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<td><span style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size:20px;font-weight:bold;">PsyPost – Psychology News Daily Digest (Unofficial)</span></td>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-evidence-on-the-mad-genius-theory-are-famous-artists-more-prone-to-mental-illness/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New evidence on the ‘mad genius’ theory: Are famous artists more prone to mental illness?</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 16th 2024, 10:00</div>
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<p><p>The idea that artistic creativity and mental illness are connected has fascinated people for centuries. But is there any scientific basis for this belief? A recent study has sought to provide more empirical evidence on this topic by analyzing the mental health of some of the most creative individuals across different fields.</p>
<p>The study, published in the journal <em><a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/aca0000440" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Psychology of Aesthetics, Creativity, and the Arts</a></em>, found that famous artists indeed had higher lifetime rates of mental disorders than both scientists and athletes, supporting the notion that there might be a connection between artistic creativity and psychopathology.</p>
<p>The “mad genius” theory suggests a strong connection between exceptional creativity and mental illness, an idea that dates back to ancient times. Aristotle is often credited with the early formulation of this concept, as he reportedly said, “There is no great genius without some touch of madness.” This idea has been popularized through historical examples like Vincent van Gogh and Sylvia Plath, who were both highly creative and struggled with severe mental health issues.</p>
<p>The theory proposes that the qualities driving extraordinary creativity, such as originality and divergent thinking, may also predispose individuals to conditions like depression or bipolar disorder. While some studies have found higher rates of mental disorders among creative individuals, especially in the arts, this theory remains controversial.</p>
<p>“It is a very big and important question that goes back to the ancient Greeks (the “mad genius” theory), and the research on the topic was contradictory. So it needed more nuanced distinction,” said study author <a href="https://drivetocreate.weebly.com/about.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Gregory J. Feist</a>, a professor at <a href="https://www.sjsu.edu/people/greg.feist/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">San Jose State University</a> and author of <em><a href="https://amzn.to/4fJU8WK" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Psychology of Science and the Origins of the Scientific Mind</a></em>.</p>
<p>The study aimed to explore the relationship between creativity and mental health by examining the lifetime mental health histories of 199 eminent individuals across three distinct domains: creative arts, creative sciences, and athletics. A central objective of this research was to determine whether the observed link between mental illness and eminence could be attributed to fame itself, rather than creativity. To test this, the researchers used famous athletes as a control group, since athletes, unlike artists and scientists, are not typically recognized for their creativity but share a comparable level of fame.</p>
<p>The researchers selected 104 artists, 68 scientists, and 27 athletes for analysis. These individuals were chosen based on their high levels of achievement and the availability of detailed biographies that included information on their personal lives. The biographies were carefully selected to ensure they provided enough relevant information for assessing mental health and were then digitized to allow for a more efficient and unbiased analysis.</p>
<p>To assess the presence of mental disorders, the researchers employed a team of trained raters who were blind to the identities of the individuals in the biographies. The raters evaluated each biography for signs of 19 different mental disorders, including depression, anxiety, substance abuse, and bipolar disorder. The evaluations were made using a three-point scale: not present, probable, and present.</p>
<p>The findings of the study revealed that artists had significantly higher lifetime rates of mental disorders compared to both scientists and athletes. Specifically, nearly 60% of the artists were found to have had at least one form of psychopathology during their lives, with this rate increasing to 83% when including cases where a disorder was deemed “probable.” In contrast, 35% of scientists and 48% of athletes were found to have had at least one mental disorder, with rates increasing to 59% for both groups when probable cases were included.</p>
<p>Among the specific disorders, artists were particularly prone to depression, substance abuse, and anxiety. Writers and visual artists showed the highest risks, with rates of depression and bipolar disorder being significantly higher than those observed in the athlete group. On the other hand, scientists did not show an overall elevated rate of mental disorders.</p>
<p>The findings indicate “that the relationship between mental health and creativity is complex: there is a positive relationship for world-class creative artists (including writers, musicians, poets, actors) but not for world-class creative scientists (in general) relative to famous non-creative people (athletes),” Feist told PsyPost. “In addition, the severity and kind of mental illness are relevant; the severity tends to be moderate, and the kind tends to be emotional disorders like anxiety and depression/manic depression.”</p>
<p>“The near-total absence of mental illness in highly creative scientists is not surprising, but calls out for a theoretical explanation that is currently lacking,” Feist added.</p>
<p>Although this study offers valuable insights, it does have its limitations. One issue is the potential for selection bias. Biographies are often written about individuals who lead particularly interesting or dramatic lives, which could skew the sample towards those with more noticeable mental health issues.</p>
<p>Another limitation is the retrospective nature of the study, which relied on biographical information rather than direct clinical assessments. This method, while informative, is inherently limited by the availability and accuracy of historical records and the interpretations of biographers. Additionally, the sample was not entirely balanced in terms of gender or ethnicity, with a predominance of white males.</p>
