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PsyPost – Psychology News Daily Digest (Unofficial)

 

(https://www.psypost.org/science-confirms-the-sexual-afterglow-is-real-and-pinpoints-factors-that-make-it-linger-longer/) Science confirms the “sexual afterglow” is real — and pinpoints factors that make it linger longer
Feb 13th 2025, 08:00

Want to keep the happy feelings in your relationship going strong? New research published in (https://doi.org/10.1177/19485506241312962) Social Psychological and Personality Science suggests that sex can provide a relationship satisfaction boost that lasts much longer than just the act itself. Scientists discovered that the positive “afterglow” of sex can linger for at least 24 hours, and it’s especially powerful when sex is a mutual decision or initiated by one partner, while sexual rejection can unfortunately create a negative ripple effect lasting several days.
Prior studies have shown that sexual satisfaction not only enhances daily contentment within a relationship but also contributes to its health over months and even years. Given the well-documented benefits of satisfying sex, it might seem surprising that most couples in long-term relationships engage in sexual activity relatively infrequently, typically only once or twice a week.
This infrequency raises an intriguing question: how can sex have such a profound and lasting impact on a relationship if it is not a daily occurrence? This observation suggests that individual instances of sexual intimacy might have psychological effects that extend far beyond the immediate moment, significantly influencing overall well-being in the relationship.
To explore this idea, researchers sought to understand more about the phenomenon of “sexual afterglow,” the lingering feeling of sexual satisfaction following sexual activity. Earlier work in this area indicated that sexual satisfaction could remain elevated for up to two days after sex. However, (https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1948550619888884) a more recent study suggested that this afterglow might last even longer, potentially up to five days, and that it could be influenced by factors such as who initiated the sexual encounter and whether sexual rejection was involved.
These findings highlighted the complex nature of sexual afterglow and raised important questions about the roles of sexual initiation and rejection. The current research aimed to gain a more comprehensive understanding of sexual afterglow, building upon these previous findings. In addition to examining whether sex was initiated by oneself or a partner, the researchers also considered the impact of sex that was mutually initiated by both partners. They also examined whether individual differences—such as how much importance a person places on sex—altered the strength of this afterglow.
“I am very interested in evolutionary perspectives on our behavior, especially as it relates to our romantic relationships. This phenomenon, sexual afterglow, helps us to understand an important function of sex. In addition to reproduction, sex also helps us to feel bonded with our romantic partners, despite occurring less frequently than other pair-bonding behaviors such as expressing love and affection,” explained study author Olivia Breedin, a doctoral candidate at Florida State University.
“I also believe that it is important to replicate findings in our field, this helps to build trust and confidence in psychological research. Thus, I like that we replicated my advisor, Dr. Andrea Meltzer’s, (https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797617691361) pioneering finding on sexual afterglow, and included those data as well as our current data and that of another recent replication to conduct integrative data analyses of the sexual afterglow effect.”
The researchers conducted two related studies using a daily diary approach. They recruited a total of 576 individuals through an online platform called Prolific. Participants in the first study were married individuals, while those in the second study were in partnered relationships.
At the beginning of the study, they filled out a baseline survey that collected information about their demographics, their attachment style in relationships (specifically, how anxious and avoidant they were), their level of sexual desire, and how frequently they desired to have sex. Then, every evening for either 12 or 14 days, participants reported whether they had engaged in any form of sex with their partner that day. They also rated their sexual satisfaction and their overall relationship satisfaction for that day.
In addition, on days when sex occurred, participants indicated who initiated the sexual activity on a scale from “100% me” to “100% my partner.” In the first study only, on days when sex did not occur, participants reported who was responsible for the decision not to have sex, using the same scale. This allowed researchers to identify instances of sexual rejection. In addition to these questions, participants rated their satisfaction with their sex life and with their overall relationship each day.
The team then used statistical techniques that took into account the repeated measurements from each participant over the course of the study. They examined how sexual satisfaction on any given day was related to whether sex occurred that day and on previous days. In other words, they looked at the immediate boost in satisfaction when sex took place as well as the lingering “afterglow” that might continue on the following days. The researchers also controlled for other factors that could influence these feelings, such as personality traits, self-esteem, and depressive symptoms, ensuring that the effects they observed were truly linked to the sexual experience itself.
The findings confirmed that sex on a given day was associated with higher sexual satisfaction on that same day. More interestingly, the study revealed that the positive effects of a sexual encounter did not vanish immediately. When the researchers examined data from one day later, they found a measurable increase in sexual satisfaction compared to days when no sex occurred. This one-day afterglow was consistent across the two studies and held true even when taking into account other personal and relationship factors. The researchers extended their analysis to look at associations up to seven days after sex, but the most reliable and robust effect was observed for the day immediately following the sexual encounter.
When sex was initiated by the partner or when both partners mutually decided to have sex, the positive afterglow was generally stronger than when the encounter was initiated solely by the individual reporting. This suggests that when a partner’s interest is clearly communicated, the resulting boost in sexual satisfaction may be more pronounced. On the other hand, self-initiated sex produced a somewhat weaker afterglow, although the difference was modest.
In addition to positive encounters, the researchers also examined the effects of sexual rejection. On days when a participant either rejected their partner’s sexual advance or felt rejected themselves, sexual satisfaction was lower. Not only did these negative experiences impact satisfaction on the day they occurred, but the negative effects could persist for up to three days afterward.
However, when the researchers combined their data with results from earlier studies in a mini-meta-analysis, the overall picture for sexual rejection was less clear-cut. While the new data suggested that rejection can have lingering negative effects, the combined analyses indicated that sexual rejection did not reliably produce lasting aftereffects across all samples. This difference highlights the possibility that the impact of rejection may depend on the context or the specific dynamics of the relationship.
Another important finding was the link between the afterglow of sexual satisfaction and relationship satisfaction. In both individual analyses and in the combined data from previous studies, a stronger sexual afterglow was associated with higher relationship satisfaction on the following day. This suggests that the boost in positive feelings following sex may spill over into a person’s overall view of their relationship. In other words, when a sexual encounter leaves one feeling good, this positivity can help improve the overall quality of the relationship—even if sex happens relatively infrequently.
“Discrete acts have lasting implications,” Breedin told PsyPost. “Having sex is associated with heightened feelings of satisfaction for at least a day, and maybe even longer for some people. This may be especially true when this sex communicates your partner’s interest, i.e., it is initiated by them or is mutually initiated. On the other hand, being sexually rejected may be associated with decreased feelings of satisfaction for a few days.”
The researchers were also interested in whether the strength of the sexual afterglow depended on how much importance a person places on sex. They looked at factors such as biological sex, attachment anxiety, the intensity of sexual desire, and how often a person would like to have sex. Contrary to what might be expected, the data showed little evidence that these individual differences had a significant influence on the length or strength of the afterglow.
“I was surprised that none of the variables associated with the importance of sex: biological sex (male or female), attachment anxiety, sexual desire, or desired sexual frequency, moderated the sexual afterglow effect,” Breedin said. “People who were higher or lower on these variables, or male, did not have differing strength of sexual afterglow.”
Like all studies, this research comes with some limitations. One limitation is that participants reported on their experiences once per day in the evening. Because of this, the exact time when sex occurred was not pinpointed, leaving some uncertainty about how long after the encounter the afterglow really lasts.
“It would be interesting to get more precise estimates of the length of sexual afterglow in the future, perhaps using a methodology such as ecological momentary assessments,” Breedin said.
Looking ahead, the research team plans to explore the lingering effects of other types of relationship behaviors. The idea is to examine whether other meaningful interactions between partners—such as sharing affectionate moments, engaging in supportive conversations, or even enjoying a shared meal—might also produce lasting benefits that spill over into overall relationship satisfaction.
“I like the idea of examining different types of ‘afterglow’ or examining the lasting effects of other relationship behaviors,” Breedin said. “I also think it would be interesting to continue to explore the universality of afterglow, to find out if there are other individual differences that influence the strength of sexual afterglow.”
The study, “(https://doi.org/10.1177/19485506241312962) Sexual Afterglow: How Long Does It Last and Does It Vary by the Relative Importance of Sex, Who Initiates It, or Who Rejects It?“, was authored by Olivia W. Breedin, Andrea L. Meltzer, Jordan A. Turner, Lindsey L. Hicks, Juliana E. French, Emma E. Altgelt, and James K. McNulty.

