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(https://www.psypost.org/what-do-genes-have-to-do-with-psychology-they-likely-influence-your-behavior-more-than-you-realize/) What do genes have to do with psychology? They likely influence your behavior more than you realize
Aug 26th 2024, 10:00
As a species, humans like to think that we are fully in control of our decisions and behavior. But just below the surface, forces beyond our conscious control influence how we think and behave: our genes.
(https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.1993.03510190107035) Since the 1950s, scientists have been studying the (https://doi.org/10.1002/ajhb.20663) influences genes have on human health. This has led (https://www.nih.gov/about-nih/what-we-do/nih-turning-discovery-into-health/promise-precision-medicine) medical professionals, researchers and (https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/precision-medicine) policymakers to advocate for the use of (https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.2015.3595) precision medicine to personalize diagnosis and treatment of diseases, leading to quicker (https://doi.org/10.1377/hlthaff.2017.1624) improvements to patient well-being.
But the influence of genes on psychology has been overlooked.
(https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=YBPxHqkAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao) My research addresses how genes influence human psychology and behavior. Here are some specific ways (https://doi.org/10.1177/17456916241227152) psychologists can use genetic conflict theory to better understand human behavior – and potentially advance the treatment of psychological issues.
What do genes have to do with it?
(https://doi.org/10.1086/418300) Genetic conflict theory proposes that though our genes blend together to make us who we are, they retain markers indicating whether they came from mom or dad. These markers cause the genes to (https://theconversation.com/pregnancy-is-a-genetic-battlefield-how-conflicts-of-interest-pit-moms-and-dads-genes-against-each-other-193807) either cooperate or fight with one another as we grow and develop. Research in genetic conflict primarily focuses on pregnancy, since this is one of the few times in human development when the influence of different sets of genes can be clearly observed in one individual.
Typically, maternal and paternal genes have different ideal strategies for growth and development. While genes from mom and dad ultimately find ways to cooperate with one another that result in normal growth and development, these genes benefit by (https://theconversation.com/pregnancy-is-a-genetic-battlefield-how-conflicts-of-interest-pit-moms-and-dads-genes-against-each-other-193807) nudging fetal development to be slightly more in line with what’s optimal for the parent they come from. Genes from mom try to keep mom healthy and with enough resources left for another pregnancy, while genes from dad benefit from the fetus taking all of mom’s resources for itself.
When genes are not able to compromise, however, this can result in (https://theconversation.com/pregnancy-is-a-genetic-battlefield-how-conflicts-of-interest-pit-moms-and-dads-genes-against-each-other-193807) undesirable outcomes such as physical and mental deficits for the baby or even miscarriage.
While genetic conflict is a normal occurrence, its influence has largely been overlooked in psychology. One reason is because researchers (https://www.cdc.gov/genomics-and-health/about/genetic-disorders.html#) assume that genetic cooperation is necessary for the health and well-being of the individual. Another reason is because most human traits are (https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ajhg.2021.07.003) controlled by many genes. For example, height is determined by a combination of (https://www.science.org/content/article/landmark-study-resolves-major-mystery-how-genes-govern-human-height) 10,000 genetic variants, and skin color is determined by (https://doi.org/10.1159/000518826) more than 150 genes.
The complex nature of psychology and behavior makes it hard to pinpoint the unique influence of a single gene, let alone which parent it came from. Take, for example, depression. Not only is the likelihood of developing depression influenced by (https://doi.org/10.1038/s41380-023-01957-9) 200 different genes, it is also affected by environmental inputs such as (https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2014.00048) childhood maltreatment and stressful life events. Researchers have also studied similar complex interactions for (https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-122414-033408) stress- and anxiety-related disorders.
Prader-Willi and Angelman syndromes
When researchers study genetic conflict, they have typically focused on (https://www.nature.com/scitable/topicpage/genomic-imprinting-and-patterns-of-disease-inheritance-899/) its link to disease, unintentionally documenting the influence of genetic conflict on psychology.
Specifically, researchers have studied how extreme instances of genetic conflict – such as when the influence of one set of parental genes is fully expressed while the other set is completely silenced – are associated with changes in behavior by studying people who have Prader-Willi syndrome and Angelman syndrome.