<p>“We make little claim that this investigation settles the ‘debate’ over the ‘mad-genius,'” the researchers concluded. “At best, it confirms one aspect of it, namely the higher rate of pathology and the different pathologies in the creative arts than other creative domains. Many questions remain. For example, as we mentioned above, the biggest question left unresolved is the gender question. Are these patterns that we found in a heavily male-dominated sample the same in famous creative women? Our dataset does not allow this question to be satisfactorily answered.”</p>
<p>“As is true of all research… for each question answered, others arise and await further attention from future investigators. The topic of psychopathology and world-class creative achievement is a rich and complex topic and will provide material for researchers for years to come.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2021-94161-001" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Psychopathology in World-Class Artistic and Scientific Creativity</a>,” was authored by Gregory J. Feist, Daniel Dostal, and Victor Kwan.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/feminism-linked-to-increased-hookup-culture-endorsement-among-women-study-shows/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Feminism linked to increased hookup culture endorsement among women, study shows</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 16th 2024, 08:00</div>
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<p><p>According to a new study published in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-024-02841-5"><em>Archives of Sexual Behavior</em></a> feminist identity and beliefs shape attitudes toward hookup culture, particularly among young women.</p>
<p>Hookup culture, characterized by casual, non-emotional sexual encounters, has significantly influenced the sexual behaviors of emerging adults. This phenomenon is particularly prevalent in industrialized nations. Definitions of a hookup can vary widely, from kissing to sexual intercourse, but the common theme is the lack of a committed relationship.</p>
<p>Feminism, which advocates for gender equality and liberation from sexual repression, has potential implications for attitudes toward hookup culture. In this work, Rachel M. Martino and colleagues examined the relationship between feminism, gender, and endorsement of hookup culture among emerging adults.</p>
<p>Participants were 318 emerging adults aged 18-25 recruited online from five Anglophone countries, including the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Participants completed several measures, including the Feminist Beliefs and Behavior Scale and the Endorsement of Hookup Culture Index (EHCI). They were categorized based on their responses to questions about feminist identity and beliefs.</p>
<p>Feminist identity was assessed by asking participants if they considered themselves feminists, while feminist beliefs were measured using three items reflecting core feminist principles: gender equality in treatment, pay equity, and the social valuation of women’s unpaid work. Participants were said to hold feminist beliefs if they agreed with all three items.</p>
<p>The EHCI included items that gauged participants’ endorsement of hookup culture, capturing aspects like the perceived fun, harmlessness, and sexual freedom associated with casual, commitment-free sexual encounters. Participants also provided demographic information, including gender identity, relationship status, and sexual orientation.</p>
<p>The researchers observed significant interactions between feminist identity, feminist beliefs, and gender on endorsement of hookup culture. Women who identified as feminists or held feminist beliefs reported higher endorsement of hookup culture compared to non-feminist women with non-feminist beliefs. However, neither dimension of feminism predicted hookup culture endorsement in men. The gender disparity in hookup culture endorsement was eliminated when comparing feminist-identifying women and men, suggesting that feminist identity may influence women’s attitudes towards hookups more than men’s.</p>
<p>Among women, those who endorsed feminist identity or beliefs (or both) had higher hookup culture endorsement compared to women who denied both feminist identity and beliefs. This suggests that feminist identity and beliefs jointly contribute to women’s attitudes towards hookup culture. For men, no significant differences were observed in hookup culture endorsement based on feminist identity or beliefs, indicating that feminism’s impact on sexual liberation is more relevant to women.</p>
<p>This study’s sample was restricted to Anglophone countries, limiting the generalizability of the findings to other cultural contexts.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-024-02841-5">The Role of Feminism and Gender in Endorsement of Hookup Culture among Emerging Adults</a>”, was authored by Rachel M. Martino, Savannah R. Roberts, Anne J. Maheux, Claire D. Stout, and Sophia Choukas-Bradley.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/an-iconic-psychology-test-just-took-a-massive-hit-to-its-credibility/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">An iconic psychology test just took a massive hit to its credibility</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 16th 2024, 06:00</div>
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<p><p>The iconic Marshmallow Test, a simple experiment where children are asked to delay gratification for a bigger reward, has long been touted as a window into future success. For decades, research suggested that children who could resist the temptation of eating a single treat immediately, in favor of a larger reward later, were more likely to enjoy better academic, social, and health outcomes as adults. However, a new study published in <a href="https://srcd.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/cdev.14129"><em>Child Development</em></a> challenges this assumption, casting doubt on the predictive power of the Marshmallow Test when it comes to adult achievement, health, and behavior.</p>
<p>Researchers from Teachers College, Columbia University, and the University of California, Irvine, set out to reexamine the long-term implications of the Marshmallow Test, specifically whether a child’s ability to delay gratification at age four could reliably predict adult outcomes at age 26. Their findings suggest that, contrary to popular belief, a preschooler’s response to the Marshmallow Test does not strongly predict their success or well-being in adulthood, especially when other factors are accounted for.</p>