(https://www.psypost.org/loneliness-may-explain-why-social-anxiety-is-linked-to-blunted-stress-response-study-suggests/) Loneliness may explain why social anxiety is linked to blunted stress response, study suggests
Feb 13th 2025, 06:00

People who experience high levels of social anxiety may show a weaker cardiovascular response to stressful situations, and new research suggests that feelings of loneliness could be a key factor in this link. The study found that socially anxious individuals reported feeling lonelier, and this loneliness was associated with a diminished increase in blood pressure during stress, a response that could potentially have negative long-term health implications. The findings were recently published in the (https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijpsycho.2025.112517) International Journal of Psychophysiology.
Previous studies have shown that social anxiety is associated with a range of health problems, including heart issues, inflammation, and high blood pressure. One area of particular interest has been how socially anxious individuals respond to acute stress, the kind of short-term stress we experience in everyday challenges. However, the findings from these studies have been inconsistent. Some research has indicated that socially anxious people exhibit reduced cardiovascular responses to stress, while others have found the opposite or no relationship at all. This inconsistency prompted researchers to look for factors that might explain these varying results and to better understand the connection between social anxiety and the body’s reaction to stress.
“I have a strong passion for understanding how psychological factors influence physical health, particularly cardiovascular health,” explained study author Adam O’Riordan. “My research at the University of Texas at San Antonio (PHASELab) focuses on identifying how stress responses serve as a pathway linking social anxiety, loneliness, and other psychological factors to cardiovascular outcomes. By examining physiological responses to stress—such as cardiovascular reactivity and recovery—I aim to uncover mechanisms that contribute to long-term health risks like hypertension and cardiovascular disease.”
To investigate this further, a team of scientists explored whether loneliness plays a role in the relationship between social anxiety and cardiovascular reactivity. They recruited 658 adults from a larger ongoing study examining health and well-being across midlife in the United States. Participants visited a clinical research unit over two days.
On the first day, they completed questionnaires designed to measure their levels of social anxiety and loneliness. Social anxiety was assessed using a questionnaire that asked about fear and anxiety in various social situations, such as talking to authority figures or being the center of attention. Loneliness was measured using a scale that included statements about feeling isolated, lacking close relationships, and not having anyone to turn to.
On the second day, participants underwent a cardiovascular reactivity protocol. This involved a period of rest to establish a baseline, followed by two stress-inducing tasks: a mental arithmetic task and a Stroop color-word task.
During the mental arithmetic task, participants had to solve math problems of varying difficulty within a time limit. The task adjusted to their performance, becoming harder if they answered correctly and easier if they made mistakes. The Stroop task required participants to identify the color of a word presented on a screen, but the word itself was the name of a different color (for example, the word “blue” printed in red ink). This task is known to create mental conflict and stress as people have to override their automatic reading response.
Throughout both the baseline rest period and the stress tasks, the researchers continuously monitored participants’ systolic blood pressure (the top number in a blood pressure reading), diastolic blood pressure (the bottom number), and heart rate. Participants also reported their subjective stress levels on a scale of one to ten before and after the stress tasks. This allowed the researchers to confirm that the tasks were indeed perceived as stressful.
As expected, the researchers found that the stress tasks successfully increased participants’ blood pressure and heart rate, and participants reported feeling more stressed after the tasks, confirming the tasks were stressful. The study also confirmed that higher levels of social anxiety were associated with greater self-reported stress in response to the tasks.
However, surprisingly, when looking at the direct relationship between social anxiety and cardiovascular reactivity, the researchers found no significant associations. In other words, social anxiety alone did not directly predict how much participants’ blood pressure or heart rate changed during the stress tasks.
In contrast, loneliness showed a significant association with blood pressure reactivity. Higher levels of loneliness were linked to lower systolic and diastolic blood pressure reactivity, meaning that lonelier individuals showed a smaller increase in blood pressure during stress.
The researchers then tested whether loneliness might explain the relationship between social anxiety and cardiovascular reactivity. Using a statistical technique called mediation analysis, they found that loneliness did indeed act as a mediator. This means that social anxiety was associated with higher levels of loneliness, and this increased loneliness, in turn, was associated with diminished blood pressure responses to stress.
Essentially, the pathway appeared to be that social anxiety leads to increased loneliness, and loneliness then contributes to a blunted blood pressure response during stressful situations. This mediating effect of loneliness was significant for both systolic and diastolic blood pressure, but not for heart rate.
The researchers highlighted that while a strong cardiovascular response to stress was once thought to be solely detrimental to health, recent evidence suggests that a blunted, or weakened, response can also be problematic. An inadequate cardiovascular reaction to stress might indicate a disengagement from the stressful situation or a dysregulation of the body’s stress response system.
“Socially anxious individuals often limit their opportunities to form meaningful social connections due to persistent negative self-beliefs, negative interpretations of social events, and avoidance of social situations,” O’Riordan told PsyPost. “As a result, they frequently report heightened levels of social isolation and loneliness. Findings from our study indicate that loneliness is a key factor in social anxiety, contributing to adverse physiological and psychological responses to acute stress and, ultimately, poorer health outcomes.”
The researchers acknowledged some limitations of their study. The study’s design cannot definitively prove that social anxiety causes loneliness, which then causes blunted cardiovascular reactivity. The direction of these relationships could be more complex. For instance, it is possible that blunted cardiovascular reactivity could, in itself, contribute to increased anxiety. It is also unclear whether the observed effects are stable over time or if they fluctuate with changes in a person’s life circumstances.
Additionally, the study used a general population sample, which means that the participants exhibited a range of social anxiety symptoms rather than representing individuals with a diagnosed social anxiety disorder. This could mean that the effects observed in this study might be more pronounced in clinical populations where social anxiety is more severe and chronic.
Despite these limitations, the findings suggest that loneliness may be an important factor explaining why some socially anxious individuals show blunted blood pressure responses to stress. This blunted response, while seemingly counterintuitive, might be a mechanism that could contribute to adverse health outcomes over time.
The study, “(https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0167876025000133) Loneliness mediates the association between trait social anxiety and cardiovascular reactivity to acute psychological stress,” was authored by Adam O’Riordan and Aisling M. Costello.

