who score higher in psychopathy tend to use less makeup across various situations.</p>
<p>Makeup has long been used as a tool to enhance physical appearance, with many studies highlighting how it influences both self-perception and how others perceive the wearer. Women wearing makeup are often seen as more attractive, feminine, and dominant, which in turn can affect their social interactions. However, little was known about how different personality traits might influence the frequency and context in which women use makeup.</p>
<p>Personality traits, particularly those related to narcissism, extraversion, and traits within the so-called “dark triad” (narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy), have been linked to behaviors that seek to manage and enhance appearance. Narcissistic individuals, for instance, often seek admiration and attention, which could translate into higher makeup usage.</p>
<p>On the other hand, psychopathic traits, which are linked to lower concern for social norms and others’ perceptions, might result in less attention to makeup use. The researchers aimed to explore these connections, as well as how makeup usage might change depending on different social situations.</p>
<p>“We observed, in a previous study (Mafra et al., 2020), that many women use little or no makeup, while there are others who frequently use a lot of makeup. We became interested in understanding more about these variations in makeup use. Could it be related to personality, with more extroverted women using more makeup? Or could it be the social situation?” said study author Anthonieta Looman Mafra, a postdoctoral researcher in Experimental Psychology at the University of São Paulo.</p>
<p>The study involved 1,410 Brazilian women who were surveyed about their personality traits and makeup habits. Participants completed several questionnaires that measured their personality traits, particularly focusing on the “Big Five” traits (extraversion, sociability, neuroticism, conscientiousness, and openness) and the dark triad traits (narcissism, psychopathy, and Machiavellianism).</p>
<p>Participants were also asked about their makeup habits in different contexts, such as how often they wore makeup at home, while exercising, at work, or when meeting new people. They rated how much time they spent applying makeup, how much they spent on it each month, and how frequently they used it.</p>
<p>“The study shows that most women use less makeup when they are alone and more makeup when they are in social environments, with the situation where they use the most makeup being a first date,” Mafra explained.</p>
<p>One of the most consistent results was the positive association between narcissism and makeup use. Women who scored higher in narcissism, characterized by a strong need for admiration and attention, tended to spend more time applying makeup, use it more frequently, and invest more money in cosmetics. These women also modulated their makeup use significantly across different social settings, wearing more makeup in situations where they would meet new people or try to make a good impression, such as on first dates or at professional meetings.</p>
<p>Extraverted women, known for their sociability and preference for being the center of attention, were also more likely to spend money on makeup. They often used makeup to enhance their outgoing personalities, which helped them feel more confident in social interactions. However, extraverts did not show as much variation in makeup use across different settings compared to narcissistic individuals.</p>
<p>On the other hand, women scoring higher in psychopathy—a trait marked by impulsivity and a lack of concern for others—tended to have more stable makeup habits across different social contexts. Regardless of whether they were at home, at the gym, or out with friends, these women maintained a consistent level of makeup use, typically lower than women high in narcissism. This finding suggests that women with psychopathic traits may not use makeup as a tool for self-presentation or manipulation in social contexts as much as other personality types do.</p>
<p>“I did not expect to find a difference in makeup use among people with more psychopathic traits,” Mafra told PsyPost. “It’s important to emphasize that it does not mean that if someone doesn’t wear makeup, it makes them a psychopath.”</p>
<p>Another interesting finding was that women with high levels of neuroticism—who are more prone to emotional instability and anxiety—also showed larger differences in makeup usage depending on the context. Like women with narcissistic traits, they tended to use more makeup in social situations and significantly less when alone, possibly indicating that makeup provides them with a sense of control and security in social settings.</p>
<p>“People with more narcissistic and neurotic traits exhibited a greater difference in the amount of makeup they use in different social situations,” Mafra said. “In other words, they use much more makeup in some social situations and none in others.”</p>
<p>But as with all research, there are some limitations to consider. For one, personality traits did not explain a large portion of the variation in makeup habits. “The effect sizes are small, so caution should be taken when making generalizations,” Mafra said. “It is important to note that there are a lot of factors that may influence makeup usage, such as the requirement to wear makeup in certain professions, allergies, and religion.”</p>
<p>“Additionally, participants reported their makeup usage in different social situations compared to their normal use, but third-party perceptions may differ. For example, a woman who never wears makeup might consider that she uses a lot of makeup when going out to meet friends, but those friends might perceive that she wears little makeup.”</p>
<p>Future research could ask how friends, family, or even strangers perceive a woman’s makeup use in different situations and compare these perceptions to the woman’s own self-assessment.</p>
<p>“We intend to investigate how third-party perceptions of women align with self-assessments to see if women’s self-evaluations of makeup use are consistent with how others perceive them when they wear different levels of makeup,” Mafra explained. “This aspect of the research will provide valuable insights into social dynamics and how makeup use influences interpersonal perceptions and judgments.”</p>
<p>“Ultimately, our goal is to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the role of appearance management in everyday life and its psychological underpinnings. This research could also inform fields such as marketing, fashion, and mental health, helping professionals develop more targeted strategies to support individuals in making choices that enhance their well-being and authentic self-expression. By continuing to explore these themes, we hope to challenge stereotypes and misconceptions about makeup use and personality traits, promoting a more nuanced view of how personal grooming choices reflect and influence one’s and others’ perceptions.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10508-024-02974-7" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Makeup Usage in Women Is Positively Associated to Narcissism and Extraversion but Negatively to Psychopathy</a>,” was authored by Anthonieta Looman Mafra, Yago Lukševičius de Moraes, Marco Antonio Correa Varella, and Jaroslava Varella Valentova.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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