<p>The Marshmallow Test has been a cornerstone in psychological research since the late 1960s, largely due to the work of psychologist Walter Mischel. His studies famously linked the ability to delay gratification with a variety of positive life outcomes, such as higher SAT scores, better social skills, and lower body mass index (BMI). These findings have influenced both scientific thought and public policy, with early childhood interventions often designed to enhance self-control and delay of gratification, under the belief that these traits are critical for later success.</p>
<p>However, <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0167268119302641" target="_blank" rel="noopener">more recent studies</a> have begun to question the robustness of these findings, suggesting that the predictive power of the Marshmallow Test may have been overstated. This new study aimed to provide a more rigorous analysis by using a larger and more diverse sample than the original studies and by controlling for a variety of factors that could influence both a child’s ability to delay gratification and their later outcomes.</p>
<p>“We were interested in this topic as an extension of previous work from our team (<a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0956797618761661" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Watts et al., 2018</a>), which examined the association between the Marshmallow Test and achievement and behavior at age-15,” said study author Jessica Sperber, a doctoral candidate in developmental psychology at Columbia University.</p>
<p>“With the present study, we sought to ask ‘does the Marshmallow Test predict important measures of well-being and functioning at age-26?’ So, we extended the previous work to examine longitudinally if a childhood measure of delayed gratification could directly predict a wide range of measures that reflect adult functioning – including achievement, health, and behavior.”</p>
<p>The study analyzed data from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development (SECCYD), a long-term project that tracked over 1,300 children from birth into adulthood. For this specific analysis, researchers focused on 702 participants who had completed a version of the Marshmallow Test at 54 months old (around four and a half years) and provided data on various adult outcomes at age 26.</p>
<p>In the Marshmallow Test, each child was presented with a treat and given the option to either eat it immediately or wait until the experimenter returned, at which point they would receive a larger reward. The researchers then collected data on the participants at age 26, including their educational attainment, annual earnings, levels of debt, BMI, symptoms of depression, substance use, and behaviors related to risk-taking and impulsivity.</p>
<p>The study employed a series of statistical models to assess whether the time each child waited in the Marshmallow Test predicted their adult outcomes. These models also accounted for various demographic factors, such as socioeconomic status, as well as early childhood cognitive and behavioral characteristics.</p>
<p>While there were modest correlations between waiting time on the Marshmallow Test and certain outcomes, such as educational attainment and BMI, these associations largely disappeared when the researchers controlled for other factors like family background and early childhood environment. For example, the initial link between delaying gratification and higher educational attainment was no longer significant after adjusting for these variables.</p>
<p>“We were initially surprised by the lack of bivariate correlations between delay of gratification and adult outcomes,” Sperber told PsyPost. “Surprisingly, the Marshmallow Test did not predict adult behaviors that one might expect would be highly related to the early ability to delay gratification, like impulse control and risk-taking behaviors. When we did see some significant correlations, they were diminished entirely by controlling for basic demographic and background information of the participants.”</p>
<p>In addition, the researchers found no significant associations between Marshmallow Test performance and other adult outcomes, such as annual earnings, depressive symptoms, substance use, impulsive behavior, or risk-taking behaviors. Even when the researchers examined whether the Marshmallow Test predicted adult outcomes differently for children from lower socioeconomic backgrounds or based on sex, no consistent patterns emerged.</p>
<p>The findings also raise important questions about the construct validity of the Marshmallow Test. If the test primarily reflects other factors, such as early cognitive abilities or family environment, rather than a unique capacity for self-control, its utility as a predictor of long-term success may be limited.</p>
<p>“Performance on the Marshmallow Test has been framed as a key predictor of life-long well-being and success. With this study, we found that this doesn’t appear to be the case: the Marshmallow Test in early childhood does not reliably predict adult functioning,” Sperber said.</p>
<p>One of the few exceptions was BMI: children who waited the full seven minutes tended to have a lower BMI at age 26 compared to those who waited less time. However, this finding was somewhat isolated, as no other health-related outcomes, such as substance use or depressive symptoms, were linked to Marshmallow Test performance.</p>
<p>“I think we have learned that all measures of ‘self-control’ are not created equally,” added co-author <a href="https://tylerwatts.org/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Tyler Watts</a>, an assistant professor in human development at Columbia University. “There has been other convincing work showing that very broad assessments of self-regulation in childhood can predict important life outcomes. So, our conclusions seem to be restricted to the Marshmallow Test.”</p>
<p>Despite its rigorous design, the study does have limitations. The sample, while larger and more diverse than Mischel’s original cohort (which was limited to children from the Stanford University community), was still not nationally representative, as it was predominantly White and middle-class. Additionally, the maximum waiting time was capped at seven minutes, a shorter duration than the original studies conducted by Mischel.</p>
<p>“It is important to point out that the version of the test used in our study was capped at seven minutes, which is a much shorter ceiling than what other studies have often used,” Watts noted. “We looked into this issue as best we could and did not see evidence that it was a major problem, but it is certainly a limitation worth noting.”</p>