(https://www.psypost.org/ozempic-blindness-serious-vision-problems-reported-in-patients-taking-weight-loss-medications/) Ozempic blindness? Serious vision problems reported in patients taking weight loss medications
Feb 12th 2025, 20:00

A new study published (https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamaophthalmology/fullarticle/2829326) JAMA Ophthalmology has brought attention to a series of vision problems observed in patients taking semaglutide and tirzepatide, popular drugs for type 2 diabetes and obesity. In this report, nine patients experienced serious eye complications—including seven cases of a condition where reduced blood flow to the optic nerve leads to vision loss, one case of swelling of the optic nerve, and one case affecting the retina. Although the study does not prove these drugs are the direct cause, the findings raise concerns that rapid improvements in blood sugar levels may be linked to these visual issues.
Semaglutide is the active component in Ozempic, Wegovy, and Rybelsus, while tirzepatide is found in Mounjaro and Zepbound. In 2023, nearly two percent of Americans received a prescription for semaglutide.
Semaglutide and tirzepatide are both medications belonging to a class of drugs known as incretin-based therapies. These drugs are widely prescribed to manage type 2 diabetes and obesity. They work by mimicking the actions of natural hormones in the body that are released after eating. Semaglutide primarily acts as an agonist for the glucagon-like peptide 1 (GLP-1) receptor, while tirzepatide acts as an agonist for both the GLP-1 and gastric inhibitory polypeptide (GIP) receptors. By activating these receptors, these medications help to lower blood sugar levels and promote weight loss. They achieve this by increasing insulin release, decreasing glucagon secretion (a hormone that raises blood sugar), slowing down stomach emptying, and reducing appetite.
The motivation for this recent study arose from a concerning clinical observation made by Bradley J. Katz of the John A. Moran Eye Center at University of Utah Health. Katz encountered a patient who experienced sudden vision loss shortly after starting semaglutide. What was particularly striking was that when the patient, upon medical advice, restarted the medication after a brief pause, a similar vision problem occurred in the other eye.
This unusual and sequential pattern of vision loss in direct temporal proximity to semaglutide use raised a red flag for Katz. He recognized the need to investigate whether this was an isolated incident or if there might be a broader, previously unrecognized link between these increasingly popular medications and specific eye complications. This initial patient case served as the catalyst for a wider inquiry into the potential ocular side effects associated with semaglutide and similar drugs like tirzepatide.
Katz initiated an informal inquiry. He posted a description of this patient’s case on NANOSnet, an online forum used by members of the North American Neuro-Ophthalmology Society. This professional network comprises over 800 neuro-ophthalmologists who share clinical experiences and discuss challenging cases. Dr. Katz’s query specifically asked if any other neuro-ophthalmologists had observed similar eye complications in patients taking semaglutide or tirzepatide.
The outreach through NANOSnet proved fruitful. In response to Katz’s query, four neuro-ophthalmologists reported seeing patients with ocular complications who were also using either semaglutide or tirzepatide. In addition to this listserv inquiry, Katz also consulted the National Registry of Drug-Induced Ocular Side Effects to identify any previously reported cases linking these medications to eye problems.
Through these combined methods – the initial case observation, the professional network query, and the registry search – the researchers compiled a total of nine cases that formed the basis of their study. Seven of these patients were diagnosed with nonarteritic anterior ischemic optic neuropathy, a condition where blood flow to the optic nerve is suddenly reduced, leading to damage. One patient was diagnosed with papillitis, which is inflammation of the optic nerve. The final patient was diagnosed with paracentral acute middle maculopathy, a condition affecting the central retina, the light-sensitive tissue at the back of the eye.
For each patient, the researchers collected detailed information. This included their age, sex, the specific medication they were taking (semaglutide or tirzepatide), how long they had been taking it, their history of vascular risk factors like diabetes and high blood pressure, and the specifics of their eye condition. They noted whether the optic nerve swelling was in one or both eyes, whether the vision loss was painful or occurred upon waking, and the degree of visual impairment. They also looked at the cup-disc ratio, a measure of the optic nerve’s appearance, and used imaging techniques like magnetic resonance imaging to visualize the optic nerve and brain.
In some cases, they also performed visual field tests to map out areas of vision loss and blood tests to rule out other potential causes. The study was conducted in accordance with ethical guidelines for human research, ensuring patient privacy and the responsible use of medical information.
The analysis of these nine cases revealed several notable patterns. Among the seven patients with nonarteritic anterior ischemic optic neuropathy, some experienced typical symptoms like sudden, painless vision loss in one eye upon waking. These patients also showed optic nerve swelling and characteristic visual field defects. Imaging in these cases often confirmed the optic nerve abnormalities.
However, some cases presented in less typical ways. For instance, one patient experienced vision problems in both eyes sequentially, linked to starting and restarting semaglutide. Two other patients showed swelling in both optic nerves at the initial examination, and one patient experienced a gradual worsening of vision over several weeks. The patient with papillitis showed sequential swelling in each optic nerve at different times. The patient with paracentral acute middle maculopathy experienced a shadow in their vision, and specialized retinal imaging confirmed damage to the inner layers of the retina.
Importantly, the researchers considered possible explanations for these eye conditions in patients taking semaglutide or tirzepatide. They noted that rapid improvement in blood sugar control, which is a known effect of these medications, might play a role. It is thought that quickly lowering blood sugar levels could potentially lead to optic nerve swelling and subsequent damage in susceptible individuals.
This idea is supported by previous findings linking rapid blood sugar correction to papillitis and by the observation of bilateral optic nerve swelling in some of the reported cases. While other medications have been linked to nonarteritic anterior ischemic optic neuropathy, none of the patients in this series were taking these other drugs, making the potential association with semaglutide and tirzepatide more noteworthy.
The researchers acknowledged that their study has limitations. As a case series, it describes a group of patients but lacks a comparison group of individuals taking these medications who did not develop eye problems. This absence of a control group, along with the retrospective nature of the data collection, means that it is impossible to definitively prove that semaglutide or tirzepatide caused these eye conditions.
“This review was not conducted in any way that we can say these drugs caused the complications,” said Katz. “Further studies are needed to test our hypothesis. However, this is an important issue for ophthalmologists as we monitor the usage of these drugs and how to best be in communication with our patients about them.”
With these medications becoming more widely used to manage type 2 diabetes and obesity, the researchers said it is essential for both doctors and patients to be aware of the potential for serious eye complications. Patients who notice any sudden changes in their vision, such as blurring or loss of vision upon waking, should seek an eye examination as soon as possible. Early detection of problems may allow for adjustments in treatment that could help protect the eyes from further damage.
“The message to the patient is that we are still investigating if these drugs put them at higher risk of ischemic optic nerve damage,” said Norah S. Lincoff, a co-author on the paper and professor of neurology in the Jacobs School of Medicine and Biomedical Sciences at the University at Buffalo. “The message to the primary care provider is, if a patient on one of these medications calls you and says that there is blurring or vision loss, have them see their ophthalmologist as soon as possible. Don’t wait. Maybe it’s a fluctuation in glucose or it could be something more serious.”
The study, “(https://doi.org/10.1001/jamaophthalmol.2024.6058) Ophthalmic Complications Associated With the Antidiabetic Drugs Semaglutide and Tirzepatide,” was authored by Bradley J. Katz, Michael S. Lee, Norah S. Lincoff, Anne S. Abel, Somya Chowdhary, Brian D. Ellis, Ahmad Najafi, John Nguyen, Meagan D. Seay, and Judith E. A. Warner.