Prader-Willi and Angelman syndromes are rare genetic disorders affecting about (https://doi.org/10.3390/genes10090713) 1 in 10,000 to 30,000 and (https://medlineplus.gov/genetics/condition/angelman-syndrome/#frequency) 1 in 12,000 to 20,000 people around the world, respectively. There is currently no long-term treatment available for either condition.
These syndromes develop in patients (https://www.nature.com/scitable/topicpage/imprinting-and-genetic-disease-angelman-prader-willi-923/) missing one copy of a gene on chromosome 15 that is needed for balanced growth and development. Someone who inherits only the version of the gene from their dad will develop Angelman syndrome, while someone who has only the version of the gene from their mom will develop Prader-Willi syndrome.
(https://images.theconversation.com/files/608216/original/file-20240719-17-yreguf.png?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip) Prader-Willi and Angelman syndromes both involve mutations to a specific gene on chromosome 15. Prader-Willi results from the suppression of the paternal version of the gene, while Angelman results from the suppression of the maternal version of the gene. Paternally expressed genes are marked in blue, maternally expressed genes in red, and genes expressed from both parents in pink. (Yang et at. 2021, genes/MDPI, CC BY-SA)
(https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/angelman-syndrome/symptoms-causes/syc-20355621#.) Physical hallmarks of Angelman syndrome include major developmental delays, intellectual disabilities, trouble moving, trouble eating and excessive smiling. (https://rarediseases.org/rare-diseases/prader-willi-syndrome/) Physical hallmarks of Prader-Willi syndrome include diminished muscle tone, feeding difficulties, hormone deficiencies, short stature and extreme overeating in childhood.
These syndromes represent one of the few instances where the influence of a single missing gene can be clearly observed. While both (https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2788.1995.tb00477.x) Angelman and (https://doi.org/10.2147/ndt.s5560) Prader-Willi syndromes are associated with language, cognitive, eating and sleeping issues, they are also associated with clear differences in psychology and behavior.
For example, children with Angelman syndrome (https://doi.org/10.1352/0895-8017(2002)107%3C0194:EOEEOS%3E2.0.CO;2) smile, laugh and generally want to (https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-023-30199-6) engage in social interactions. These behaviors are associated with an (https://doi.org/10.1352/0895-8017(2002)107%3C0194:EOEEOS%3E2.0.CO;2) increased ability to gain resources and investment from those around them.
Children with Prader-Willi syndrome, on the other hand, experience (https://doi.org/10.1002/ajmg.a.40480) tantrums, (https://doi.org/10.1111/jir.12707) anxiety and have (https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-012-1547-3) difficulties in social situations. These behaviors are associated with increased hardships on mothers early in the individual’s life, potentially delaying when their mother will have another child. This would therefore (https://doi.org/10.1093/emph/eou005) increase the child’s access to resources such as food and parental attention.
Genetic conflict in psychology and behavior
Angelman syndrome and Prader-Willi syndrome highlight the importance of investigating genetic conflict’s influence on psychology and behavior. Researchers have documented differences in temperament, sociability, mental health (https://doi.org/10.1111/jir.12635) and attachment in these disorders.
The differences in the psychological processes between these syndromes are similar to the proposed effects of genetic conflict. Genetic conflict influences attachment by determining the (https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-17426-1_8) responsiveness and sensitivity of the parent-child relationship through differences in behavior and resource needs. This relationship begins forming while the child is (https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psyneuen.2012.05.014) still in utero and helps calibrate how (https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2010.11.007) reactive they will be to different social situations. While this calibration of responses starts at a purely biological level in the womb, it results in unique patterns of (https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2006.1942) social behaviors that influence everything from how we (https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-122216-011732) handle stress to (https://doi.org/10.1375/twin.11.1.1) our personalities.
Since most scientists don’t consider the influence of genetic conflict on human behavior, much of this research is still theoretical. Researchers have had to find similarities across disciplines to see how the biological process of genetic conflict influences psychological processes. Research on Angelman and Prader-Willi syndromes is only one example of how integrating a genetic conflict framework into psychological research can provide researchers an avenue to study how our biology makes us uniquely human.