<p>The study provides a critical reappraisal of the Marshmallow Test, challenging the long-held belief that a child’s ability to delay gratification is a strong predictor of adult success. The researchers suggest that interventions aimed at improving children’s self-control should take a broader approach, focusing on enhancing overall cognitive and behavioral skills rather than narrowly targeting the ability to delay gratification.</p>
<p>“Our lab is broadly interested in the ways that interventions targeting child cognitive and behavioral skills affect long-term trajectories,” Watts explained. “Longitudinal studies, like the famous Marshmallow Test work, often suggest that targeting early skills should generate important long-term effects. In other words, if we were to see a strong correlation between early delay of gratification and later educational attainment, would this mean that a program that targeted early delay of gratification would also have long-term effects on educational attainment? Such predictions are at the heart of early intervention research.</p>
<p>“To the contrary, the field has accumulated evidence of fadeout for long-term intervention effects. Our team <a href="https://edworkingpapers.com/ai23-782" target="_blank" rel="noopener">recently published a meta-analysis</a> of a large set of educational intervention studies showing that interventions targeting social- emotional and cognitive skills usually have fading effects in the medium term. In other words, intervention effects on skills like self-regulation do not tend to last very long in most studies. We have been trying to understand why this happens, and whether we can better design programs that will have long-lasting effects on developmental trajectories.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.14129">Delay of gratification and adult outcomes: The Marshmallow Test does not reliably predict adult functioning</a>,” was authored by Jessica F. Sperber, Deborah Lowe Vandell, Greg J. Duncan, and Tyler W. Watts.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/golf-new-neuroscience-study-reveals-the-secrets-of-better-putting/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Golf: New neuroscience study reveals the secrets of better putting</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 15th 2024, 18:00</div>
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<p><p>The world’s best golfers make playing look so effortless, it’s hard to imagine what’s going on inside their minds. But modern neuroscience allows us to do exactly that. My team’s <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1424242/full">new study</a> shows how different parts of an expert golfer’s brains are activated when they putt their ball into the hole.</p>
<p><a href="https://skillest.com/blog/master-the-art-of-golf-putting-a-comprehensive-guide-for-beginners/">Putting is a crucial part</a> of golf. Using their putter when the ball is on (or just off) the green, golfers gently roll their ball towards the hole. Good putting distinguishes the most successful players in any tournament, as it can <a href="https://www.pgatour.com/stats">make up 40-50%</a> of the total number of strokes on each round (on average, around 1.8 putts per hole). Winning a tournament can often <a href="https://www.pgatour.com/video/competition/6358088452112/robert-macintyres-amazing-birdie-putt-to-win-genesis-leads-shots-of-the-week">come down to</a> holing a final, dramatic putt.</p>
<p>Our team focused on what makes golfers good at putting, particularly the mental processes required to do it consistently well. Putting’s structured routine makes it easy to study and analyse. Before each putt, golfers enter a preparation phase where they stand still with the putter just behind the ball (a position called <a href="https://www.golfdistillery.com/swing-tips/setup-address/">the “address”</a>). This period can provide insights into the mental and physical processes involved in preparing to putt.</p>
<p>To explore these mental processes, we measured brain activity using <a href="https://www.nhs.uk/conditions/electroencephalogram/">electroencephalography</a> (EEG), which measures electrical activity in the brain. This offers an accurate way to measure the timing of brainwaves as they happen, making it ideal for sports research.</p>
<p>Scientists categorise brainwaves based on their frequency ranges (measured in Hertz), which are associated with <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00246/full">different functions</a>. The brainwaves researchers mainly explore in putting are the <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/medicine-and-dentistry/theta-rhythm">theta band</a> (4 -7 Hz: associated with concentration and error detection in motor tasks), the <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/neuroscience/alpha-wave">alpha band</a> (8-12 Hz: attention and arousal control), and the <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/medicine-and-dentistry/beta-wave">beta band</a> (12-30 Hz: associated with motor preparation).</p>
<p>In our study, published in the <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1424242/full">Journal of Frontiers in Psychology</a>, myself and colleagues tried to see if there were differences in brain activity between successful (when the ball goes into the hole) and unsuccessful putts.</p>
<h2>Successful putts show distinct brain patterns</h2>
<p>We recruited 28 expert-but-amateur golfers (20 of whom were men) with an average age of 24.2 years to participate in a testing session. These participants each made 140 putts while wearing an EEG head system to record their brain activity.</p>
<p>We used two methods to analyse their brain activity. The first was <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1878929322000111">“time-frequency analysis”</a>, which examines how signal frequencies change over time. This allowed us to measure what was happening in the brain in the final three seconds before the player made contact with the ball for each putt.</p>
<p>The second was <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/neuroscience/articles/10.3389/fnins.2021.721387/full">“movement-related cortical potentials”</a>, which helps us understand how the brain plans, prepares and executes movements. In our case, the movement was the golfer beginning their the putting action.</p>
<p>Our study reveals that successful golf putts show distinct patterns of brain activity.</p>
<p>From the time-frequency analysis, we found successful putts were associated with changes in beta and theta brainwaves in the final three seconds before putting. Successful putts showed a more pronounced decrease in beta activity during preparation than unsuccessful ones. This suggests these golfers had better preparation when they went on to putt the ball into the hole.</p>