(https://www.psypost.org/neuroscientists-find-that-beautiful-music-sparks-unique-brain-connectivity-patterns/) Neuroscientists find beautiful music sparks unique brain connectivity patterns
Feb 12th 2025, 18:00

When we listen to music and find it beautiful, our brains engage in a different pattern of activity compared to when we listen to music we don’t find beautiful. A recent study using brain imaging technology discovered that experiencing beauty in music involves increased communication between brain areas associated with reward and visual processing, while listening to music considered less beautiful is linked to more activity in brain regions responsible for basic sensory processing. This suggests that appreciating musical beauty is a complex process that goes beyond just hearing the sounds, involving higher-level brain functions like pleasure and mental imagery.
The research was published in the journal (https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-21989-001) Psychology of Aesthetics Creativity and the Arts.
Humans have a universal tendency to find beauty in things around them and to enjoy this experience. This ability to appreciate beauty is thought to be deeply rooted in our biology and has likely played a role in human evolution. Music is one of the most common sources of beauty in our lives, with people around the world spending a significant amount of time listening to it.
While we know that judging music as beautiful or not is a common and seemingly natural human behavior, the brain processes behind this aesthetic judgment are not fully understood. Previous research has identified some key brain regions that become active when we make aesthetic judgments, particularly a region called the orbitofrontal cortex, which is involved in evaluating rewards.
However, these studies often focused on activity in specific areas and did not fully explore how different brain regions communicate with each other over time during the experience of musical beauty. Researchers wanted to take a closer look at these dynamic brain connections to understand what happens in the brain when we listen to music and decide whether it is beautiful or not. They used a new method that allows them to track changes in brain connectivity as they happen over time, hoping to reveal more about the neural mechanisms behind our aesthetic experiences of music.
To explore this question, researchers recruited 36 healthy adults with varying levels of musical background. During the study, participants lay in a brain scanner that uses functional magnetic resonance imaging, or fMRI. This technology measures brain activity by detecting changes in blood flow. While in the scanner, participants listened to a piece of music called “Adios Nonino” by Astor Piazzolla. This piece was chosen because it contains a lot of musical variety, including contrasting sections, and previous studies had shown that people tend to have consistent opinions about which parts are beautiful.
In a separate session, with a different group of people, the researchers had participants continuously rate the perceived beauty of the same Piazzolla music piece. They used a motion sensor, similar to a video game controller, to allow participants to indicate in real-time whether they found the music beautiful or not. By analyzing these ratings, the researchers were able to identify specific musical passages that were consistently rated as “beautiful” and other passages consistently rated as “non-beautiful.”
After identifying these beautiful and non-beautiful musical segments based on the ratings, the researchers went back to the brain scan data from the participants who had listened to the music in the scanner. They used a sophisticated analysis technique called Leading Eigenvector Dynamics Analysis to examine how different brain regions communicated with each other while participants listened to the music. This method is designed to capture the changing patterns of brain connectivity as they occur over time, rather than just looking at average connectivity over the entire listening period.
The analysis identified recurring patterns of brain communication, which the researchers called “functional connectivity states.” They then compared how often these different brain connectivity states occurred when participants were listening to the musical passages rated as beautiful versus when they were listening to the passages rated as non-beautiful. They also looked at how frequently the brain switched between these different connectivity states in both conditions. This allowed them to see if there were specific brain network patterns and transitions associated with experiencing musical beauty.
The researchers identified 12 distinct, recurring patterns of brain connectivity that occurred while participants listened to the music. When they compared the occurrence of these states during beautiful versus non-beautiful music listening, they found that three states showed significant differences. One brain connectivity state, which involved visual areas of the brain located at the back of the head, was more frequently observed when participants listened to music rated as beautiful. These visual areas are typically associated with processing what we see, but they can also be involved in mental imagery and visualization.
In contrast, two other brain connectivity states were more frequent when participants listened to music rated as non-beautiful. One of these states primarily involved auditory brain regions, specifically areas responsible for basic sound processing, located in the temporal lobes near the ears. The other state that was more common during non-beautiful music listening was more complex, involving not only auditory areas but also brain regions related to movement control, sensory processing, and emotion processing, such as the amygdala, known for its role in processing emotions like fear.
Furthermore, the researchers examined how frequently the brain transitioned between these different connectivity states. They discovered that during listening to beautiful music, there were more frequent transitions involving a network that included the orbitofrontal cortex (the reward evaluation area), visual areas, and regions related to reward processing. This suggests that when we experience musical beauty, there is a dynamic interplay and rapid communication between brain regions involved in reward, visual imagery, and overall evaluation.
Conversely, during listening to non-beautiful music, there were more frequent transitions involving brain states related to auditory processing and regions associated with emotional responses, such as the amygdala and insula. This might indicate that when we listen to music we don’t find beautiful, our brains are more focused on processing the auditory information itself and dealing with potentially negative emotional responses.
While these findings offer valuable insights into the brain networks involved in aesthetic musical experiences, the researchers acknowledge some limitations. This study was exploratory, using a relatively new method for analyzing brain connectivity, and the statistical differences observed were not very strong after correcting for multiple comparisons. This means that while the results are suggestive and interesting, they should be interpreted with some caution and need to be confirmed in future studies.
Future research should investigate the robustness of these findings using larger groups of participants, different musical pieces, and further explore the capabilities of this dynamic brain connectivity analysis technique. Moving forward, researchers aim to further unravel the complex and dynamic interplay of brain networks that contribute to our rich and varied aesthetic experiences with music, and how these networks shift and communicate as we listen and judge music’s beauty.
The study, “(https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/aca0000681) Beauty Is in the Brain Networks of the Beholder: An Exploratory Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging Study,” was authored by Ruijiao Dai, Petri Toiviainen, Peter Vuust, Thomas Jacobsen, and Elvira Brattico.