This article is republished from (https://theconversation.com) The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the (https://theconversation.com/what-do-genes-have-to-do-with-psychology-they-likely-influence-your-behavior-more-than-you-realize-227036) original article.
(https://www.psypost.org/porn-addiction-are-your-habits-problematic-this-test-can-tell-you/) Porn addiction: Are your habits problematic? This test can tell you
Aug 26th 2024, 08:00
As pornography becomes increasingly accessible, the question of how its consumption impacts individuals is gaining attention. For some, viewing pornography is a casual activity with little consequence. However, for others, it can evolve into a pattern of behavior that disrupts daily life, relationships, and mental health. But how can you tell if your pornography use is problematic? Researchers have developed a tool that might provide the answer — the Problematic Pornography Consumption Scale.
The Debate Over “Pornography Addiction”
The term “pornography addiction” is often used in casual conversation, but it remains a controversial topic among scientists and mental health professionals. Unlike substance addictions, where dependency on a chemical substance is clear, the concept of being “addicted” to a behavior like watching pornography is more complex. Many researchers argue that labeling someone as “addicted” based solely on self-reported behaviors without clinical diagnosis is inappropriate.
As a result, the term “problematic pornography use” (PPU) is more commonly preferred in academic circles. PPU refers to patterns of pornography consumption that lead to significant distress or impairment in daily life, without necessarily implying addiction. This more nuanced term recognizes that the issue isn’t the mere act of watching pornography but the negative consequences it can have for some individuals.
The Development of the Problematic Pornography Consumption Scale
Recognizing the need for a reliable way to assess problematic pornography use (PPU), researchers—led by Beáta Bőthe—(https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2017.1291798) set out to develop a tool that could accurately measure the severity of an individual’s pornography consumption and its impact on their life. The outcome of this effort, published in 2018, was the Problematic Pornography Consumption Scale (PPCS), a psychometric instrument grounded in robust theoretical principles and designed to fill significant gaps left by previous measures.
Before the development of the PPCS, existing tools for assessing pornography use often lacked comprehensive theoretical underpinnings and failed to capture the multifaceted nature of problematic use. Many scales focused primarily on the frequency of use or time spent watching pornography, which alone (https://www.psypost.org/frequent-pornography-use-is-not-a-sufficient-indicator-of-problematic-use/) are insufficient indicators of whether a person’s consumption is truly problematic.
To address these shortcomings, Bőthe and her team based the PPCS on the components model of addiction, originally conceptualized by Mark Griffiths. This model is widely used to understand various addictive behaviors and identifies six core elements that characterize addiction: salience, mood modification, tolerance, withdrawal, conflict, and relapse.
Each of these six components was meticulously operationalized into specific items on the PPCS to ensure a thorough assessment of PPU. For instance:
Salience: This component examines the extent to which pornography dominates a person’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. Questions related to salience assess how central pornography is to a person’s life, such as whether they often think about it or prioritize it over other activities.
Mood Modification: This dimension explores how individuals use pornography to alter their emotional state. Items assessing mood modification ask whether watching pornography is used as a way to relieve stress, reduce anxiety, or enhance mood.
Tolerance: The tolerance component addresses whether individuals need increasingly larger amounts of pornography or more extreme content to achieve the same effects. Questions related to tolerance investigate whether a person finds themselves consuming more or different types of pornography over time.
Withdrawal: Withdrawal is characterized by the negative emotional and physical symptoms that occur when pornography use is reduced or stopped. The PPCS includes items that assess whether individuals feel agitated, stressed, or uncomfortable when they are unable to watch pornography.
Conflict: This element examines the interpersonal and intrapersonal conflicts arising from pornography use. Items in this category explore whether pornography use leads to arguments with partners, interferes with work or school, or causes internal conflict due to guilt or shame.
Relapse: Finally, the relapse component assesses the tendency for individuals to return to problematic pornography use after attempting to reduce or quit. The PPCS asks about experiences of relapse, such as whether a person has tried to cut down on their use but quickly reverted to previous levels of consumption.