<p>Based on this finding, we would advise players to commit to their stroke and have a clear plan in mind, so they can experience the earlier onset of beta suppression. Crucially, they should not alter their plans just before putting the ball.</p>
<p>If they are not sure of what strategy to use – in other words, what direction they should aim the ball and how hard to hit it – we would recommend stepping away, then re-starting the process of hitting the putt with a clearer plan.</p>
<h2>Commit to your stroke</h2>
<p>In our study, successful putts also tended to show lower theta activity in the frontal region of the brain, especially just before contact between putter and ball. The higher theta activity during unsuccessful putts may indicate hesitation or the need to adjust the motor plan before execution.</p>
<p>Our findings emphasise the importance of committing to your stroke when putting. It’s common coaching advice, but now we have data to back up why it’s so crucial.</p>
<p>Our analysis of the movement-related cortical potentials also found differences in brain activity. Successful putts were associated with more efficient processing and less energy expenditure, compared with unsuccessful ones. So, successful putts cost the players less brainpower.</p>
<p>Many golfers report knowing what it “feels like” to putt well. It’s hard to replicate this feeling consistently, though. If you want to putt better, practise your skills so you can dependably perform the motor action and handle the pressure of competition.</p>
<p>This finding supports the <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0361923009000616?via%3Dihub">“neural efficiency”</a> theory in sports research, which says that experts have less neural activity when they complete a task related to their profession.</p>
<p>Across different sports, from archery to tennis, researchers have found experts are <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.02752/full">simply more efficient</a> in their mental processing, which allows them to activate different parts of their brains when they play. In other words, practising a sport doesn’t just change your body – it can literally alter your mind.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/235028/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1"><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
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<p>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/golf-neuroscience-reveals-the-secrets-of-better-putting-new-study-235028">original article</a>.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/dartmouth-researchers-create-new-template-of-the-human-brain/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Dartmouth researchers create new template of the human brain</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 15th 2024, 16:00</div>
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<p><p>Understanding how the brain operates is a monumental task, and scientists have long relied on neuroimaging techniques to capture and analyze brain activity. However, analyzing this data is far from straightforward due to the unique shape of each individual’s brain. A new study from Dartmouth researchers has introduced a groundbreaking tool that promises to make this process more accurate and efficient: <a href="https://github.com/feilong/tpl-onavg">the “OpenNeuro Average” (onavg) cortical surface template</a>.</p>
<p>This innovative template was developed using data from over 1,000 brain scans and represents a significant advancement in the field of neuroimaging. By providing a more uniform and less biased map of the brain’s surface, onavg allows researchers to obtain better results with less data. This could be particularly valuable in studies where data collection is challenging, such as research involving rare diseases.</p>
<p>“Our cortical surface template, onavg, is the first to sample different parts of the brain uniformly,” said lead author Feilong Ma, a postdoctoral fellow and member of the Haxby Lab in the Department of Psychological and Brain Sciences at Dartmouth. “It’s a less biased map that is more computationally efficient.”</p>
<p>The findings are published in <em><a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41592-024-02346-y">Nature Methods</a></em>.</p>
<p>Neuroscientists often face the challenge of comparing brain activity data across different individuals. Since each person’s brain has a slightly different shape, researchers need to align these differences to a common reference, or template, to analyze the data effectively. For over 25 years, scientists have used various cortical surface templates to accomplish this. These templates map brain activity onto a model of the brain’s surface, helping researchers pinpoint where certain functions are located across different individuals.</p>
<p>However, the most commonly used templates are based on data from only 40 brains and have significant limitations. These older templates often sample different parts of the brain unevenly, leading to biases in data analysis. For example, some areas of the brain might be overrepresented, while others are underrepresented, which can skew research results. Additionally, these templates typically rely on a spherical model of the brain, which distorts the natural shape of the brain and further complicates the analysis.</p>
<p>To address these issues, the Dartmouth team sought to create a new template that would offer more accurate and uniform sampling of the brain’s surface. They aimed to reduce biases in data analysis and improve the efficiency of neuroimaging studies, making it easier to replicate and validate research findings across different studies.</p>
<p>The team began by collecting data from 1,031 brain scans, drawn from 30 different datasets available on OpenNeuro, an open-source platform for sharing neuroimaging data. This large and diverse sample set allowed them to create a more representative model of the human brain than previous templates, which were based on much smaller sample sizes.</p>
<p>To build the onavg template, the researchers focused on accurately mapping the geometric shape of the brain’s surface. Unlike older templates that relied on a spherical approximation, onavg was designed to more closely follow the natural contours of the brain. The team optimized the placement of data points—known as “vertices”—across the brain’s surface to ensure they were distributed evenly. This uniform distribution of vertices means that every part of the brain is sampled with equal precision, reducing the biases present in older models.</p>