(https://www.psypost.org/expert-explains-the-devastating-psychology-of-romance-scams-after-brad-pitt-fraud-case/) Expert explains the devastating psychology of romance scams after “Brad Pitt” fraud case
Feb 12th 2025, 16:00

(https://www.cnn.com/2025/01/18/entertainment/video/fake-brad-pitt-ai-image-lcl-digvid) The story of an extraordinary romance fraud is making global headlines as its victim is mocked around the world for her naïveté.
The story of Anne, a French woman in her 50s, was recently broadcast on the French TV channel TFI. Anne explained how she ended up paying 830,000 Euros ($1.2 million) to swindlers posing as a sickly Brad Pitt, who was supposedly in love with her. The scammers sent fake selfies generated by artificial intelligence.
Anne was ruined financially by the fraud and has attempted to take her own life three times. (https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/jan/14/french-tv-show-pulled-ridicule-woman-fell-ai-brad-pitt) TF1 withdrew the report from all its platforms because of the wave of harassment that ensued.
Yet research shows that victims of romance fraud do not lack judgment as much as people assume. On the contrary, a (https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/pdf/10.1089/cyber.2016.0729) large proportion of victims are highly educated.
As an expert in the field of technology fraud, I want to shed some light on the typical pattern of romance fraud and expose the psychological factors that make victims vulnerable to this type of scam.
A scam that exploits emotions
Romance fraud, also known as romance scam, is a form of extortion that exploits human emotions.
Fraudsters use fictitious romantic relationships, often created online, (https://spvm.qc.ca/en/Fiches/Details/Fact-sheetRomance-scams) to extract money or goods from their victims. According to the Canadian Anti-Fraud Centre, (https://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2024/grc-rcmp/PS61-46-2022-eng.pdf) 420 reports of romance fraud were identified in 2022, representing total losses of $59 million.
This type of fraud affects men as much as women, (https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2949791423000131) and victims often share similar psychological and behavioural profiles.
How do fraudsters operate?
Although scammers use a variety of strategies, sentimental scams tend to follow a predictable pattern.
Initial contact
The fraudster initiates contact on dating sites or social networks. Working under a carefully constructed fictitious identity, he or she displays high social status and presents himself or herself as living abroad or often on the move. This staging avoids the need for face-to-face meetings, while at the same time reinforcing his or her credibility.
Change of platform
The fraudster offers to continue the conversation on another platform, with the aim of diverting the victim from the original dating site or social network. These sites or social networks may delete the victims’ profiles, thus reducing the fraudsters’ chances of being able to complete the fraud.
Impossibility of meeting in person
There are many excuses for avoiding a face-to-face meeting, including travel, work commitments and family problems. Today, thanks to technological advances, some fraudsters use artificial intelligence tools to create false images or imitate voices, making their manipulations even more sophisticated. This was the case for Anne.
Building trust
The fraudster seeks to seduce his victim through frequent, thoughtful exchanges. He or she uses romantic messages or poems, regular phone calls, and even sends small gifts. This “love bombing” creates an intense emotional attachment and makes the victim more vulnerable to further requests.
Soliciting money
Whether it’s an alleged financial or health problem, the time inevitably comes when, once trust has been established, the fraudster solicits a money transfer. The first requests, generally modest so as not to arouse suspicion, gradually increase.
Threats and manipulation
If the victim begins to express doubts and refuses to respond to requests for money transfers, the fraudster may sometimes resort to threats, even going as far as talking about ending the relationship. In this case, the fraudster adopts a harsh, even offensive tone, seeking to emotionally destabilize the victim and force him or her to give in.
Underlying psychological factors
Love scams belong to the family of mass marketing frauds, a category of frauds that encompasses any deceitful act (https://fintrac-canafe.canada.ca/intel/operation/rf-eng) designed to extract money from a victim through deceptive or misleading means.
Victims of this type of fraud (http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/22576/1/Winning%20and%20Losing%20article.pdf) are often people in search of meaning, who are emotionally vulnerable.
They generally have a (https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/pdf/10.1089/cyber.2016.0729) more impulsive personality but also a benevolent one. They have more trust in authority, and are more inclined to comply with perceived demands from authority figures (whether real or fictitious). Victims have a strong need to maintain consistency with their previous commitments. That may lead them to maintain interaction with a fraudster even when they have doubts.
Although it is mocked and misunderstood, romance fraud is based on complex psychological mechanisms that exploit victims’ trust, emotions and vulnerability. By understanding these dynamics, it becomes possible to raise awareness and better protect people from these sophisticated scams, which have become ubiquitous in our connected world.
 
This article is republished from (https://theconversation.com) The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the (https://theconversation.com/brad-pitt-online-romance-fraud-shows-how-victims-are-influenced-by-complex-psychological-factors-247875) original article.