The Problematic Pornography Consumption Scale offers a scientifically validated way to assess whether pornography use is becoming a problem. By focusing on the behavioral and emotional aspects of use, rather than merely the frequency, the PPCS provides a more accurate picture of who might be struggling with PPU.
Predictors and Correlates of Problematic Pornography Use
Recent studies using the PPCS and other related tools have shed light on who is most at risk for PPU and what factors contribute to it. One large international study found that problematic pornography use (https://www.psypost.org/new-research-sheds-light-on-the-global-impact-of-problematic-pornography-use/) affects up to 16.6% of people worldwide, with men more likely than women to report issues. The study also highlighted that PPU is as prevalent as other well-known mental health issues, such as depression, suggesting the need for better awareness and treatment options.
Several key predictors of PPU have been identified through research. The most consistent predictor is the frequency of pornography use—those who watch more often are more likely to develop problematic patterns. However, it’s not just about how much you watch. Emotional factors play a significant role too. People who (https://www.psypost.org/ai-identifies-key-risk-factors-for-problematic-pornography-use/) use pornography to avoid negative emotions, such as stress or anxiety, are at higher risk of PPU. Additionally, moral incongruence—feeling that one’s pornography use contradicts personal values—has been linked to more severe PPU.
Sexual shame and the use of pornography as a stress-relief mechanism are also significant predictors. Those who feel ashamed of their sexual behaviors are more likely to experience PPU, as are individuals who turn to pornography as a way to cope with life’s pressures. Interestingly, while men are statistically more likely to report PPU, gender was not the most crucial factor, suggesting that PPU can affect anyone, regardless of gender.
Take the Test
Problematic Pornography Consumption Scale
Please, think back to the last six months and indicate how often or to what extent the statements apply to you.
I felt that porn is an important part of my life.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I used porn to restore the tranquility of my feelings.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I felt porn caused problems in my sexual life.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I felt that I had to watch more and more porn for satisfaction.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I unsuccessfully tried to reduce the amount of porn I watch.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I became stressed when something prevented me from watching porn.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I thought about how good it would be to watch porn.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
Watching porn got rid of my negative feelings.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
Watching porn prevented me from bringing out the best in me.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I felt that I needed more and more porn in order to satisfy my needs.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
When I vowed not to watch porn anymore, I could only do it for a short period of time.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I became agitated when I was unable to watch porn.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I continually planned when to watch porn.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I released my tension by watching porn.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I neglected other leisure activities as a result of watching porn.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I gradually watched more “extreme” porn, because the porn I watched before was less satisfying.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I resisted watching porn for only a little while before I relapsed.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
I missed porn greatly when I didn’t watch it for a while.
Never
Rarely
Occasionally
Sometimes
Often
Very often
All the time
Submit
The information presented in this article is intended for informational purposes only and should not be construed as medical advice, diagnosis, or treatment. The Problematic Pornography Consumption Scale and related discussions are based on research and are designed to provide insights into patterns of pornography use. However, the scale is not a substitute for professional evaluation or intervention. If you are concerned about your pornography use or believe it is impacting your mental health or daily life, we strongly encourage you to seek advice from a qualified healthcare professional or mental health provider.
(https://www.psypost.org/people-adopt-anti-establishment-attitudes-when-they-feel-threatened-study-suggests/) People adopt anti-establishment attitudes when they feel threatened, study suggests
Aug 26th 2024, 06:00
A series of four studies confirmed the link between feeling threatened and anti-establishment attitudes. The type of threat in question was not important, as both realistic and symbolic threats predicted anti-establishment attitudes. The research was published in (https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2024.2360584) Cognition and Emotion.
Many people feel threatened by ongoing developments in their societies. They may feel threatened by current political ideologies, economic developments, military conflicts their society is engaged in, or by more complex developments (e.g., economic changes driven by climate change). As a result, they may develop negative sentiments toward the current situation in their society, i.e., develop anti-establishment attitudes.