<p>The researchers then tested the new template using a variety of methods to ensure its accuracy and efficiency. They compared the performance of onavg with that of older templates in different scenarios, such as analyzing brain activity while participants watched movies. The results consistently showed that onavg provided more accurate and reliable data with less computational effort.</p>
<p>The onavg template significantly outperformed older models in several key areas. First, it provided more accurate mapping of brain activity, particularly in areas that were previously underrepresented in older templates. This means that researchers can now get a clearer and more accurate picture of how different parts of the brain function.</p>
<p>Second, onavg was more efficient. The template required less data to produce reliable results, which is a major advantage in neuroimaging studies. Collecting brain imaging data can be costly and time-consuming, and in some cases, such as studies on rare diseases, it can be difficult to gather enough data. With onavg, researchers can achieve the same level of accuracy with fewer data points, making studies more feasible and cost-effective.</p>
<p>Moreover, the uniform distribution of vertices in onavg reduced the computational time needed to analyze brain data. This is particularly important in large-scale studies where data processing can be a significant bottleneck. By speeding up these processes, onavg can help researchers analyze data more quickly and efficiently, enabling faster scientific discoveries.</p>
<p>Finally, the study demonstrated that onavg could improve the replicability and reproducibility of neuroimaging research. One of the biggest challenges in science today is ensuring that findings can be replicated in different studies. The more efficient data usage and reduced biases offered by onavg increase the likelihood that results from one study can be replicated in another, strengthening the overall reliability of neuroscientific research.</p>
<p>While the onavg template represents a significant advancement, it is not without limitations. One of the main limitations is that the template, like all models, is still an approximation. Although it is based on a large and diverse dataset, there are inherent variations in individual brains that may not be fully captured by any single template. As a result, while onavg reduces bias, it does not eliminate it entirely.</p>
<p>Another limitation is that onavg was tested primarily in specific types of neuroimaging studies, such as those involving movie-watching. While the results were positive, it remains to be seen how well the template performs across a broader range of tasks and in different populations, such as older adults or individuals with neurological disorders. Future research will be needed to validate the template in these contexts and to explore its potential applications in clinical settings.</p>
<p>Additionally, the development of the onavg template relied heavily on data from the OpenNeuro platform, which primarily includes brain scans from healthy individuals. Future research could benefit from including more diverse populations, such as individuals with various neurological conditions, to ensure that the template is as broadly applicable as possible.</p>
<p>In terms of future directions, the researchers are optimistic that the onavg template will have a broad impact across many areas of neuroscience. They suggest that it could be particularly useful in studies of vision, hearing, language, and individual differences in brain function, as well as in research on neurological disorders like autism and neurodegenerative diseases such as Alzheimer’s and Parkinson’s.</p>
<p>The team has made the onavg template freely available to the scientific community, encouraging other researchers to adopt it in their work. By doing so, they hope to promote more accurate, efficient, and replicable neuroimaging research, ultimately leading to a better understanding of the human brain.</p>
<p>“It’s very expensive to obtain data through neuroimaging and for some clinical populations— such as if you’re studying a rare disease—it can be difficult or impossible to acquire a large amount of data, so the ability to access better results with less data is an asset,” explained Feilong. “With more efficient data usage, our template can potentially increase the replicability and reproducibility of results in academic studies.”</p>
<p>“I think that onavg represents a methodological advancement that has broad applications across all aspects of cognitive and clinical neuroscience,” added co-author James Haxby, a professor in the Department of Psychological and Brain Sciences and former director of the Center for Cognitive Neuroscience at Dartmouth.</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41592-024-02346-y" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A cortical surface template for human neuroscience</a>,” was authored by Ma Feilong, Guo Jiahui, Maria Ida Gobbini, and James V. Haxby.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/neuroticism-linked-to-lower-brain-volume-in-individuals-unable-to-adapt-themselves-to-situations-in-life/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">Neuroticism linked to lower brain volume in individuals unable to adapt themselves to situations in life</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 15th 2024, 14:00</div>
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<p><p>The link between neuroticism and brain structure may not be as straightforward as once thought. New research suggests that neuroticism is associated with lower total brain volume, but this relationship only holds true for individuals with low behavioral adjustment. In contrast, those who are more adaptable to changing life situations seem to be shielded from the potential negative effects of neuroticism on brain volume. These findings, published in the <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/jopy.12858"><em>Journal of Personality</em></a>, provide new insights into how personality traits interact with coping mechanisms to influence brain health.</p>
<p>Neuroticism is a personality trait characterized by a tendency to experience frequent and intense negative emotions, such as anxiety, worry, anger, and sadness. Individuals high in neuroticism are more likely to perceive situations as threatening or challenging and often have a heightened sensitivity to stress. This trait is associated with greater vulnerability to mental health disorders, including anxiety and depression, as well as difficulties in coping with everyday stressors.</p>
<p>Neuroticism is considered one of the five major dimensions of personality in the Five-Factor model of personality, which also includes openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, and agreeableness.</p>