(https://www.psypost.org/how-social-media-twists-retracted-covid-19-papers-fueling-mistrust-in-science/) How social media twists retracted COVID-19 papers, fueling mistrust in science
Feb 12th 2025, 14:00

A recent study published in (https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/09636625241290142) Public Understanding of Science has shed light on how retractions of scientific papers, intended to correct errors and maintain the integrity of research, can be twisted on social media to spread misinformation and erode public trust in science. Researchers found that when articles about COVID-19 were retracted, the way people interpreted these retractions online depended heavily on their pre-existing beliefs about the pandemic and science itself.
The COVID-19 pandemic saw an unprecedented amount of scientific research emerge at rapid speed. However, this urgency also led to a number of studies being published that contained errors or even fabricated data. When these flawed studies are discovered, the scientific community has a system of retraction, where journals publicly withdraw the problematic articles. This process is meant to ensure the scientific record remains accurate and reliable.
However, scientists became concerned that in a climate of already declining public trust in science and increasing political division, retractions might backfire. Instead of reassuring the public that science corrects its mistakes, retractions could be misinterpreted as evidence that science is unreliable, biased, or even corrupt. This concern is amplified by the widespread use of social media, where retracted articles and discussions around them can quickly spread and be taken out of context.
“I’m generally interested in how people and organizations use (and misuse) science in order to advance their agendas,” said study author (https://www.rodabhari.info/) Rod Abhari, a doctoral candidate in the School of Communication at Northwestern University. “There’s a long history of this in the United States with corporations and conservative politicians misrepresenting science in order to obfuscate scientific consensuses around issues like tobacco harms and climate change. I became interested in retractions specifically during COVID-19, after seeing many accounts on Twitter, including Fox News commentator (https://x.com/IngrahamAngle/status/1268663163354058758) Laura Ingraham, using conspiracy theories about retractions in order to claim that science should not be trusted.”
In their study, the researchers examined discussions on the social media platform Twitter (now known as X) surrounding two specific scientific articles about COVID-19 that were later retracted. They chose these two articles because they were among the most widely shared retracted COVID-19 studies online, ensuring there was enough public discussion to analyze.
The first article, referred to as Mehra20 by the researchers, had made claims about the harmful effects of hydroxychloroquine, a drug that was controversially promoted as a COVID-19 treatment, particularly by then-President Donald Trump. This article was retracted due to concerns about the reliability of its data. The second article, called Rose21, focused on potential heart-related side effects of COVID-19 vaccines and was also retracted, although the exact reasons for its retraction were less clearly stated publicly.
The researchers collected a large dataset of 1,723 tweets that contained links to either the Mehra20 or Rose21 articles. They looked at tweets posted both before and after each article was officially retracted, over a period stretching from early February 2020 to the beginning of June 2023. To analyze the content of these tweets, they used a method called manual content analysis. This involved reading each tweet and categorizing them based on the topics discussed.
The researchers developed a set of categories that emerged from reading the tweets themselves and considering existing research on how scientific issues are discussed in public debates. These categories included whether a tweet discussed the findings of the article, whether it mentioned flaws in the study’s methods, whether it speculated about the motivations of the authors or publishers in initially publishing the article, and whether it discussed the reasons behind the article’s retraction.
To ensure the analysis was consistent and reliable, two independent confederates coded each tweet, and their coding was compared. When there were disagreements, a senior researcher made the final decision. This process helped to ensure that the analysis was as objective as possible. The researchers then looked at the patterns in these categories to understand how the online conversation around these retracted articles evolved over time and how it differed between the two articles.
The analysis revealed striking differences in how the retractions of Mehra20 and Rose21 were discussed on social media. In the case of Mehra20, before its retraction, many tweets uncritically shared its findings that hydroxychloroquine was harmful. Some of these tweets even used the article as evidence to criticize Donald Trump’s promotion of the drug. However, even before the retraction, a significant number of tweets also pointed out flaws in the study’s methods and called for it to be retracted. This critical discussion gained momentum after prominent scientists publicly raised concerns about the article.
Once Mehra20 was officially retracted, the online conversation shifted. Very few tweets continued to defend the article’s findings. Instead, the focus turned to discussing the flaws of the study and speculating about the motivations behind its initial publication. Many tweets suggested that the article had been published with a political agenda to undermine hydroxychloroquine and, by extension, Donald Trump.
Some even promoted conspiracy theories, suggesting that pharmaceutical companies had orchestrated the article to discredit a cheap drug and promote more profitable treatments. Conservative commentators also amplified this narrative, claiming the media had eagerly promoted the flawed article initially to attack Trump but were now downplaying its retraction.
The response to the retraction of Rose21 was very different. Before its retraction, almost all tweets sharing Rose21 presented its findings – suggesting vaccine harms – uncritically. Many users highlighted the fact that the article had been peer-reviewed as proof of its validity and used it to argue against vaccine policies or personal vaccination.
In stark contrast to Mehra20, very few tweets before retraction mentioned any flaws in Rose21. When Rose21 was retracted, the reaction from those who had shared it was largely to ignore the retraction or to frame it as an act of censorship. Many users claimed that the retraction was evidence of a conspiracy to suppress the “truth” about vaccine harms, often blaming pharmaceutical companies or a corrupt “establishment.”
The findings show that “that retractions are sometimes misinterpreted, including by prominent conservative pundits like Robert F. Kennedy and (https://www.ronjohnson.senate.gov/2021/12/sen-johnson-requests-records-from-top-medical-journals-regarding-retracted-studies) Senator Ron Johnson, as proof that scientific publishers are colluding with the Democratic Party, mainstream media, and the pharmaceutical industry,” Abhari told PsyPost. “In reality, retractions are an important and necessary part of the scientific process, and we should be more worried about scientific credibility if articles were not being retracted.”
“However, inconsistencies in the retraction process, including a lack of transparency in retraction notices, have helped these theories spread. To combat the spread of conspiracy theories, scientific publishers need to do better about issuing clear and transparent retraction notices (https://publicationethics.org/guidance/guideline/retraction-guidelines) in accordance with established retraction guidelines.”
The authors of Rose21 themselves contributed to this narrative, with one author publicly describing the retraction as political censorship. This framing allowed those who supported the article’s initial claims to dismiss the retraction as illegitimate and to continue using the article’s findings to support their anti-vaccine stance.
“I was surprised that some of the conspiracy theories around specific retractions were actually spread by scientists who had their research retracted, including Didier Raoult and (https://petermcculloughmd.substack.com/p/retracted-covid-19-articles-significantly) Peter McCullough,” Abhari said. “Rather than accepting their own errors or misconduct, these scientists instead presented their retractions as censorship on social media in order to situate themselves as courageous truth tellers, expand their online followings, and sow deeper scientific distrust.”
The researchers acknowledge that their study has some limitations. They only looked at discussions on Twitter, so the patterns observed might not be representative of all social media platforms or online discussions more broadly. They also focused on only two highly publicized retracted articles, and most retractions likely receive far less public attention. Furthermore, their analysis only included tweets that contained direct links to the articles, potentially missing some relevant discussions that did not include links.
Nevertheless, the study highlights a serious challenge for science communication. In a politicized environment, retractions, which are intended to be a sign of scientific rigor and self-correction, can be twisted to fuel misinformation and deepen distrust in science. The research underscores the importance of transparent and clear communication from journals and publishers when issuing retractions.
“Despite how unlikely retractions conspiracies are, retractions, like other scientific publishing decisions, are not democratic decisions,” Abhari told PsyPost. “They rely on the expert judgment of editorial staff and typically happen in closed door meetings. Usually the public is only privy to retraction notices, which range from detailed descriptions of the incident to (https://retractionwatch.com/2013/02/25/is-an-article-in-press-published-a-word-about-elseviers-withdrawal-policy/) no description at all. Thus, it’s unsurprising that, at a time of widespread scientific distrust, those who consume science skeptical media might also question the motivations for retractions.”
The long-term goal is to provide insights that can provide insights for better science policy and institutional management.
“I am interested in researching the effects of scientific governance on public trust in science,” Abhari said. “Public trust in science is essential for science to have a public impact, from promoting healthy behaviors to passing policies to protect our futures. My current studies are looking at how science credibility is discussed in news media coverage of retractions and the cognitive effects of exposure to retractions on scientific trust. My ultimate goal is to inform better decisions at all levels of scientific governance.”
The study, “(https://doi.org/10.1177/09636625241290142) “They Only Silence the Truth”: COVID-19 retractions and the politicization of science,” was authored by Rod Abhari and Emőke-Ágnes Horvát.