Anti-establishment attitudes are beliefs and sentiments that oppose or reject the existing political, social, or economic systems and the authorities that uphold them. Individuals with anti-establishment views may advocate for significant reforms, radical changes, or even the complete overthrow of current systems. Such attitudes can manifest in various forms, from peaceful protests to more extreme actions like rebellion or revolution.
Study author David Abadi and his colleagues focused on two types of anti-establishment attitudes—conspiracy beliefs and populist attitudes. Conspiracy beliefs are convictions that powerful, secretive groups or individuals are manipulating events and information for their own benefit, typically at the expense of the general public. Populist attitudes emphasize the idea of “the people” versus “the elite,” advocating for the rights and power of ordinary citizens against perceived corrupt or out-of-touch elites. The authors note that anti-establishment attitudes are rooted in people’s anxiety.
They sought to determine which types of threats are most important in predicting these anti-establishment attitudes. Are these realistic threats (e.g., threats to personal economic status, financial resources, or well-being), symbolic threats (e.g., threats to one’s system of values, cultural identity, or way of life), or both? They conducted a series of four studies to find out.
The first study focused on two realistic threats stemming from the COVID-19 pandemic: the fear of contracting the COVID-19 virus (health threat) and the fear of the pandemic’s implications for the economy and public safety (societal threats). They analyzed data from a large-scale study in the Netherlands. One set of data came from 9,033 people who responded in April 2020 to questions about how worried they felt about the two mentioned types of threats and who completed a conspiracy mentality assessment (the Conspiracy Mentality Questionnaire). Six months later, 5,745 of these individuals completed an assessment of populist attitudes.
Study 2 analyzed data from a large-scale online panel conducted in 13 EU countries, involving over 70,000 participants. This study yielded similar data but distinguished between symbolic and realistic threats (fear of losing national culture and identity vs. fear of losing one’s job). In addition to assessments similar to Study 1, this study also included an assessment of political ideology. Study 3 included 8,059 participants and was similar to Study 2 in design and the multinational structure of participants. Study 4 increased the number of threats to four, with responses coming from participants in Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, and the U.K.
Study 1 showed that societal threats (threats to the economy and society from COVID-19) predicted both populist attitudes and conspiracy mentality, but the health threat used in the study did not. In other words, those perceiving a higher threat to the economy and society from COVID-19 tended to report stronger anti-establishment attitudes. However, the fear of personally contracting COVID-19 was not associated with either of the two anti-establishment attitudes.
In contrast, the results of Study 2 showed that both the symbolic and realistic threats used predicted both populist attitudes and conspiracy mentality. Additionally, women, less-educated individuals, and those with left-wing views tended to have stronger anti-establishment attitudes of both types. Study 3 confirmed the main findings: both symbolic and realistic threats predicted anti-establishment attitudes. However, in this study, education and gender were not associated with anti-establishment attitudes, but such attitudes tended to be somewhat stronger in older participants.
Finally, Study 4 differentiated between four types of threats: health threats (effects of coronavirus), climate threats (e.g., “How likely do you think it is that there will be food scarcity in your country?”), economic threats, and symbolic threats (threats to traditions due to immigration). Results showed that individuals feeling greater anxiety due to the effects of COVID-19 (health threat) and feeling a threat to their economic status tended to have stronger populist attitudes. On the other hand, individuals reporting higher levels of anxiety due to climate threats and economic threats, but not health threats, tended to have higher levels of conspiracy mentality.
“In conclusion, the current data show that both realistic and symbolic threats predict anti-establishment attitudes and therefore support the idea that generalized feelings of anxiety predict anti-establishment sentiments, relatively independent of what exactly has caused these feelings,” the study authors concluded.
The study sheds light on the association between feelings of threat and anti-establishment sentiments. However, it should be noted that all four studies were based solely on self-reports, leaving room for reporting bias to affect the results. Additionally, the design of these studies does not allow cause-and-effect inferences to be derived from the results.
The study, “(https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2024.2360584) Anti-establishment sentiments: realistic and symbolic threat appraisals predict populist attitudes and conspiracy mentality,” was authored by David Abadi, Jan Willem van Prooijen, André Krouwel, and Agneta H. Fischer.
Forwarded by:
Michael Reeder LCPC
Baltimore, MD
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