<p>Previous studies have shown that individuals high in neuroticism exhibit patterns of brain activity indicative of chronic stress and difficulty regulating emotions. For example, they tend to have a more reactive amygdala, a brain region involved in processing emotions like fear and anger. Additionally, there is decreased connectivity between the amygdala and the prefrontal cortex, which is responsible for higher cognitive functions such as decision-making and impulse control. These individuals also often have reduced gray matter volume, which comprises the brain’s neuronal cell bodies and dendrites.</p>
<p>Study author Qinggang Yu and his colleagues noted that higher levels of neuroticism are associated with lower total brain volume after controlling for the volume of space inside the skull (intracranial volume). However, there is evidence that this association might be attenuated or even reversed in individuals with high behavioral adjustment.</p>
<p>Behavioral adjustment refers to one’s ability to modify actions and responses to better align with the demands and expectations of a specific environment or situation. The study authors aimed to test whether behavioral adjustment modifies the link between neuroticism and brain volume.</p>
<p>They analyzed data from the <a href="http://www.midus.wisc.edu/">Midlife in the United States</a> study, a long-term research project investigating factors influencing physical and mental health, well-being, and aging processes among adults in the United States, with a focus on the midlife period. More specifically, they used data from the “refresher” group, a probabilistic sample of 3,577 U.S. residents, plus 508 Black Americans from Milwaukee, WI. Of these individuals, 127 underwent magnetic resonance imaging, and their data were used in the analysis. Sixty-seven of them were female, and their average age was 49 years.</p>
<p>Participants completed an assessment of neuroticism using a 31-item adjective list, and an assessment of behavioral adjustment using a 5-item scale (e.g., “When values held by others sound more reasonable, I can adjust my values to theirs,” “I usually follow the opinions of people I can respect,” or “Once something has happened, I try to adjust myself to it because it is difficult to change it myself”). In their analyses, the study authors also controlled for differences in intracranial volume, age, sex, race, education, and conscientiousness.</p>
<p>Results showed that the association between neuroticism and total brain volume is too small for researchers to be confident that it is not just random. This remained the case after controlling for intracranial volume, age, sex, race, education, and conscientiousness.</p>
<p>Further analyses revealed that this association depends on behavioral adjustment. In participants with high behavioral adjustment, there was no link between neuroticism and total brain volume. However, in participants with low levels of behavioral adjustment, those with higher levels of neuroticism tended to have lower brain volumes.</p>
<p>“Our data are consistent with the hypothesis that neuroticism sensitizes people to perceive threat cues and experience stress. For those lacking the ability or willingness to adjust one’s behavior to cope with situational demands, neuroticism may magnify the stress, thereby deregulating the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis. The resulting rise of cortisol could be associated with atrophy of brain tissue. For those who are both able and willing to adjust their behaviors to cope with various situations, physiological pathways for regulating stress could remain intact, which attenuates the link between neuroticism and potential neurodegeneration,” the study authors concluded.</p>
<p>The study sheds light on the links between brain volume and neuroticism. However, while the study authors interpret the results as a likely effect of neuroticism on brain volume, the design of the study itself does not allow any cause-and-effect conclusions to be drawn from the data. While it is possible that neuroticism leads to brain atrophy in the way proposed by the authors, it would be necessary to demonstrate that it is not some aspect of brain structure, observed as reduced brain volume, that produces high levels of neuroticism.</p>
<p>The paper, “<a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1111/jopy.12858">Behavioral adjustment moderates the effect of neuroticism on brain volume relative to intracranial volume,</a>” was authored by Qinggang Yu, Stacey M. Schaefer, Richard J. Davidson, and Shinobu Kitayama.</p></p>
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<td><a href="https://www.psypost.org/new-research-sheds-light-on-the-effects-of-sexual-performance-anxiety-in-couples/" style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; letter-spacing:-1px;margin:0;padding:0 0 2px;font-weight: bold;font-size: 19px;line-height: 20px;color:#222;">New research sheds light on the effects of sexual performance anxiety in couples</a>
<div style="font-family:Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align:left;color:#999;font-size:11px;font-weight:bold;line-height:15px;">Aug 15th 2024, 12:00</div>
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<p><p>Sexual performance anxiety has long been recognized as a challenge for many, yet its true impact on relationships has remained somewhat of a mystery. New research published in <em><a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2024.2357587" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Journal of Sex Research</a></em> has now shed light on how this anxiety affects both partners in a relationship. The findings highlight that both men and women experience sexual performance anxiety, though the specific worries and reactions may differ.</p>
<p>Previous studies have highlighted the negative impact of sexual dysfunction on both individual satisfaction and relationship dynamics, yet the specific role of sexual performance anxiety in these outcomes had not been thoroughly investigated. The researchers aimed to explore not only the cognitive and emotional aspects of sexual performance anxiety but also how these experiences might be influenced by gender role expectations.</p>
<p>“Several years ago, I stumbled upon an article, I believe by Ian Kerner, that spoke about late adolescent to young adult men using Viagra to alleviate their sexual performance anxiety,” said study author Amanda Bockaj, a PhD student in clinical psychology at the University of New Brunswick.</p>
<p>“What I found so interesting, besides the fact of how young these males were, was that these individuals did not have erectile dysfunction but were more so worried about the potential of not achieving or maintaining an erection, and the embarrassment that would follow. Therefore, before even experiencing that issue, these men would take Viagra which would then alleviate their anxiety.”</p>