(https://www.psypost.org/color-blind-racial-ideology-linked-to-different-romantic-preferences-for-white-and-black-young-adults/) Color-blind racial ideology linked to different romantic preferences for White and Black young adults
Feb 12th 2025, 12:00

A new study found that White young adults who accept color-blind racial ideology tend to show greater romantic attraction to White individuals, while Black young adults who are more accepting of this ideology tend to show lower romantic attraction to Black individuals. The paper was published in (https://doi.org/10.1111/pere.12577) Personal Relationships.
There is an old saying that “birds of a feather flock together.” This means that people with similar characteristics tend to be attracted to one another. Studies seem to support this idea in the context of romantic relationships. For example, partners who perceive a high level of similarity with each other tend to experience greater marital happiness, remain together longer, and have more children than couples who perceive less similarity. Scientists refer to this phenomenon as the principle of homogamy.
One characteristic that may contribute to feelings of similarity is race. People might perceive others of their own race as more similar than those of different races, and consequently prefer them as romantic partners, in accordance with the principle of homogamy. Some studies support this notion. For instance, a study published in 2008 reported that people strongly prefer to date same-race partners despite having diverse dating opportunities. However, because individuals differ in the characteristics they consider important when assessing similarity, not everyone may favor those of their own race as potential romantic partners.
Study author James E. Brooks and his colleagues sought to explore whether racial ideologies are connected to what they call same-race bias among young adults. In other words, they aimed to determine whether romantic preferences for individuals of one’s own race compared to those of other races depend on one’s racial ideology.
The researchers hypothesized that participants would report greater attraction toward individuals from their own racial group. They also believed that color-blind racial ideology would influence this effect—but in opposite directions for White and Black participants. More specifically, they expected that White individuals who are more accepting of color-blind racial ideology would show a stronger preference for White partners, while Black individuals with higher acceptance of this ideology would exhibit a weaker romantic preference for Black partners.
Color-blind racial ideology is the belief that race should not be acknowledged or considered in social interactions, policies, or decision-making, often based on the assumption that treating everyone the same will lead to racial equality. It is typically divided into two components: color evasion, which denies racial differences and claims that race does not matter, and power evasion, which rejects the existence of systemic racial privilege and discrimination.
The study involved 374 individuals between the ages of 18 and 25, recruited via Prolific. All participants identified as either Black or White. The final sample consisted of 107 White men, 81 White women, 70 Black men, and 108 Black women.
Participants were presented with dating profiles of six individuals—three Black individuals and three White individuals of the gender to which the participant reported being attracted. The profiles were balanced in terms of physical attractiveness. Each profile contained a color photograph and a short description of the person. Participants rated their romantic attraction to these profiles using five items (e.g., “I would be excited to get to know her better”) and completed assessments measuring their endorsement of color-blind racial ideology (via the Color-Blind Racial Attitudes Scale) and multiculturalism (via the Multicultural Ideology Scale).
The results showed that Black participants endorsed multicultural ideology more strongly than White participants did. Additionally, men showed greater endorsement of color-blind racial ideology than women did. Overall, Black and White participants did not differ in their romantic attraction to profiles of individuals from different races; however, participants reported a moderately higher romantic attraction for individuals of their own race.
Interestingly, the degree of romantic attraction to individuals of another race depended on the level of acceptance of color‐blind racial ideology. Among White participants, the same‐race bias increased as their endorsement of color‐blind racial ideology increased. In other words, the difference in attraction between profiles of White and Black individuals became larger among White participants with higher acceptance of the ideology. In contrast, among Black participants, those with higher endorsement of color‐blind racial ideology exhibited a weaker same‐race bias compared to those with lower endorsement.
Additionally, White men showed a higher same-race bias than White women, whereas Black men showed a lower same-race bias than Black women.
This study sheds light on the role of race in romantic attraction. However, it should be noted that the research was conducted on a group of young people and was limited exclusively to individuals identifying as Black or White; results might differ for other demographic groups.
The paper, “(https://doi.org/10.1111/pere.12577) Same-race bias in romantic attraction among young adults: Daters’ race, gender, and racial ideologies,” was authored by James E. Brooks, Chandler K. Hawkins, and Dionne A. White.

(https://www.psypost.org/ketamine-shows-promise-for-severe-obsessive-compulsive-disorder-in-new-study/) Ketamine shows promise for severe obsessive-compulsive disorder in new study
Feb 12th 2025, 10:00

A recent study published in the (https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/02698811241301215) Journal of Psychopharmacology has offered encouraging preliminary findings for individuals with severe obsessive-compulsive disorder who have not responded to standard treatments. Researchers discovered that a single injection of ketamine, an anesthetic medication, led to a rapid reduction in obsessive thoughts and compulsive behaviors. This improvement was significantly greater compared to an active control medication, suggesting ketamine might be a valuable option for those who find little relief from existing therapies.
Obsessive-compulsive disorder, often called OCD, is a mental health condition characterized by persistent, intrusive thoughts and repetitive actions. These unwanted thoughts, known as obsessions, can cause significant anxiety and distress. To manage this anxiety, people with OCD often engage in compulsions, which are repetitive behaviors or mental acts they feel compelled to perform.
While the exact number of people affected varies, it’s estimated that between 0.5% and 3% of the population will experience OCD at some point in their lives. This condition can severely impact daily life, often disrupting work, relationships, and overall well-being to a degree comparable to major depression or schizophrenia. Unfortunately, many individuals with OCD also struggle with other mental health conditions like depression and anxiety disorders, making treatment even more complex.
Typical treatments for OCD include antidepressant medications and various forms of psychotherapy, such as cognitive behavioral therapy. However, a significant portion of individuals with OCD do not experience sufficient relief from these conventional approaches. Medications can take weeks to become effective, and even then, many people continue to have troublesome symptoms. Psychotherapy can be helpful, but it also requires time and commitment. Approximately one in four individuals with OCD do not respond to current treatments at all. Given these limitations and the substantial suffering associated with treatment-resistant OCD, there is a pressing need to explore new and potentially faster-acting treatment options.
Ketamine, a medication that affects brain signaling, has gained attention for its rapid antidepressant effects, particularly in cases where standard antidepressants have failed. While research on ketamine for other mental health conditions is growing, its potential for treating OCD is less understood. Prior to this study, only one small, controlled trial had investigated ketamine for OCD, using intravenous infusions. That study suggested benefit, but more research was needed to confirm these findings, explore different ways of administering ketamine, and determine the most effective dose.
Researchers in New Zealand aimed to address these gaps by conducting a new trial to evaluate ketamine injections for OCD in a community setting. They wanted to compare different doses of ketamine against a psychoactive control medication to understand how well it works, how safe it is, and what the optimal dose might be for individuals with treatment-resistant OCD.
“Ketamine treatment for depression is the most exciting psychiatric treatment that has emerged in decades. As there are many similarities between depression and other psychiatric disorders including OCD, our focus was whether there are also benefits associated with ketamine treatment for OCD,” said study author Ben Beaglehole, an associate professor at the University of Otago.
To conduct their study, the researchers recruited individuals from the community who had been diagnosed with severe OCD that had not responded to previous treatments. Participants were required to have a score of 26 or higher on the Yale-Brown Obsessive-Compulsive Scale, a standard questionnaire used to measure the severity of OCD symptoms. They also had to be between 18 and 50 years old, in generally good health, and have tried at least two different antidepressant medications and one type of psychotherapy without sufficient improvement. Individuals with other serious medical or psychiatric conditions, such as schizophrenia or bipolar disorder, or those with current substance abuse problems, were excluded from the study to ensure the safety and focus of the research.
The study employed a randomized, double-blind, active-controlled crossover design. This means that participants were randomly assigned to receive different treatments in different sessions, and neither the participants nor the researchers administering the medication knew which treatment was being given at any particular time. The “active-controlled” aspect means that instead of comparing ketamine to a placebo (an inactive substance), it was compared to fentanyl, a strong pain medication that also has psychoactive effects. This was used as a control to account for some of the subjective experiences that might influence how participants reported their symptoms.
The treatments were given as single intramuscular injections, similar to a flu shot, in the arm muscle. Participants received three injections in total, each at least a week apart, in a randomized order. The three injections were: a lower dose of ketamine (0.5 milligrams per kilogram of body weight), a higher dose of ketamine (1.0 milligrams per kilogram of body weight), and fentanyl (50 micrograms). To help prevent nausea, a common side effect of ketamine, participants were given an anti-nausea medication an hour before each injection.
Throughout the study, researchers carefully monitored participants’ OCD symptoms, safety, and how well they tolerated each treatment. Before each injection session and at various time points afterwards (1, 2, 24, and 168 hours), participants completed the Yale-Brown Obsessive-Compulsive Scale to assess their OCD symptom severity. Researchers also measured vital signs like blood pressure and heart rate at regular intervals. To assess dissociation, a common side effect of ketamine involving feeling detached from reality, they used the Clinician-Administered Dissociative States Scale. Participants were also asked about any adverse events or side effects they experienced during and after each treatment session. Two hours after each injection, participants were assessed to ensure they were safe to leave the clinic.
The study found that both doses of ketamine led to a greater reduction in OCD symptoms compared to fentanyl. This reduction was observed as early as one to two hours after the injection and persisted for at least 24 hours. When looking at whether individuals responded to treatment – defined as a 50% or greater reduction in OCD symptoms after 24 hours – the lower dose of ketamine (0.5 milligrams per kilogram) appeared particularly promising. Sixty percent of participants showed a positive response to the lower dose of ketamine, compared to only 18% with the higher dose and 10% with fentanyl. Although both doses of ketamine were more effective than fentanyl in reducing overall OCD scores, the higher dose did not show a significantly greater reduction than the lower dose.
Regarding safety and tolerability, both doses of ketamine caused temporary increases in blood pressure and heart rate, which returned to normal within about an hour. As expected, ketamine also caused dissociative symptoms in all participants, starting shortly after the injection and peaking within 15 to 30 minutes. These dissociative effects were more pronounced with the higher dose of ketamine. Fentanyl, in contrast, caused minimal dissociative effects, mainly just some drowsiness.
Two participants dropped out of the study after receiving the higher dose of ketamine because they found the dissociative effects too distressing. This suggests that while ketamine can be effective, the higher dose may be less tolerable for some individuals with OCD, particularly due to its dissociative effects.
It is important to consider the preliminary nature of the study. The number of participants was relatively small, which means the findings need to be confirmed in larger studies. The study only examined the short-term effects of a single dose of ketamine, so it does not provide information about the long-term benefits or the effects of repeated ketamine treatments for OCD.
“This was a small study so the finding that ketamine was associated with benefits for OCD should be regarded tentatively,” Beaglehole told PsyPost. “The average person should watch this space to see if more positive studies emerge.”
Another challenge was the difficulty in keeping participants and researchers unaware of which treatment was being given. Because ketamine has noticeable psychoactive effects, particularly dissociation, it is likely that participants could tell when they received ketamine. This lack of perfect blinding could potentially influence the results, as expectations about ketamine’s effects might have played a role in the reported symptom improvements.
“One of the main concerns with ketamine studies is the challenge with blinding participants to the medication they are receiving,” Beaglehole explained. “In this case of our study, we suspect participants knew which doses were fentanyl and which were ketamine. There is no easy solution to this problem but perhaps ascending dose studies and the use of oral ketamine with fewer side effects provide a partial answer.”
“Most psychiatric disorders are long-term conditions. However, many of the new ketamine and psychedelic studies evaluate outcomes over the short-term. We are shifting our research focus to using oral ketamine delivered over repeated doses to provide a better tolerated experience and see if benefits can be sustained. We are also researching the role of psychotherapy combined with ketamine to see if this prevents the relapse that often occurs when short-term courses of ketamine finish.”
The study, “(https://doi.org/10.1177/02698811241301215) Ketamine for treatment-resistant obsessive-compulsive disorder: Double-blind active-controlled crossover study,” was authored by Ben Beaglehole, Paul Glue, Shona Neehoff, Shabah Shadli, Neil McNaughton, Bridget Kimber, Chrissie Muirhead, Aroha de Bie, Rachel Day-Brown, and Natalie J Hughes-Medlicott.

Forwarded by:
Michael Reeder LCPC
Baltimore, MD

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