<p>“I spoke to my supervisor about this work and dug into the literature on sexual performance anxiety. To our surprise, there wasn’t that much research focused on this form of anxiety, and the work that had been done was highly focused on men. That’s when we decided to look into men’s and women’s experiences with sexual performance anxiety and how this form of anxiety may be related to personal and relationship well-being among community couples (couples who may not experience frequent sexual performance anxiety).”</p>
<p>To explore how men and women describe their experiences of sexual performance anxiety, the researchers recruited a sample of 51 individuals through an online platform, focusing on those who reported frequent sexual performance anxiety. Participants were asked to complete an open-ended survey in which they described their most recent experiences with sexual performance anxiety. The survey included questions about the thoughts running through their minds during these episodes, the feelings they experienced, how they tried to cope with their anxiety, and whether they believed this anxiety had affected their sex life or relationship.</p>
<p>The findings revealed three primary themes in participants’ experiences: feelings of inadequacy, physiological concerns such as low arousal, and distraction during sexual activity. Feelings of inadequacy were the most commonly reported, particularly among women, who often worried about their appearance and their ability to please their partner. Men were more likely to express concerns about their physical performance, such as maintaining an erection.</p>
<p>The study also highlighted different coping strategies, with some participants using approach strategies, like communication and focusing on other forms of intimacy, while others employed avoidance strategies, such as avoiding sex altogether or continuing sex despite discomfort to avoid conflict. These findings provided valuable insights into the cognitive and emotional processes involved in sexual performance anxiety and underscored the importance of considering both gender and relationship dynamics in understanding this issue.</p>
<p>“We saw in Study 1 that both men and women experience difficulties with frequent sexual performance anxiety, so it’s not just experienced by men, which has been the focus of previous research,” Bockaj told PsyPost. “Among our men and women participants, the most common negative thoughts reported during their sexual experiences were inadequacy (i.e., worrying about not pleasing their partner, body image concerns/attractiveness, not feeling confident in a new sexual position) and physiological and low arousal (i.e., achieving and/or maintaining an erection or vaginal wetness).”</p>
<p>“We hypothesize these negative thoughts may be learned through sexual social norms and experiences; which may be myths or dysfunctional beliefs such as men should be ready at all times to have sex and women should be attractive and know how to please their partner. People who experience frequent sexual performance anxiety and these negative thoughts during sexual experiences may find therapeutic services beneficial. During therapy, these individuals can challenge these negative thoughts and gain some sexual education knowledge to debunk those dysfunctional beliefs.”</p>
<p>Building on these insights, the researchers conducted a second study to examine how sexual performance anxiety affects not just the individual, but also their romantic partner and the overall relationship. The researchers recruited a larger and more diverse sample of 228 couples through online advertisements. Both partners in each couple were asked to complete surveys that assessed their levels of sexual performance anxiety, sexual distress, sexual satisfaction, and relationship satisfaction.</p>
<p>The results revealed that higher levels of sexual performance anxiety in one partner were indeed associated with higher sexual distress and lower sexual and relationship satisfaction in both partners. These effects were consistent across genders, indicating that sexual performance anxiety is not just a male issue but affects people of all genders in similar ways. This study demonstrated that sexual performance anxiety has significant implications for relationship dynamics, and that it can negatively impact both partners’ well-being, not just the individual experiencing the anxiety.</p>
<p>“When individuals report higher levels of sexual performance anxiety, they report higher sexual distress, lower sexual satisfaction, and lower relationship satisfaction, and so do their partners,” Bockaj said. “This showed that one individual’s sexual performance anxiety is not only linked to their own personal well-being but also their partner’s well-being as well.”</p>
<p>“We propose that individuals be open with their partners by using sexual communication. Letting your partner know where you are at when having sex can be very helpful to be on the same page and work as a team to make sure both partners are comfortable and working towards a satisfying sexual experience. These recommendations are based on both Study 1 and 2 findings.”</p>
<p>While this study provides valuable insights into sexual performance anxiety, it has some limitations to consider. For instance, the cross-sectional nature of the study also means that the researchers could not determine the direction of the effects — whether sexual performance anxiety leads to lower satisfaction, or if lower satisfaction increases anxiety. Longitudinal studies, which follow participants over time, could also help clarify the direction of the relationships between sexual performance anxiety, sexual distress, and relationship satisfaction.</p>
<p>“Currently, we are examining the relationship between sexual dysfunctional beliefs and sexual performance anxiety among individuals who experience this form of anxiety frequently,” Bockaj said. “We also are examining whether sexual motives (avoidance versus approach) play a role in moderating between sexual performance anxiety and sexual well-being outcomes.”</p>
<p>The study, “<a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00224499.2024.2357587" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Under Pressure: Men’s and Women’s Sexual Performance Anxiety in the Sexual Interactions of Adult Couples</a>,” was authored by Amanda Bockaj, Megan D. Muise, Charlene F. Belu, Natalie O. Rosen, and Lucia F. O’Sullivan.</p></p>
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<p><strong>Forwarded by:<br />
Michael Reeder LCPC<br />
Baltimore, MD</strong></p>
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